Pub Date : 2020-12-21DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1860948
J. Evershed
Negotiating a Settlement in Northern Ireland, 1969–2019 is the most recent collaborative, book-length contribution to the vast literature on the conflict in and about Northern Ireland by two schola...
{"title":"Negotiating a settlement in Northern Ireland, 1969–2019","authors":"J. Evershed","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1860948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1860948","url":null,"abstract":"Negotiating a Settlement in Northern Ireland, 1969–2019 is the most recent collaborative, book-length contribution to the vast literature on the conflict in and about Northern Ireland by two schola...","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1860948","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45696607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-17DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1864843
B. Kushner
After my initial submission of this decision letter, I realized I had made a mistake in items 7 and 8 below. I correct this mistake in this opening section and then continue with the decision letter as originally submitted, mistakes and all. The previous version claimed that the genotype likelihood is binomial. But because error ( ) varies among sequencing reads, the probability (p) of observing the reference allele also varies, and the likelihood is not binomial. To calculate it without approximations, one would need to sum across all ways of partitioning the C reads among the two alleles of each heterozygous genotype. Avoiding this sum requires approximations, even in the diploid case. For example, consider the model of Li et al. [2008, sec 1 and Eqns. 9–11 of Supplementary Materials]. Their approach is similar to that of the current manuscript in that it estimates each genotype from sequencing reads at an individual nucleotide site, rather than from several linked sites. It differs in that it deals only with diploids. To avoid summing across partitions, those authors approximate the likelihood of heterozygote genotypes using a binomial formula that ignores sequencing error altogether. In the manuscript of Sorragi et al, the central problem is a lack of clarity in section 1.2 of Supplementary Materials, both in the text and in the equations. In addition to the points I make below, I would add that we need some discussion of the approximations used to avoid the sum over partitions.
{"title":"Correction","authors":"B. Kushner","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1864843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1864843","url":null,"abstract":"After my initial submission of this decision letter, I realized I had made a mistake in items 7 and 8 below. I correct this mistake in this opening section and then continue with the decision letter as originally submitted, mistakes and all. The previous version claimed that the genotype likelihood is binomial. But because error ( ) varies among sequencing reads, the probability (p) of observing the reference allele also varies, and the likelihood is not binomial. To calculate it without approximations, one would need to sum across all ways of partitioning the C reads among the two alleles of each heterozygous genotype. Avoiding this sum requires approximations, even in the diploid case. For example, consider the model of Li et al. [2008, sec 1 and Eqns. 9–11 of Supplementary Materials]. Their approach is similar to that of the current manuscript in that it estimates each genotype from sequencing reads at an individual nucleotide site, rather than from several linked sites. It differs in that it deals only with diploids. To avoid summing across partitions, those authors approximate the likelihood of heterozygote genotypes using a binomial formula that ignores sequencing error altogether. In the manuscript of Sorragi et al, the central problem is a lack of clarity in section 1.2 of Supplementary Materials, both in the text and in the equations. In addition to the points I make below, I would add that we need some discussion of the approximations used to avoid the sum over partitions.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1864843","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44628677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-16DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1858811
B. Taşkın
ABSTRACT The March 2019 provincial and municipal elections in Turkey consolidated a two-bloc system consisting of an AKP-led alliance in favour of a presidential system and an alliance headed by the CHP which is against a presidential system. An urban–rural cleavage underlies and increases the polarization among Turkey’s voters. The CHP has gained control over the wealthy and populous metropolitan municipalities whereas the AKP still holds majorities in the provincial assemblies. The 2019 local elections also highlight the increasing reliance of the AKP on the MHP to win absolute majorities. This gives the opposition parties hope that they may overcome AKP’s electoral dominance in the national parliament as well as in the provincial and municipal assemblies.
{"title":"The 2019 provincial elections in Turkey: AKP’s struggle to retain power vis-a-vis a revitalized CHP","authors":"B. Taşkın","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1858811","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1858811","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The March 2019 provincial and municipal elections in Turkey consolidated a two-bloc system consisting of an AKP-led alliance in favour of a presidential system and an alliance headed by the CHP which is against a presidential system. An urban–rural cleavage underlies and increases the polarization among Turkey’s voters. The CHP has gained control over the wealthy and populous metropolitan municipalities whereas the AKP still holds majorities in the provincial assemblies. The 2019 local elections also highlight the increasing reliance of the AKP on the MHP to win absolute majorities. This gives the opposition parties hope that they may overcome AKP’s electoral dominance in the national parliament as well as in the provincial and municipal assemblies.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1858811","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45207159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1855148
László Kákai, Ilona Pálné Kovács
ABSTRACT The significance of counties has been steadily declining since 1990 and in 2010 their competences were drastically reduced. The declining importance of counties is reflected in the 2019 county election results. Turnout was low and the alliance FIDESZ-KDNK has won absolute majorities in all 19 county assemblies. In addition, opposition parties and non governmental organisations (which can participate in county elections) were practically invisible and most statewide parties have abolished their county-level branches. Nevertheless, the opposition managed to achieve electoral successes in Budapest and in ten large cities. In this election report we discuss the impact of various centralization and electoral system reforms on the 2019 county election results.
{"title":"Counties in a vacuum: The electoral consequences of a declining meso-tier in Hungary","authors":"László Kákai, Ilona Pálné Kovács","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1855148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1855148","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The significance of counties has been steadily declining since 1990 and in 2010 their competences were drastically reduced. The declining importance of counties is reflected in the 2019 county election results. Turnout was low and the alliance FIDESZ-KDNK has won absolute majorities in all 19 county assemblies. In addition, opposition parties and non governmental organisations (which can participate in county elections) were practically invisible and most statewide parties have abolished their county-level branches. Nevertheless, the opposition managed to achieve electoral successes in Budapest and in ten large cities. In this election report we discuss the impact of various centralization and electoral system reforms on the 2019 county election results.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1855148","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46683922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1858812
Gurharpal Singh
{"title":"Federalism in Asia: India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Nepal and Myanmar","authors":"Gurharpal Singh","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1858812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1858812","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1858812","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43543801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-09DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1853105
Paul Chaney, I. Jones, Ralph Fevre
ABSTRACT This study explores the party politicization of animal welfare in the context of multi-level governance in the UK. It examines over 1300 pledges in party manifestos for Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish elections 1998–2017. It reveals the nature of party competition, including increasing salience over electoral cycles. This is complemented by examination of the party dynamics in two sub-fields: wildlife protection and farm animal welfare. The wider significance of this study lies in showing how the move to multi-level electoral politics provides new political spaces to advance animal welfare and how meso-ballots are increasingly attuned to the symbiosis of humans and animals. These factors are driving the territorialization of policy and leading to distinctive animal welfare regimes in the different countries of the UK. In addition, partisan theory reveals how the electoral politics of animal welfare varies between sub-fields and is shaped by parties’ relationships with different policy communities.
{"title":"Sentience and salience – exploring the party politicization of animal welfare in multi-level electoral systems: Analysis of manifesto discourse in UK meso elections 1998–2017","authors":"Paul Chaney, I. Jones, Ralph Fevre","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1853105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1853105","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study explores the party politicization of animal welfare in the context of multi-level governance in the UK. It examines over 1300 pledges in party manifestos for Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish elections 1998–2017. It reveals the nature of party competition, including increasing salience over electoral cycles. This is complemented by examination of the party dynamics in two sub-fields: wildlife protection and farm animal welfare. The wider significance of this study lies in showing how the move to multi-level electoral politics provides new political spaces to advance animal welfare and how meso-ballots are increasingly attuned to the symbiosis of humans and animals. These factors are driving the territorialization of policy and leading to distinctive animal welfare regimes in the different countries of the UK. In addition, partisan theory reveals how the electoral politics of animal welfare varies between sub-fields and is shaped by parties’ relationships with different policy communities.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1853105","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48871873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1845161
P. Haines, David C. W. Parker
ABSTRACT There are well-documented tensions between regional and constituency members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs). Much of this friction stems from regional MSPs competing over constituency casework through shadowing. Although these so-called dual-mandate MSPs clearly see value in pursuing a personal vote, little is known about whether these efforts affect the perceptions of constituents. This article presents a survey of Scottish respondents to show that dual-mandate MSPs are better known and enjoy higher levels of approval than regional members who did not contest a constituency seat in the last election. We find dual-mandate MSPs enjoy similar levels of regard as constituency MSPs. Moreover, these advantages accrue even among constituents who do not share their MSP's partisan affiliation. We conclude by considering the normative impact of shadowing, which may generate unanticipated representational consequences for citizens difficult to remedy in a unicameral legislature.
{"title":"Poaching the personal vote: How shadowing behaviour shapes constituent impressions","authors":"P. Haines, David C. W. Parker","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1845161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1845161","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There are well-documented tensions between regional and constituency members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs). Much of this friction stems from regional MSPs competing over constituency casework through shadowing. Although these so-called dual-mandate MSPs clearly see value in pursuing a personal vote, little is known about whether these efforts affect the perceptions of constituents. This article presents a survey of Scottish respondents to show that dual-mandate MSPs are better known and enjoy higher levels of approval than regional members who did not contest a constituency seat in the last election. We find dual-mandate MSPs enjoy similar levels of regard as constituency MSPs. Moreover, these advantages accrue even among constituents who do not share their MSP's partisan affiliation. We conclude by considering the normative impact of shadowing, which may generate unanticipated representational consequences for citizens difficult to remedy in a unicameral legislature.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1845161","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59893827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-22DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1840367
Ken Victor Leonard Hijino
ABSTRACT Unlike in most Western European countries from which various explanatory models for regional elections have emerged, Japanese regional elections have been characterized by a relatively high number of and vote share for independent (non-partisan) candidates. The extensive vote share for non-partisan (independent) candidates – many who are in fact affiliated or members of statewide parties – at regional as opposed to national level is the main cause of divergence in electoral results between the two levels. In this election report for Japan’s 2019 prefectural-level legislative elections, we try to explain the reasons for the prevalence of these independents in general, their increasing vote share over the past decade, and how they fit into existing models explaining regional voting. We do this by analysing the 2019 regional elections from institutional and historical perspective.
{"title":"What drives Japanese regional elections? Multilevel factors and partisan independents","authors":"Ken Victor Leonard Hijino","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1840367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1840367","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Unlike in most Western European countries from which various explanatory models for regional elections have emerged, Japanese regional elections have been characterized by a relatively high number of and vote share for independent (non-partisan) candidates. The extensive vote share for non-partisan (independent) candidates – many who are in fact affiliated or members of statewide parties – at regional as opposed to national level is the main cause of divergence in electoral results between the two levels. In this election report for Japan’s 2019 prefectural-level legislative elections, we try to explain the reasons for the prevalence of these independents in general, their increasing vote share over the past decade, and how they fit into existing models explaining regional voting. We do this by analysing the 2019 regional elections from institutional and historical perspective.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1840367","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45892671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-18DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1840364
Jonas Stein, B. Folkestad, Jacob Aars, D. Christensen
ABSTRACT The 2019 local and regional elections in Norway took place against the backdrop of a historical local and regional amalgamation reform initiated by the Conservative-led government in 2014. We find six key outcomes from these elections. (1) The 2019 election witnessed an increase in turnout of 4.5 percentage points compared with the 2015 elections. This is the highest voter turnout in local and regional elections since 1991. (2) The four parties in government all suffered substantial losses. (3) The winner of the election was the Centre Party, which surged in the peripheral areas (4) The 2019 election results for the Labour Party are yet another confirmation of a long-term decline in electoral strength. (5) The emergence of a new political list, The People’s Action Against Toll Fees (FNB). (6) In the urban areas, the Greens and Socialist Left Party mobilized younger voters, securing both parties an increase in electoral support.
{"title":"The 2019 local and regional elections in Norway: The periphery strikes again","authors":"Jonas Stein, B. Folkestad, Jacob Aars, D. Christensen","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1840364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1840364","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2019 local and regional elections in Norway took place against the backdrop of a historical local and regional amalgamation reform initiated by the Conservative-led government in 2014. We find six key outcomes from these elections. (1) The 2019 election witnessed an increase in turnout of 4.5 percentage points compared with the 2015 elections. This is the highest voter turnout in local and regional elections since 1991. (2) The four parties in government all suffered substantial losses. (3) The winner of the election was the Centre Party, which surged in the peripheral areas (4) The 2019 election results for the Labour Party are yet another confirmation of a long-term decline in electoral strength. (5) The emergence of a new political list, The People’s Action Against Toll Fees (FNB). (6) In the urban areas, the Greens and Socialist Left Party mobilized younger voters, securing both parties an increase in electoral support.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1840364","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41782722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-08DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1843021
Mike Medeiros, Jean Gauvin, Chris Chhim
ABSTRACT In societies divided along ethnocultural lines, intergroup cooperation can often be a challenging task. This process can be even more complex if political parties and voters are divided along those same social cleavages. This study focuses on the case of Belgium and explores whether divided societies with separate party systems necessarily lead to distinct partisan alignments. Using electoral survey data from the 2014 Belgian federal election, we investigate whether political ideology is stronger than ethnolinguistic group membership in shaping electoral behaviour. The results demonstrate that although Belgian voters are divided along linguistic lines when it comes to preferences about centralization, they remain aligned along party families on social and economic dimensions.
{"title":"Unified voters in a divided society: Ideology and regionalism in Belgium","authors":"Mike Medeiros, Jean Gauvin, Chris Chhim","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2020.1843021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2020.1843021","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In societies divided along ethnocultural lines, intergroup cooperation can often be a challenging task. This process can be even more complex if political parties and voters are divided along those same social cleavages. This study focuses on the case of Belgium and explores whether divided societies with separate party systems necessarily lead to distinct partisan alignments. Using electoral survey data from the 2014 Belgian federal election, we investigate whether political ideology is stronger than ethnolinguistic group membership in shaping electoral behaviour. The results demonstrate that although Belgian voters are divided along linguistic lines when it comes to preferences about centralization, they remain aligned along party families on social and economic dimensions.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2020.1843021","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47029881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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