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Demographic challenges in regional development: A study of regional political leadership in Sweden and Finland 区域发展中的人口挑战:瑞典和芬兰区域政治领导力研究
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-29 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1959322
E. Sundqvist
ABSTRACT Urbanization has fostered territorial polarization in many countries with the shift from an industrial to an increasingly knowledge-based economy. This shift benefits urban regions by spurring economic development, while many rural regions experience population decline, shrinking tax bases, and economic stagnation. While demographic development is a major factor in regional development, it is unclear how it affects regional political leadership. This article examines how demographic factors affect politicians’ influence on regional development in Sweden and Finland based on survey data of regional council representatives from both countries (n = 930). The findings indicate that strong population growth does not have a strong influence on regional development in these countries, implying that regional political leadership is not limited to dynamic urban regions with great development prospects, as leadership is also present in rural regions. Moreover, political variables are more important for politicians’ influence than demographic factors.
摘要随着工业经济向知识经济的转变,城市化在许多国家造成了地区两极分化。这种转变通过刺激经济发展使城市地区受益,而许多农村地区经历了人口下降、税基缩小和经济停滞。虽然人口发展是区域发展的一个主要因素,但尚不清楚它如何影响区域政治领导。本文基于瑞典和芬兰地区理事会代表的调查数据,研究了人口因素如何影响政治家对地区发展的影响 = 930)。研究结果表明,人口的强劲增长对这些国家的区域发展没有强烈影响,这意味着区域政治领导力不仅限于具有巨大发展前景的充满活力的城市地区,农村地区也存在领导力。此外,政治变量对政治家的影响力比人口因素更重要。
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引用次数: 2
Twitter as a mirror of political space(s): An analysis of multi-level party competition in Italy 推特作为政治空间的一面镜子:意大利多层次政党竞争分析
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1954913
S. Camatarri, M. Gallina, G. Anselmi, Henri M. A. Schadee, P. Segatti
ABSTRACT The literature on the nationalization of party systems has found that decentralization of authority leads to increasing territorial heterogeneity of voting behaviour. In this article, we intend to further extant knowledge on this topic by exploring whether different levels of government imply distinct representations of party competition at the citizens’ level. We do so by analysing Twitter data collected during the 2015 regional elections in five Italian regions (Liguria, Veneto, Tuscany, Campania and Apulia) to estimate national and regional party configurations by means of multi-dimensional scaling. Analyses show that national party competition is generally perceived in the same way across regions, but representations of regional political spaces tend to stand out from it and also to differ from each other. These results suggest that, in line with the process of political decentralization of authority, voters perceive party competition in different ways according to the level of territorial governance at stake.
摘要政党制度国家化的研究发现,权力分散导致投票行为的地域异质性增加。在本文中,我们打算通过探索不同级别的政府是否意味着公民层面上政党竞争的不同代表来进一步了解这一主题。我们通过分析2015年意大利五个地区(利古里亚、威尼托、托斯卡纳、坎帕尼亚和普利亚)地区选举期间收集的推特数据,通过多维尺度来估计国家和地区的政党配置。分析表明,各地区对全国政党竞争的看法通常是相同的,但各地区政治空间的代表往往脱颖而出,而且彼此不同。这些结果表明,与政治权力下放的过程一致,选民对政党竞争的看法会根据所涉及的领土治理水平而有所不同。
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引用次数: 0
Financing party branches: Evidence from the German federal system 党支部融资:来自德国联邦制度的证据
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-18 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1955248
Marc C. Jacob
ABSTRACT Adequately financed branches contribute to the integration of regional interests into statewide parties. Yet, we have limited knowledge about the determinants of branches’ varying income levels in federal contexts. To address this shortage, this article elucidates why branches receive donations from citizens and businesses to different degrees. I hypothesise that party competition at the state level, the difference in regional economic performance and parties’ historical legacies can account for the level of branches’ donation revenue. Analysing German statewide party branches’ income from 2009 to 2017, this study finds support for the facilitating impact of state and federal electoral contests on donation levels. Regional economic disparities, by contrast, only marginally affect donation revenues. At the same time, parties’ path-dependent developments help explain asymmetries in average revenue levels between western and eastern branches. The study’s findings suggest that intense regional party competition contributes to branches’ financial independence within the statewide party organisation.
资金充足的分支机构有助于将地区利益整合到全州政党中。然而,我们对联邦背景下分支机构不同收入水平的决定因素了解有限。为了解决这一短缺,本文阐述了为什么分行接受不同程度的公民和企业捐赠。我假设州一级的政党竞争、地区经济表现的差异和政党的历史遗产可以解释分支机构捐赠收入的水平。本研究分析了2009年至2017年德国各州党支部的收入,发现支持州和联邦选举竞赛对捐赠水平的促进影响。相比之下,地区经济差异对捐赠收入的影响微乎其微。与此同时,各方的路径依赖发展有助于解释东西部分支机构平均收入水平的不对称。该研究的结果表明,激烈的地区政党竞争有助于在全州范围内的政党组织中分支机构的财务独立。
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引用次数: 0
When conservatives support decentralization: The case of political Islam in Indonesia 当保守派支持权力下放时:印尼政治伊斯兰教的案例
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-15 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1951252
Diego Fossati
ABSTRACT In Western democracies, decentralization is typically associated with pluralism and demands for minority rights. In other contexts, however, decentralized governance may be instrumental to conservative and exclusionary ideologies. We illustrate this point with an analysis of Indonesia, a diverse and decentralized country. By leveraging an original survey, we find that Islamist individuals are significantly more likely to support decentralization than pluralists. This can be attributed to this country’s legacy of political development. As pluralist elites have long dominated national politics, political Islam has sought to empower regional governments, where Islamist agendas can more easily be implemented.
在西方民主国家,权力下放通常与多元化和对少数人权利的要求联系在一起。然而,在其他情况下,分散的治理可能有助于保守和排他性的意识形态。我们通过对印度尼西亚的分析来说明这一点,印度尼西亚是一个多元化和分散化的国家。通过一项原始调查,我们发现伊斯兰主义者比多元主义者更有可能支持权力下放。这可以归因于这个国家政治发展的遗产。由于多元主义精英长期主导着国家政治,政治伊斯兰一直在寻求赋予地方政府权力,在那里伊斯兰主义议程可以更容易地实施。
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引用次数: 0
The 2020 Czech regional elections: A story of a winner that lost 2020年捷克地区选举:一个输赢的故事
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-08 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1948839
K. Kouba, Jakub Lysek
ABSTRACT The Czech 2020 regional elections were won by ANO, a party led by prime minister Andrej Babiš. ANO received a plurality of votes in 10 of the 13 regions, but joined the regional government in only 3 of them. This election report explains this puzzling outcome as a result of three main causes: the national political polarization which facilitated coordination between the fragmented opposition parties against the winner, the electoral collapse of the historical Left (the Social Democrats and the Communists), and profound shifts in the voter turnout of key demographic groups. Registering a sharp increase in the regional presence of the Pirate Party and moderate overall gains of the centre-right opposition, these regional elections amplified the polarization of Czech national-level politics. They also increased the regionalization of political competition.
捷克2020年地区选举中,由总理安德烈·巴比什领导的政党“野党”获胜。非洲民族联盟在13个大区中的10个大区获得了多数选票,但只有3个大区加入了地方政府。这份选举报告将这一令人费解的结果解释为三个主要原因的结果:国家政治两极分化促进了分裂的反对党之间的合作,反对获胜者;历史上的左派(社会民主党和共产党)的选举崩溃;以及关键人口群体的选民投票率的深刻变化。海盗党(Pirate Party)在该地区的支持率大幅上升,而中右翼反对派的总体支持率也有所上升,这些地区选举加剧了捷克国家层面政治的两极分化。它们还增加了政治竞争的区域化。
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引用次数: 2
Multi-level governance and subnational research: Similarities, differences, and knowledge accumulation in the study of territorial politics 多层次治理与次国家研究:地域政治研究的异同与知识积累
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1941900
Agustina Giraudy, Sara Niedzwiecki
ABSTRACT The Subnational Research (SNR) and Multilevel Governance (MLG) research programs have tackled some of the crucial questions in comparative politics. Despite their shared principle that actors and institutions located at one territorial level are shaped by and shape other levels of government, each tradition has developed its own set of concepts and theories without fully acknowledging the other. We believe that this has been detrimental for knowledge accumulation. We argue that more knowledge accumulation in the study of territorial politics is possible if (1) scholars engage with each tradition, and (2) they are attentive to differences, or blind spots, in each traditions’ theories, concepts, and scope conditions. Drawing on two examples, the Regional Authority Index (RAI) and Kent Eaton’s work (2021) we show the benefits of transcending the boundaries of each tradition. We conclude by proposing a unified framework for the study of territorial politics that incorporates both SNR and MLG.
次国家研究(SNR)和多层次治理(MLG)研究项目解决了比较政治学中的一些关键问题。尽管它们都有一个共同的原则,即位于一个领土一级的行为者和机构受其他一级政府的影响并影响其他一级政府,但每种传统都发展了自己的一套概念和理论,而没有完全承认对方。我们认为这不利于知识积累。我们认为,如果:(1)学者与每一种传统都有接触,(2)他们注意到每种传统的理论、概念和范围条件的差异或盲点,就有可能在领土政治研究中积累更多的知识。通过两个例子,区域权威指数(RAI)和肯特·伊顿(Kent Eaton)的工作(2021),我们展示了超越每种传统界限的好处。最后,我们提出了一个统一的领土政治研究框架,其中包括信噪比和MLG。
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引用次数: 4
Federalism and local governance: Exploring multilingualism in local decision-making in Nepal 联邦制与地方治理:探索尼泊尔地方决策中的多语制
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1940970
Thaneshwar Bhusal, M. Breen
ABSTRACT Under the newly proclaimed federalist constitution, Nepal’s local governments provide the most suitable public space for ordinary people with varying cultural and linguistic identities to exercise participatory local democracy. This paper seeks to empirically understand the extent to which Nepal’s local participatory decision-making mechanisms are helpful for the participation of linguistically minority communities. With the analysis of local decision-making mechanisms of three distinct and linguistically diverse municipalities, this qualitative case study research finds that local decision-making in Nepal features the characteristics of multilingualism; yet, the road is not straightforward. The design of local government structures, local officials’ linguistic capacity, and interest are some of the factors that are necessary for the development of linguistically inclusive local decision-making in Nepal.
摘要根据新颁布的联邦宪法,尼泊尔地方政府为具有不同文化和语言身份的普通民众提供了最合适的公共空间,让他们行使参与式的地方民主。本文试图从经验上理解尼泊尔的地方参与决策机制在多大程度上有助于语言少数群体的参与。通过对三个不同且语言多样的市镇的地方决策机制的分析,本定性案例研究发现,尼泊尔的地方决策具有多种语言的特点;然而,这条路并不平坦。地方政府结构的设计、地方官员的语言能力和兴趣是尼泊尔发展语言包容性地方决策所必需的一些因素。
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引用次数: 4
Democracy in Canada: the disintegration of our institutions 加拿大的民主:我们机构的解体
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1941901
Davis Vallesi
cation of taxing and spending powers and the structure of intergovernmental transfers’ (p. 171). This overall measurement is much more refined than for instance that of the Regional Authority Index, which also makes its application somewhat harder and time-consuming, however. Part III, finally, delineates sources, catalysts, strategies, and actors of institutional change (chapter 7), on the one hand, and discusses five specific ‘hubs of change’ (chapter 8): constitutional amendments, de-constitutionalisation, allocation techniques, adjudication, and global governance. Particularly that last factor opens exciting avenues of supraand sub-regional alliances in the eternal quest for the satisfaction of both regional diversity and policy effectiveness. But while it is in this third part that the new dynamic theory of federalism spreads its wings the widest, the author remains commendably frank in calling for more work to be done in the different disciplines to really get to the bottom of how and why institutional change occurs – or why not, or why only too little, too late. The novelty of Popelier’s approach, then, lies not so much in the development of dozens of sometimes very detailed and sophisticated indicators of status, power, and fiscal resources and their national and regional measurement in the case of Belgium; nor in the breadth of examples adduced from across the federal universe. Instead, it is the very ‘balance’ she postulates as constituting the essence of federalism that should be further built upon: a balance not merely between centralization and regional authority, but one between regional diversity and overall cohesion. While it is certainly debatable what exactly constitutes the ‘right’ degree of diversity in the sense of regional autonomy, asymmetry and co-decision rights (shared rule), and although ‘cohesion’ is equally likely to trigger many different associations and value judgements, federal research only advances if its own diversity of approaches is properly bundled into a cohesive whole. If that makes Dynamic Federalism appear as but the first episode, nothing stands in the way of collectively producing the rest of the series.
税收和支出权力的分配以及政府间转移支付的结构”(第171页)。这一总体衡量标准比地区管理局指数要精细得多,但这也使其应用更加困难和耗时。最后,第三部分一方面描述了制度变革的来源、催化剂、战略和参与者(第7章),并讨论了五个具体的“变革中心”(第8章):宪法修正案、去宪法化、分配技术、裁决和全球治理。特别是最后一个因素为超区域和次区域联盟开辟了令人兴奋的途径,以实现对区域多样性和政策有效性的永恒追求。但是,尽管在第三部分中,联邦制的新动态理论展开了最广泛的翅膀,但作者仍然坦率地呼吁在不同学科中做更多的工作,以真正弄清制度变革是如何发生的以及为什么发生的——或者为什么不发生,或者为什么只是太少、太晚。因此,波佩利耶方法的新颖之处不在于制定了数十个有时非常详细和复杂的地位、权力和财政资源指标,以及比利时的国家和地区衡量指标;也没有从联邦范围内列举的大量例子。相反,正是她认为构成联邦制本质的“平衡”,才应该进一步建立起来:不仅是中央集权和地区权威之间的平衡,也是地区多样性和整体凝聚力之间的平衡。虽然在区域自治、不对称和共同决策权(共享规则)的意义上,什么才是“正确”的多样性程度是有争议的,尽管“凝聚力”同样可能引发许多不同的联想和价值判断,但联邦研究只有在其方法的多样性被适当地捆绑成一个有凝聚力的整体的情况下才能取得进展。如果这让《动态联邦制》只出现在第一集,那么没有什么能阻碍该系列其余部分的集体制作。
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引用次数: 6
Dynamic federalism: a new theory for cohesion and regional autonomy 动态联邦制:凝聚力与区域自治的新理论
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1939691
S. Mueller
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引用次数: 2
The federalization of trade politics in Switzerland, Germany and Austria 瑞士、德国和奥地利贸易政治的联邦化
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1932829
Jörg Broschek
ABSTRACT Since the 1990s, sub-federal units have become increasingly active in trade politics, a domain that is usually an exclusive jurisdiction of the federal level. Conceptualizing this process of institutional change as federalization, this paper adopts a most similar case design to examine how four factors interact to generate different patterns of trade policy engagement in Switzerland, Austria and Germany. The study suggests that institutional resources and preference intensity are crucial to explain long-term variation in all three federations, while the role of party politics and social mobilization are contextual rather than causal factors.
摘要自20世纪90年代以来,次联邦单位在贸易政治中越来越活跃,贸易政治通常是联邦层面的专属管辖权。本文将这一制度变革过程概念化为联邦化,采用最相似的案例设计来考察四个因素如何相互作用,从而在瑞士、奥地利和德国产生不同的贸易政策参与模式。研究表明,制度资源和偏好强度对于解释这三个联合会的长期变化至关重要,而政党政治和社会动员的作用是背景因素,而不是因果因素。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
Regional and Federal Studies
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