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Chosenness and its discontentsAdam Sutcliffe, What Are Jews For? History, Peoplehood and Purpose . Princeton, NJ and Oxford: Princeton University Press2020. vii+358pp. Notes. Ind. £35 hbk. ISBN 978-0-691-18880-5. 《被选者及其不满》(萨达姆·萨特克利夫)《犹太人为何存在?》历史,人性和目的。普林斯顿,新泽西和牛津:普林斯顿大学出版社,2020。七世+ 358页。笔记。35万英镑。ISBN 978-0-691-18880-5。
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2022.2247936
Steven Beller
ABSTRACTAdam Sutcliffe innovatively reinterprets modern Jewish intellectual history in terms of Jewish purpose. Where possible, he avoids judgemental discourse about antisemitism and emphasizes how Jewish thinkers have been participants, together with their Christian counterparts, in forming western self-understanding. In an approximately chronological order, he shows how the ‘underlying theological template’ of Jewish purpose, both in Jewish messianism and Christian millenarianism, has profoundly influenced modern thought, both religious and secular. The biblical model of the Jews as chosen people strongly influenced British and Dutch thought in the seventeenth century. Jewish purpose was of central interest to the Enlightenment, for good and ill; the French Revolution and the ‘progressive’ change of the nineteenth century led to further redefinitions of ‘what Jews were for’. Nationalism had its own effect, both in terms of Zionism and the various non-nationalist Jewish responses. At the same time, forms of normalization (including Zionism) proposed how Jews could fulfil their purpose by ‘fitting in’. Throughout the book, the dialectic between Jewish chosenness, particularity and difference on the one hand and, on the other, the claim that the Jews were chosen precisely to proclaim, and practise, universal values of ethics and social justice, frames a fascinating account of the ongoing debates about Jewish purpose. Sutcliffe rightly reminds us that the more inclusive, outward-looking, universalist model of Jewish purpose still has much cogency, despite being overshadowed of late by a narrower, inward-looking definition focused on the Holocaust and Israel.KEYWORDS: Christian ZionismJewish exceptionalismJewish purposeJewish universalismmessianismZionism Notes1 Salo Baron, ‘Ghetto and emancipation: shall we revise the traditional view?’, Menorah Journal, vol. 14, no. 6, 1928, 515–26 (526) (cited in Sutcliffe, 156).2 Eleanor Beardsley, ‘Alarm grows in France over anti-Semitic violence’, NPR Report, 3 May 2018, available online at www.npr.org/sections/parallels/2018/05/03/599515300/alarm-grows-in-france-over-anti-semitic-violence (viewed 3 August 2023).3 Robert Wistrich, Antisemitism: The Longest Hatred (New York: Pantheon 1992); Robert Wistrich, A Lethal Obsession: Anti-Semitism from Antiquity to the Global Jihad (New York: Random House 2010); David Nirenberg, Anti-Judaism: The Western Tradition (New York: Norton 2014).4 See Antony Lerman, Whatever Happened to Antisemitism? Redefinition and the Myth of the ‘Collective Jew’ (London: Pluto Press 2022); Steven Beller, Antisemitism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2015); Ron Kampeas, ‘US Jewish scholars push anti-Semitism definition allowing more Israel criticism’, Times of Israel, 17 March 2021.5 Lessing’s play is seen as one of the great Enlightenment statements on the need for religious tolerance, and a template for later concepts of religious pluralism.6 The third of three
【摘要】亚当·萨特克利夫从犹太人的目的出发,创新性地重新诠释了现代犹太思想史。在可能的情况下,他避免了对反犹主义的评判性论述,并强调犹太思想家是如何与基督教同行一起参与形成西方自我理解的。按照大致的时间顺序,他展示了犹太弥赛亚主义和基督教千禧年主义中犹太人目的的“潜在神学模板”是如何深刻影响现代宗教和世俗思想的。圣经中犹太人作为选民的模式强烈影响了17世纪英国和荷兰的思想。犹太人的目的是启蒙运动的核心利益,不管是好是坏;法国大革命和19世纪的“进步”变革导致了对“犹太人的意义”的进一步重新定义。民族主义有其自身的影响,包括犹太复国主义和各种非民族主义的犹太反应。与此同时,正常化的形式(包括犹太复国主义)提出犹太人如何通过“融入”来实现他们的目的。在整本书中,犹太人的选择、特殊性和差异与犹太人被选择来宣扬和实践道德和社会正义的普世价值之间的辩证关系,构成了关于犹太人目的的持续辩论的引人入胜的叙述。Sutcliffe正确地提醒我们,更包容、更外向、更普遍的犹太人目标模型仍然具有很大的说服力,尽管最近被一个专注于大屠杀和以色列的更狭隘、更内向的定义所掩盖。关键词:基督教犹太复国主义、犹太例外论、犹太目的、犹太普世主义、犹太复国主义注1萨洛·巴伦:《贫民窟与解放:我们是否应该修正传统观点?》,《烛台杂志》,第14卷,第2期。(引自Sutcliffe, 156).22 .埃莉诺·比尔兹利:《反犹太暴力在法国愈演愈烈》,美国国家公共电台报道,2018年5月3日,网址:www.npr.org/sections/parallels/2018/05/03/599515300/alarm-grows-in-france-over-anti-semitic-violenceRobert Wistrich,《反犹主义:最长的仇恨》(纽约:万神殿,1992);罗伯特·威斯里奇:《致命的痴迷:从古代到全球圣战的反犹主义》(纽约:兰登书屋2010);大卫·尼伦伯格,《反犹太教:西方传统》(纽约:诺顿出版社,2014)参见安东尼·勒曼的《反犹主义到底发生了什么?》重新定义和“集体犹太人”的神话(伦敦:冥王星出版社2022);史蒂文·贝勒,《反犹主义:简短介绍》(牛津:牛津大学出版社2015);Ron Kampeas,“美国犹太学者推动反犹太主义定义允许更多以色列批评”,以色列时报,2021年3月17日。5 .莱辛的戏剧被视为启蒙运动对宗教宽容需求的伟大声明之一,也是后来宗教多元化概念的模板1808年,拿破仑颁布了三项关于犹太人事务的法令,其中第三项是“臭名昭著的法令”,它通常被视为限制犹太人在阿尔萨斯的权利,是法国犹太人解放的倒退。欧洲列强,特别是法国和英国的干预,导致该市犹太社区的几名成员获释,他们被诬告用被谋杀的基督教僧侣和他的穆斯林仆人的血烤无酵饼东方问题涉及东地中海和中东的政治秩序将因奥斯曼帝国的衰落和预期的灭亡而发生什么变化。在斯宾诺莎之争中,雅可比攻击莱辛和摩西·门德尔松为“斯宾诺莎主义者”、理性主义者、普遍主义世界主义者,他认为他们的友谊是不真实的,与信仰的首要地位和特殊的、共享的信仰社区背道而驰,雅可比在信仰社区中看到了真正友谊的基础,以及真正的真理11 .自由改写威尔金斯·米考伯在《查尔斯·狄更斯,大卫·科波菲尔》中的几句话(伦敦:布拉德伯里和埃文斯出版社,1850)关于魏宁格,见艾伦·雅尼克,《希特勒最喜欢的犹太人:奥托·魏宁格的谜》(纽约:Simply Charly出版社,2021);史蒂文·贝勒,《维也纳与犹太人:文化史》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社1989年)。关于布洛赫,见伊恩·雷弗维茨,想象一个奥地利国家:约瑟夫·塞缪尔·布洛赫和寻找一个多民族的奥地利身份,1846-1919(博尔德,CO:东欧专著2003)托尼·库什纳,《美国天使:关于国家主题的同性恋幻想曲》,修订版(纽约:戏剧传播集团2013),290页(最后一行,强调为原文)。史蒂芬·贝勒,1958年出生于英国伦敦。他在剑桥大学接受教育。自1989年以来,他一直住在美国。 他在奥地利、犹太和中欧历史方面著述颇多。他的著作包括维也纳和犹太人,1867-1938:文化史(剑桥大学出版社1989);赫茨尔(Halban 1991);弗朗西斯·约瑟夫(朗曼1996);《奥地利简史》(剑桥大学,2006);反犹太主义:非常简短的介绍(牛津大学出版社2008年,2015年);民主:一切都很重要(Hodder 2013)。他还编辑并出版了选集《重新思考1900年的维也纳》(Berghahn 2001)。他的最新著作是《哈布斯堡王朝1815-1918》(剑桥,2018)。他目前是华盛顿特区的独立学者。电子邮件:stevenbeller@aol.com
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引用次数: 0
Cultures of fear in South AfricaNicky Falkof, Worrier State: Risk, Anxiety and Moral Panic in South Africa . Manchester: Manchester University Press2022. iv + 244pp. Bibl. Ind. £85 hbk; £20 pbk. ISBN 978-1-526-16402-5 hbk; 978-1-526-17188-7 pbk. 《南非的恐惧文化》,《忧虑状态:南非的风险、焦虑和道德恐慌》。曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,2022。Iv + 244pp。Bibl。85亿英镑;£20 pbk。ISBN 978-1-526-16402-5 hbk;978-1-526-17188-7 pbk。
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2023.2251279
Scott Burnett
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 Margaret Wetherell, Affect and Emotion: A New Social Science Understanding (Los Angeles: Sage 2012), 19.2 Sara Ahmed, The Cultural Politics of Emotion, 2nd edn (New York: Routledge 2015).3 Scott Burnett, White Belongings: Race, Land, and Property in Post-Apartheid South Africa (Lanham, MD and London: Lexington Books 2022), 20.4 Nicky Falkof, Satanism and Family Murder in Late Apartheid South Africa: Imagining the End of Whiteness (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2015).5 Pumla Dineo Gqola, Rape: A South African Nightmare (Johannesburg: Melinda Ferguson Books 2015).
注1 Margaret Wetherell,《情感与情感:一种新的社会科学理解》(洛杉矶:Sage出版社,2012),19.2 Sara Ahmed,《情感的文化政治》,第二版(纽约:Routledge出版社,2015)4 .斯科特·伯内特,《白人财产:种族隔离后南非的种族、土地和财产》(兰哈姆医学博士和伦敦:列克星敦出版社,2022年);尼基·福尔科夫,《种族隔离后期南非的撒旦崇拜和家庭谋杀:想象白人的终结》(贝辛斯托克和纽约:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦出版社,2015年)《强奸:南非的噩梦》(约翰内斯堡:梅林达·弗格森出版社,2015)。
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引用次数: 0
A two-way street 双行道
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2023.2192548
Richard Alba
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引用次数: 0
Australia’s statue wars told ‘from the inside’ “从内部”讲述澳大利亚的雕像战争
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-19 DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2023.2178703
Nikolas Orr
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引用次数: 0
Obituary 讣告
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2022.2126175
Stephen J. Whitfield
Published in Patterns of Prejudice (Vol. 56, No. 1, 2022)
发表于《偏见模式》(2022年第56卷第1期)
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引用次数: 0
The elephant in the room called ‘skin type IV’: ‘Südländer’ (Southerner) as a discriminatory category in German police reports 房间里的大象称“皮肤类型IV”:“Südländer”(南方人)是德国警方报告中的歧视类别
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2023.2205690
Clara Ervedosa
ABSTRACT Ervedosa’s article demonstrates from a cultural perspective that the categories ‘Südländer’ (Southerner) and ‘südländisches Aussehen’ (Southern looks) in German police reports are discriminatory since they challenge the central principles of the German constitution. They infringe the fundamental right in Article 3.3, that is, the right not to be racially discriminated against, the fundamental rights of human dignity (Article 1.1) and human equality (Article 3.1), as well as the constitutional right to be a German citizen regardless of one’s skin colour (Article 116). It argues that the terms are a form of skin-colour racism in that the police carry out their work—investigations, searches, inquiries and so on—on the basis of the perpetrator’s racialized phenotype. The categories basically stand for ‘Mediterranean looks’—even referred to in the past as the ‘Mediterranean race’—and phenotype: dark hair, dark eyes and so-called ‘skin type IV’, that is, ‘olive or brown skin’. They are the product of a tradition of racialized, exclusionary thinking that collides with the humanistic and democratic values of the Grundgesetz (Basic Law).
Ervedosa的文章从文化角度论证了德国警方报告中的“Südländer”(南方人)和“südländisches Aussehen”(南方人)这两个类别具有歧视性,因为它们挑战了德国宪法的核心原则。它们侵犯了第3.3条的基本权利,即不受种族歧视的权利、人的尊严的基本权利(第1.1条)和人的平等的基本权利(第3.1条),以及不论肤色都是德国公民的宪法权利(第116条)。它认为,这些术语是肤色种族主义的一种形式,因为警察根据犯罪者的种族化表型进行工作——调查、搜查、询问等等。这些分类基本上代表了“地中海长相”——甚至在过去被称为“地中海种族”——和表现型:深色头发、深色眼睛和所谓的“第四种肤色”,即“橄榄色或棕色皮肤”。它们是种族化、排他性思维传统的产物,与《基本法》(Grundgesetz)的人文和民主价值观相冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Arguments among socialists 社会主义者之间的争论
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2022.2146306
Joseph Finlay
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引用次数: 0
The logic of the fight against antisemitism in Germany in three cultural shifts 从三个文化转变看德国反犹太主义斗争的逻辑
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2023.2192029
Irit Dekel, Esra Öyzürek
ABSTRACT Although the annual report by the Federal Association of Departments for Research and Information on Antisemitism (RIAS) stated that 1 per cent of antisemitic incidents in 2021 were characterized as Islamic/Islamist, public accusations of antisemitism are increasingly directed at two groups: (1) designated Others (Muslims and other racialized minorities who seldom engage in anti-Jewish hate crimes) and (2) public intellectuals who are for the most part white ethnic Germans (including Jews and Christians) who demonstrate solidarity with these minorities. Dekel and Özyürek describe the logic that drives this growth in accusations of antisemitism and argue that it can be explained by three shifts in the discourse of Holocaust memory: first, from Holocaust memory to antisemitism; second, from antisemitism’s German perpetrators to designated Others; and third, from guilt and responsibility to shame.
摘要尽管联邦反犹太主义研究与信息部协会(RIAS)的年度报告指出,2021年1%的反犹太症事件被定性为伊斯兰/伊斯兰事件,反犹太主义的公开指控越来越多地针对两个群体:(1)被指定的其他人(穆斯林和其他很少参与反犹太仇恨犯罪的种族化少数群体)和(2)公共知识分子,他们大多是白人德国人(包括犹太人和基督徒),他们与这些少数群体团结一致。Dekel和Özyürek描述了推动反犹太主义指控增长的逻辑,并认为这可以通过大屠杀记忆话语的三个转变来解释:首先,从大屠杀记忆到反犹太论;第二,从反犹太主义的德国肇事者到指定的其他人;第三,从内疚和责任到羞耻。
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引用次数: 0
The kids are alt-right: an introduction to PragerU and its role in radicalization in the United States 孩子们是另类右派:介绍PragerU及其在美国激进化中的作用
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2023.2219167
R. Dickinson, Tom Cowin
ABSTRACT With an annual budget of nearly fifty million dollars and over five billion views on social media, PragerU is a central node in the production of misinformation and radicalization in the United States today. Despite this, it has received little-to-no attention in contemporary scholarship. This paper begins to correct this dangerous oversight by introducing PragerU to an academic audience as a powerful far-right institution. We build on Rebecca Lewis’s concept of the Alternative Influence Network to show that PragerU is a unique and sinister institution with the ability to draw together disparate parts of the American right, using immense financial resources and advertising reach to do so. At its core, we contend that PragerU functions as a legitimizing hub for the US far right. It creates for itself a veneer of legitimacy as a seemingly moderate, centrist educational organization, even appropriating the term ‘university’. PragerU then shares that legitimacy, serving as a hub that unites the right, bringing together Reaganite neoliberals, Bush-era neoconservatives, Tea Partiers, Trumpists and the contemporary alt-right under PragerU branding. Combined with its staggering reach and the structural features of social media platforms (‘suggested videos’, recommendations), PragerU acts as a gateway to the extreme right, and the first steps on the path to radicalization. As a result, we argue that it can no longer be ignored by scholars seeking to understand the far right in the United States, and should be treated as an essential area of study into right-wing radicalization and the spread of misinformation on social media today.
PragerU的年度预算接近5000万美元,在社交媒体上的浏览量超过50亿,是当今美国制造错误信息和激进化的中心节点。尽管如此,它在当代学术界几乎没有受到关注。本文通过向学术界介绍PragerU作为一个强大的极右翼机构,开始纠正这一危险的疏忽。我们以丽贝卡·刘易斯(Rebecca Lewis)的另类影响网络概念为基础,表明PragerU是一个独特而邪恶的机构,它有能力利用巨大的财政资源和广告影响力,将美国右翼的不同部分聚集在一起。在其核心,我们认为PragerU是美国极右翼的合法中心。它为自己创造了一个看似温和、中立的教育组织的合法性表象,甚至挪用了“大学”这个词。然后,PragerU分享了这种合法性,成为团结右翼的中心,将里根时代的新自由主义者、布什时代的新保守主义者、茶党、特朗普主义者和当代另类右翼聚集在PragerU的品牌下。结合其惊人的覆盖范围和社交媒体平台的结构特征(“建议视频”,推荐),PragerU充当了通往极右翼的门户,也是走向激进化的第一步。因此,我们认为,寻求了解美国极右翼的学者不能再忽视它,它应该被视为研究右翼激进化和当今社交媒体上错误信息传播的一个重要领域。
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引用次数: 1
The British monarchy and regimes of whiteness 英国的君主制和白人政权
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2022.2146304
Laurie Clancy
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引用次数: 0
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Patterns of Prejudice
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