Pub Date : 2021-05-27DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1928087
Viktoria Jansesberger, Z. Lefkofridi, Armin Mühlböck
ABSTRACT Which factors contribute to the electoral success of Populist Radical Right Parties (PRRPs)? We empirically investigate the relationship between the Austrian Freedom Party/FP (Freiheitliche Partei Österreich/FPÖ)'s electoral shares and the degree of population's socioeconomic polarization based on data for six regional and national elections and 118 municipalities in the state of Salzburg. Regional elections offer an excellent setting for conducting a thorough test of the argument that relative deprivation provides fertile ground for PRRPs. Our longitudinal study provides clear evidence that the more polarized the socio-economic structure in Salzburg's municipalities, the higher the share of FP supporters. This relationship holds over time and across types of elections: regional elections (‘Landtagswahlen’) and national elections (‘Nationalratswahlen’).
{"title":"Electoral support for FPÖ in regional and national arenas: Different levels of government, same causality?","authors":"Viktoria Jansesberger, Z. Lefkofridi, Armin Mühlböck","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1928087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1928087","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Which factors contribute to the electoral success of Populist Radical Right Parties (PRRPs)? We empirically investigate the relationship between the Austrian Freedom Party/FP (Freiheitliche Partei Österreich/FPÖ)'s electoral shares and the degree of population's socioeconomic polarization based on data for six regional and national elections and 118 municipalities in the state of Salzburg. Regional elections offer an excellent setting for conducting a thorough test of the argument that relative deprivation provides fertile ground for PRRPs. Our longitudinal study provides clear evidence that the more polarized the socio-economic structure in Salzburg's municipalities, the higher the share of FP supporters. This relationship holds over time and across types of elections: regional elections (‘Landtagswahlen’) and national elections (‘Nationalratswahlen’).","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1928087","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48438292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-27DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1934455
A. Schakel, Valentyna Romanova
ABSTRACT A multilevel electoral system perspective reveals several ways in which electoral spill-over may occur. Vertical spill-over may be top-down from the national to the regional level or can be bottom-up from the regional to the national electoral arena. Horizontal spill-over happens when developments in one regional electoral arena impact electoral outcomes in another regional electoral arena. The literature on regional elections has mainly focused on vertical top-down spill-over. In this introduction, we discuss two main insights in relation to spill-over between electoral arenas that surface when considering the collection of articles and reports presented in this fourth annual review of regional elections. First, we discuss how horizontal spill-over can be identified and differentiated from diffusion of electoral developments driven by territorial cleavages. Second, we discuss several institutions that impact vertical spill-over. We conclude by considering a wider research agenda for the study of spill-over in multilevel electoral systems.
{"title":"Horizontal and vertical spill-over in multilevel electoral systems","authors":"A. Schakel, Valentyna Romanova","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1934455","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1934455","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT A multilevel electoral system perspective reveals several ways in which electoral spill-over may occur. Vertical spill-over may be top-down from the national to the regional level or can be bottom-up from the regional to the national electoral arena. Horizontal spill-over happens when developments in one regional electoral arena impact electoral outcomes in another regional electoral arena. The literature on regional elections has mainly focused on vertical top-down spill-over. In this introduction, we discuss two main insights in relation to spill-over between electoral arenas that surface when considering the collection of articles and reports presented in this fourth annual review of regional elections. First, we discuss how horizontal spill-over can be identified and differentiated from diffusion of electoral developments driven by territorial cleavages. Second, we discuss several institutions that impact vertical spill-over. We conclude by considering a wider research agenda for the study of spill-over in multilevel electoral systems.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1934455","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47699248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-27DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1919096
P. Thijssen, Min Reuchamps, Lieven De Winter, Jérémy Dodeigne, Dave Sinardet
ABSTRACT The 2019 elections in Belgium yielded contrasted results between the two main regions of the country, Flanders and Wallonia. It is often posited that at the core of this regional difference is the intermingled question of identity and state reform preferences. In this context, this article asks the following question: does the presence or absence of inter-regional contacts can explain voting behaviour? To answer this question, we use structural equation modelling in order to compare 2019 voting behaviour in Flanders and in Wallonia. We rely on the 2019 RepResent cross-sectional post-electoral survey that offers a representative sample of the population in both regions, including indicators of their inter-regional contacts and vote choice.
{"title":"Inter-regional contacts and voting behaviour in Belgium: What can we learn from the 2019 elections?","authors":"P. Thijssen, Min Reuchamps, Lieven De Winter, Jérémy Dodeigne, Dave Sinardet","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1919096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919096","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2019 elections in Belgium yielded contrasted results between the two main regions of the country, Flanders and Wallonia. It is often posited that at the core of this regional difference is the intermingled question of identity and state reform preferences. In this context, this article asks the following question: does the presence or absence of inter-regional contacts can explain voting behaviour? To answer this question, we use structural equation modelling in order to compare 2019 voting behaviour in Flanders and in Wallonia. We rely on the 2019 RepResent cross-sectional post-electoral survey that offers a representative sample of the population in both regions, including indicators of their inter-regional contacts and vote choice.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919096","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49419133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-11DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1919876
Kathrin Ackermann, D. Braun, Matthias Fatke, N. Fawzi
ABSTRACT Empirical insights on the attitudinal correlates of direct democracy are inconclusive. On the one hand, direct democracy bears a conceptual resemblance with populist ideas. On the other hand, participatory democrats advocate the use of direct democracy precisely on grounds that it promises to educate citizens. This paper complements tests of arguments positing an educative potential of direct democracy with tests of its populist potential. We make use of original survey data collected in the German Bundesländer, which present a relatively underappreciated, yet interesting and representative case for studying direct democracy. Multilevel models indicate that political attitudes are neither more populist nor more supportive of the political system among citizens in direct democratic contexts. The story is more complicated though as the relationship between direct democracy and populist attitudes is conditional on the ideological orientation of a citizen.
{"title":"Direct democracy, political support and populism–attitudinal patterns in the German Bundesländer","authors":"Kathrin Ackermann, D. Braun, Matthias Fatke, N. Fawzi","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1919876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919876","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Empirical insights on the attitudinal correlates of direct democracy are inconclusive. On the one hand, direct democracy bears a conceptual resemblance with populist ideas. On the other hand, participatory democrats advocate the use of direct democracy precisely on grounds that it promises to educate citizens. This paper complements tests of arguments positing an educative potential of direct democracy with tests of its populist potential. We make use of original survey data collected in the German Bundesländer, which present a relatively underappreciated, yet interesting and representative case for studying direct democracy. Multilevel models indicate that political attitudes are neither more populist nor more supportive of the political system among citizens in direct democratic contexts. The story is more complicated though as the relationship between direct democracy and populist attitudes is conditional on the ideological orientation of a citizen.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919876","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49321015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-11DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1907570
Carles Ferreira
ABSTRACT Why did the territorial conflict between the governments of Catalonia and Spain escalate to the point of extreme institutional disruption in October 2017? The present article explains this crisis – a declaration of independence followed by the imposition of direct rule – as the outcome of an Escalation of Commitment behaviour. By examining the iterative relationship between both governments, the article shows that they were trapped in a failing course of action, unable to withdraw from their early political decisions. Despite facing increasingly negative outcomes from their choices, both sides had already invested too much political capital to quit. Expectations and self-justification attitudes account for the escalation behaviour, together with a radicalized decision environment. The findings have broader implications for the study of nationalist politics: they show that the commitment to early decisions mediated by the existence of strong political incentives against compromise may lead to the escalation of territorial conflicts.
{"title":"Entrapped in a failing course of action: Explaining the territorial crisis in 2017 Catalonia","authors":"Carles Ferreira","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1907570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1907570","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why did the territorial conflict between the governments of Catalonia and Spain escalate to the point of extreme institutional disruption in October 2017? The present article explains this crisis – a declaration of independence followed by the imposition of direct rule – as the outcome of an Escalation of Commitment behaviour. By examining the iterative relationship between both governments, the article shows that they were trapped in a failing course of action, unable to withdraw from their early political decisions. Despite facing increasingly negative outcomes from their choices, both sides had already invested too much political capital to quit. Expectations and self-justification attitudes account for the escalation behaviour, together with a radicalized decision environment. The findings have broader implications for the study of nationalist politics: they show that the commitment to early decisions mediated by the existence of strong political incentives against compromise may lead to the escalation of territorial conflicts.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1907570","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47571236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-11DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1921742
Lorenzo Piccoli
ABSTRACT Over the last fifty years, eighteen regional assemblies in Europe have debated the extension of voting rights to foreign residents. Yet only Scotland and the Swiss cantons of Neuchâtel and Jura have adopted such legislation. What explains this variation? Through a comparison of debates that have taken place in Italy and Switzerland, I show that multilevel governance expands access to policymaking, but also multiplies veto points in the system. As a result, attempts by regional assemblies to directly give voting rights to foreign residents are generally doomed to fail. At the same time, multilevel governance can be used as a strategy to indirectly shape the political inclusion of different groups. Even if they are unsuccessful in giving the right to vote to foreign residents, these discussions can lead to broader reforms of political rights at the national level.
{"title":"Multilevel strategies of political inclusion: The contestation of voting rights for foreign residents by regional assemblies in Europe","authors":"Lorenzo Piccoli","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1921742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1921742","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Over the last fifty years, eighteen regional assemblies in Europe have debated the extension of voting rights to foreign residents. Yet only Scotland and the Swiss cantons of Neuchâtel and Jura have adopted such legislation. What explains this variation? Through a comparison of debates that have taken place in Italy and Switzerland, I show that multilevel governance expands access to policymaking, but also multiplies veto points in the system. As a result, attempts by regional assemblies to directly give voting rights to foreign residents are generally doomed to fail. At the same time, multilevel governance can be used as a strategy to indirectly shape the political inclusion of different groups. Even if they are unsuccessful in giving the right to vote to foreign residents, these discussions can lead to broader reforms of political rights at the national level.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1921742","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43164205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-07DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1919875
C. Freudlsperger
ABSTRACT Whereas some federations reacted to the expanding international trade agenda by ‘federalizing’ trade policy-making and allowing sub-federal governments a substantial involvement, others did not. Comparing Canada and the United States, this paper investigates the conditions and potentials of federalization on the case of public procurement liberalization. The first section argues that the institutionalization of intergovernmental relations depends on the incontestability of sub-federal claims to authority and the absence of cheaper alternatives. In the US, the availability of federal pre-emption and the possibility to exclude sub-federal competencies from international agreements acted as a brake on state involvement. In Canada, ‘watertight’ provincial competencies and a non-representative second chamber enabled a gradual federalization. The second section argues that federalization holds the potential to increase constituent units’ openness to procurement liberalization. While their deficient involvement has constrained US states’ openness, federalization was instrumental in Canadian provinces’ recently growing openness for international suppliers.
{"title":"The conditions and potentials of federalizing trade policy: Comparing Canada and the United States","authors":"C. Freudlsperger","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1919875","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919875","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Whereas some federations reacted to the expanding international trade agenda by ‘federalizing’ trade policy-making and allowing sub-federal governments a substantial involvement, others did not. Comparing Canada and the United States, this paper investigates the conditions and potentials of federalization on the case of public procurement liberalization. The first section argues that the institutionalization of intergovernmental relations depends on the incontestability of sub-federal claims to authority and the absence of cheaper alternatives. In the US, the availability of federal pre-emption and the possibility to exclude sub-federal competencies from international agreements acted as a brake on state involvement. In Canada, ‘watertight’ provincial competencies and a non-representative second chamber enabled a gradual federalization. The second section argues that federalization holds the potential to increase constituent units’ openness to procurement liberalization. While their deficient involvement has constrained US states’ openness, federalization was instrumental in Canadian provinces’ recently growing openness for international suppliers.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919875","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49486533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-02DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1919873
Julieta Suárez-Cao
ABSTRACT The Argentine provincial elections in 2019 consolidated the control governors had over their own territories. Despite a profound economic crisis, provincial politics reinforced patterns of continuity rather than change. This was possible thanks to a series of institutional reforms enacted since the 1980s designed to protect governors and their parties, and whose lock-in effects are still in force. In some districts, power-concentrating reforms such as removing gubernatorial term limits and electoral laws with majoritarian effects solidified governors’ powers. In other provinces, power-sharing reforms that established term limits and enacted proportional representation electoral systems provide fertile ground for the emergence of new political parties. In both districts, the strategic use of the prerogative of choosing the date of provincial elections helped create provincial safe-havens. This article delves into the foundations of provincial incumbency advantage and sheds light on the institutional mechanisms that set it in motion.
{"title":"Squaring the circle: The consolidation of incumbency advantage in the Argentine provincial elections of 2019","authors":"Julieta Suárez-Cao","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1919873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919873","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Argentine provincial elections in 2019 consolidated the control governors had over their own territories. Despite a profound economic crisis, provincial politics reinforced patterns of continuity rather than change. This was possible thanks to a series of institutional reforms enacted since the 1980s designed to protect governors and their parties, and whose lock-in effects are still in force. In some districts, power-concentrating reforms such as removing gubernatorial term limits and electoral laws with majoritarian effects solidified governors’ powers. In other provinces, power-sharing reforms that established term limits and enacted proportional representation electoral systems provide fertile ground for the emergence of new political parties. In both districts, the strategic use of the prerogative of choosing the date of provincial elections helped create provincial safe-havens. This article delves into the foundations of provincial incumbency advantage and sheds light on the institutional mechanisms that set it in motion.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919873","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42328005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-02DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1919095
D. Stremoukhov
ABSTRACT Due to the successful centralization efforts of the beginning of the 2000s, Russian governors almost lost their domestic as well as international agency. However, there is still a considerable variation in their international activity levels that remains unexplained. Employing an original dataset on the international activity of Russian governors from 2005 to 2015, the article investigates what effect regional political regime, ethnicity and other factors have on the level of gubernatorial participation in paradiplomacy. The level of regional democracy, the absence of ties between governors and regional elites, and the ethnic distinctiveness of a region are all positively associated with the engagement in international activity. The article demonstrates that regional authorities turn to paradiplomacy when faced with pressures for resource attraction and ethnic identity construction, even under the conditions of a relatively centralized authoritarian state.
{"title":"When governors go abroad: Incentives for paradiplomacy in recentralised Russia","authors":"D. Stremoukhov","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1919095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919095","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Due to the successful centralization efforts of the beginning of the 2000s, Russian governors almost lost their domestic as well as international agency. However, there is still a considerable variation in their international activity levels that remains unexplained. Employing an original dataset on the international activity of Russian governors from 2005 to 2015, the article investigates what effect regional political regime, ethnicity and other factors have on the level of gubernatorial participation in paradiplomacy. The level of regional democracy, the absence of ties between governors and regional elites, and the ethnic distinctiveness of a region are all positively associated with the engagement in international activity. The article demonstrates that regional authorities turn to paradiplomacy when faced with pressures for resource attraction and ethnic identity construction, even under the conditions of a relatively centralized authoritarian state.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919095","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46985429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-28DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1919871
M. López-Vallejo
ABSTRACT Mexico has one of the largest networks of trade and investment agreements in the world. However, the legal architecture in Mexico does not allow sub-federal governments (SGFs) to participate in free trade negotiations. While this explains the rather weak role of Mexican sub-federal units in trade politics, this case study shows that the states are not absent from trade. They utilize semi-formal and informal resources which account for variation in trade engagement. Permissive secondary legislation, cooperation agreements and projects, and intergovernmental bargaining are all institutional resources used by Mexican SFGs to engage in trade politics. These resources function under supportive conditions that facilitate trade, such as interest identification, institutional capacities, and learning processes. A variation of such conditions sets the basis for the use of certain resources. This article presents empirical evidence of SFGs differentiated engagement in the United States-Mexico-Canada agreement (USMCA) and the revamped Mexico-European Union trade agreement (MEX-EU).
{"title":"Mexican sub-federal governments and trade politics: Variation on supportive conditions and institutional resources","authors":"M. López-Vallejo","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.1919871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919871","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Mexico has one of the largest networks of trade and investment agreements in the world. However, the legal architecture in Mexico does not allow sub-federal governments (SGFs) to participate in free trade negotiations. While this explains the rather weak role of Mexican sub-federal units in trade politics, this case study shows that the states are not absent from trade. They utilize semi-formal and informal resources which account for variation in trade engagement. Permissive secondary legislation, cooperation agreements and projects, and intergovernmental bargaining are all institutional resources used by Mexican SFGs to engage in trade politics. These resources function under supportive conditions that facilitate trade, such as interest identification, institutional capacities, and learning processes. A variation of such conditions sets the basis for the use of certain resources. This article presents empirical evidence of SFGs differentiated engagement in the United States-Mexico-Canada agreement (USMCA) and the revamped Mexico-European Union trade agreement (MEX-EU).","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2021-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13597566.2021.1919871","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45473913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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