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Local level failure? Non-compliance of EU environmental policy within EU multi-level governance 本地级故障?在欧盟多层次治理中不遵守欧盟环境政策
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-04 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1998006
Katharina F.F. Heidtmann, T. Selck
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引用次数: 1
Situating non-central government foreign revenue mobilization within Agenda 2063: A case study of Nigeria 将非中央政府外国收入动员纳入《2063年议程》:以尼日利亚为例
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1993194
Ifeanyichukwu Azuka Aniyie
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引用次数: 1
Explaining intra-party organizational variation at the sub-national level in India 解释印度次国家层面的党内组织变化
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-16 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1988575
Dishil Shrimankar
Existing scholarship on democratic theory has emphasized the role of political party's organization in establishing institutionalized party systems. If an intra-party organization is understood to ...
现有的民主理论研究都强调政党组织在建立制度化政党制度中的作用。如果一个党内组织被理解为。。。
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引用次数: 0
Social spending at the state-level in the neoliberal era: A renaissance of federalism in Mexico? 新自由主义时代州级的社会支出:墨西哥联邦制的复兴?
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1982703
Anahely Medrano
ABSTRACT During the twentieth century, Mexican federalism was characterized by a centralization of power in the hands of the federal government. Since the 1980s, different decentralization processes gradually increased the political influence and income of states, as well as their participation in social policymaking. However, the effects of decentralization on social spending at the state level has scarcely been analyzed in Mexico. The purpose of this study is to analyze the evolution and characteristics of social spending at the state level in Mexico from 2000 to 2018. This analysis uses data from state public accounts of the 31 states and Mexico City. On average, state social expenditure per capita increased in the last two decades, but at a slower rate than overall state expenditure. Furthermore, education, the biggest share of total social expenditure, and healthcare both grew steadily, while other forms of social spending grew in more varying rates over time.
在20世纪,墨西哥的联邦制的特点是权力集中在联邦政府手中。自20世纪80年代以来,不同的分权进程逐渐增加了国家的政治影响力和收入,以及它们对社会决策的参与。然而,在墨西哥,权力下放对州一级社会支出的影响几乎没有得到分析。本研究的目的是分析2000年至2018年墨西哥州一级社会支出的演变和特征。该分析使用了来自31个州和墨西哥城的州公共账户的数据。平均而言,国家人均社会支出在过去二十年中有所增长,但增速低于国家总支出。此外,在社会总支出中所占份额最大的教育和医疗保健都在稳步增长,而其他形式的社会支出随着时间的推移以不同的速度增长。
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引用次数: 2
The European Union and the challenge of ‘independence in Europe’: Straddling between (formal) neutrality and (actual) support for member-states’ territorial integrity 欧盟和“欧洲独立”的挑战:介于(正式的)中立和(实际的)支持成员国领土完整之间
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-19 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1967326
E. Massetti
ABSTRACT In the last decade, regionalist forces have been testing the limits of the EU multi-level system by making concrete bids to ‘Independence in Europe’. This article investigates the reaction of the EU institutions in the cases of Scotland and Catalonia. The analysis, based on archive research and elite interviews, points to a certain ambiguity in the behaviour of EU institutions, whereby a claimed neutrality is contradicted by declarations that clearly help the defence of member-states’ territorial integrity. This strategy is applied by all EU political institutions – intergovernmental and supranational alike – and to both analysed cases, independently of whether the independence process is considered legal (Scotland) or illegal (Catalonia). The implementation of this strategy is strengthened by party connections between member-states’ PMs and presidents of EU institutions.
在过去的十年中,地区主义势力一直在通过对“欧洲独立”的具体投标来测试欧盟多层次体系的极限。本文考察了欧盟机构在苏格兰和加泰罗尼亚问题上的反应。这份基于档案研究和精英访谈的分析指出,欧盟机构的行为存在某种模糊性,即宣称的中立与明确有助于捍卫成员国领土完整的声明相矛盾。这一策略适用于所有欧盟政治机构——无论是政府间机构还是超国家机构——也适用于上述两种分析案例,而不管独立进程是合法的(苏格兰)还是非法的(加泰罗尼亚)。成员国总理和欧盟机构主席之间的党派关系,加强了这一战略的实施。
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引用次数: 4
The Framing Territorial Demands (FraTerr) dataset: A novel approach to conceptualizing and measuring regionalist actors’ territorial strategies 框架领土需求(FraTerr)数据集:一种概念化和测量区域主义行为者领土战略的新方法
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-13 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1964481
Anwen Elias, Linda Basile, Núria Franco-Guillén, Edina Szöcsik
ABSTRACT This article introduces a new dataset on regionalist actors’ territorial demands and frames in Europe. The FraTerr dataset advances on existing datasets by proposing a more fine-grained understanding of regionalist actors’ territorial demands, and is the first to provide comparative data on how these are framed. Methodologically, it develops an original coding scheme for the qualitative content analysis of political documents. Empirically, this approach is applied to a comparative study of regionalist parties and civil society actors in twelve European regions. A preliminary analysis of the data provides new evidence of the complexity of regionalist actors’ territorial demands and the multi-dimensional nature of their framing strategies. The dataset has implications for the study of regionalist actors and issues, and for broader scholarly efforts at estimating political actors’ territorial issue positions and framing strategies.
摘要本文介绍了一个关于欧洲地区主义行为者领土需求和框架的新数据集。FraTerr数据集在现有数据集的基础上,提出了对地区主义行为者的领土需求的更细粒度的理解,并首次提供了关于如何构建这些需求的比较数据。在方法上,它开发了一个用于政治文件定性内容分析的原始编码方案。从经验上讲,这种方法被应用于对欧洲12个地区的地区主义政党和民间社会行为者的比较研究。对数据的初步分析为地区主义行为者的领土需求的复杂性及其框架战略的多维性提供了新的证据。该数据集对研究地区主义行为者和问题,以及评估政治行为者的领土问题立场和制定战略的更广泛学术努力都有意义。
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引用次数: 10
‘Mobilized voting’ versus ‘performance voting’ in electoral autocracies: Territorial variations in the levels of support for the systemic opposition parties in Russian municipalities 选举专制国家的“动员投票”与“绩效投票”:俄罗斯各市系统性反对党支持水平的地域差异
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1962307
P. Panov, C. Ross
ABSTRACT The main task of authoritarian elections is to guarantee the survival of the regime. Achieving this goal, authoritarian rulers rely on authoritarian electoral mobilization that is employed by political machines, targeted mostly on poor and dependent voters. At the same time, since electoral autocracies permit opposition parties, those voters, who avoid mobilization, are able to make a choice between the government and the opposition. If they are dissatisfied by their personal or social conditions, they are liable to engage in ‘performance voting’ and give their support to the opposition. In this article, we examine how the two logics of ‘mobilized voting’ and ‘performance voting’ relate to each other. The study is based on a large-N analysis of local level variations in the electoral support of Russia's three systemic opposition parties in 2016 Duma elections, and a unique dataset comprised of electoral and social-economic data, from local (municipal) units.
摘要独裁选举的主要任务是保障政权的生存。为了实现这一目标,威权统治者依靠政治机器所采用的威权选举动员,主要针对贫困和依赖选民。与此同时,由于选举独裁允许反对党,那些避免动员的选民可以在政府和反对派之间做出选择。如果他们对自己的个人或社会条件不满意,他们有可能进行“绩效投票”,并支持反对派。在本文中,我们考察了“动员投票”和“绩效投票”这两种逻辑是如何相互关联的。该研究基于对俄罗斯三个系统性反对党在2016年杜马选举中选举支持率的地方层面差异的大N分析,以及由地方(市)单位的选举和社会经济数据组成的独特数据集。
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引用次数: 3
Concurrency as crisis decision-making governance: Lessons from Indonesia's response to the COVID-19 pandemic 危机决策治理的并行性:印度尼西亚应对新冠肺炎疫情的经验教训
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1960513
G. Lele
ABSTRACT This research extends the centralization–decentralization dichotomy in the crisis decision-making literature by offering an alternative lens of concurrency. It argues that centralization and decentralization can be concurrently employed to respond effectively to a crisis that overlaps administrative jurisdiction and requires strong coordination. However, the merits of concurrency must not be overstated as it can also lead to institutional complexity during a crisis if not carefully crafted. Examining qualitatively the case of Indonesia's response to the COVID-19 pandemic, this research finds that concurrency has raised national-subnational tension which compromised effective response in the initial period of the crisis. The tension was due to the long delay on the part of the national government in the initial period of the crisis, leading subnational governments to respond conflictingly. This research concludes that concurrency can be effective, but requires a clear division of and consistent implementation of competencies between actors.
摘要本研究通过提供另一种并发视角,扩展了危机决策文献中的集权-分权二分法。它认为,中央集权和权力下放可以同时使用,以有效应对行政管辖权重叠、需要强有力协调的危机。然而,并发性的优点决不能被夸大,因为如果不精心设计,它也可能导致危机期间的制度复杂性。本研究对印度尼西亚应对新冠肺炎疫情的情况进行了定性研究,发现同时发生的情况加剧了国家和地方之间的紧张关系,这影响了危机初期的有效应对。紧张局势是由于国家政府在危机初期的长期拖延,导致国家以下各级政府做出了矛盾的反应。这项研究得出的结论是,并发可能是有效的,但需要在参与者之间明确划分并一致地实现能力。
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引用次数: 10
African agency in transnational city networks: The case of the City of Johannesburg 跨国城市网络中的非洲机构:以约翰内斯堡市为例
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1962306
F. Nganje
Transnational city networks have generally been portrayed as a more inclusive and egalitarian mode of international organizing. However, recent research has questioned these assumptions and highlig...
跨国城市网络通常被描绘成一种更具包容性和平等主义的国际组织模式。然而,最近的研究对这些假设提出了质疑。。。
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引用次数: 2
Shared rule as a signal of central state commitment to regional self-rule 共同统治是中央政府致力于区域自治的信号
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1960512
Sarah Shair-Rosenfield
ABSTRACT Regional governments, particularly those representing distinct communities, are typically thought to pursue power of self-rule, or the ability to self-govern within their own regional jurisdiction. In contrast, limited attention has been paid to the importance of granting substantial influence via shared rule, or the ability to co-exercise authority over the state as a whole. Yet, central governments who fail to provide some form of guarantee regarding the authority to self-rule may face ongoing challenges to their legitimacy, authority, and ability to govern. As a result, granting shared control over modifications to their legal status may help to pacify demands from restive regions and those geographically separated from the state’s centre. Analyzing the relationship between self- and shared rule across regional governments in Europe, the Americas, and Asia, I examine how the horizontal dimension of multi-level governance can serve as an accommodation strategy by central governments.
摘要地区政府,特别是代表不同社区的政府,通常被认为追求自治权,或在自己的地区管辖范围内自治的能力。相比之下,人们对通过共同规则赋予实质性影响力的重要性,或对整个国家共同行使权力的能力的关注有限。然而,未能为自治权提供某种形式保障的中央政府,其合法性、权威性和执政能力可能会面临持续的挑战。因此,对其法律地位的修改给予共同控制权可能有助于平息动荡地区和地理上与该州中心分离的地区的需求。通过分析欧洲、美洲和亚洲地区政府的自治和共享统治之间的关系,我研究了多层次治理的横向维度如何作为中央政府的调节策略。
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引用次数: 5
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Regional and Federal Studies
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