Pub Date : 2021-03-15DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2021.1987623
S. Burley
As we move into a post-Trump presidential period in the United States, with shifting sands across the European political landscape, questions about how the far right is evolving are of increasing importance. In her new book, Hate in the Homeland, Dr Cynthia Miller-Idriss, an analyst of the far right, looks at the complicated narratives and social networks by which and in which people are radicalized, and how seemingly ephemeral concepts like ‘homeland’ can touch deep emotional needs in people vulnerable to far-right radicalization. By looking at the surprising routes taken by the far-right into various apolitical subcultures, such as mixed martial arts, video games and even cooking shows, we can see a complicated picture of how fragmentation is key to the adaptability that white nationalism is finding in our increasingly computer-driven age. In Shane Burley’s interview with Miller-Idriss, they discuss the role of spaces, both physical and virtual, how conspiracy and identity are driving a push to action, and what we are seeing in the wake of a mass pandemic that has driven us out of the streets and on to our computers.
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Pub Date : 2021-03-15DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2021.1985752
N. Jacobs
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Pub Date : 2021-03-15DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2021.1920721
Richard W. Leblanc
ABSTRACT LeBlanc’s article interprets Kant’s transcendental deduction of the categories in the Critique of Pure Reason (1781, 1787) in light of his texts on race. It shows that, when Kant’s less canonical work on race is considered, his racial neutrality in this so-called ‘first critique’ becomes flawed. The first part of LeBlanc’s argumentation suggests that Kant’s monogenetic conception of the human species is compatible with the universalism of the transcendental deduction, and explains how this is largely supported by the fact that Kant himself diminished the importance of his work on race. It is in this broader context that LeBlanc concludes this first section by asserting that the categories of the human understanding, as explained in the transcendental deduction, would be applicable to the whole human species if we followed Kant’s logic. The second part of this paper starts from the Kantian idea that only white European peoples can produce science. It demonstrates that this Kantian idea broadens the function of the transcendental deduction in the first critique with regard to the history of modern science—namely, to give legitimacy to Newton’s science—to exclude non-Whites from the work of science in general. It is thus the juxtaposition of Kant’s analysis of modern European scientific culture on the one hand, and his account of human races on the other, that indicates a possible implicit racism in Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason. The colour of the transcendental deduction in its function of scientific legitimation is thus revealed to be potentially white, although LeBlanc’s article still admits that other interpretive perspectives are reasonable and possible. His conclusion aims to make suggestions about the future of Kant studies in a global context in which postcoloniality can no longer be avoided, and the work of scholars such as Robert Bernasconi and Charles W. Mills, among others, should be taken as crucial.
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Pub Date : 2021-02-17DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2020.1866880
T. Modood
ABSTRACT The four articles that make up this symposium on Tariq Modood's recent collection, Essays on Secularism and Multiculturalism (2019), are based on a public conversation and research colloquium held at Utrecht University on 18 February 2020. In the first article, Modood introduces the conversation with a statement of his thinking over two decades on the subjects of secularism and multiculturalism. This is followed by responses by Pooyan Tamimi Arab and Ernst van den Hemel and, in the fourth and final article, Modood has the last word.
塔里克·莫德最近出版的文集《世俗主义与多元文化主义论文集》(2019)的四篇文章是基于2020年2月18日在乌得勒支大学举行的一次公开对话和研究研讨会。在第一篇文章中，莫德介绍了他20多年来对世俗主义和多元文化主义主题的思考。随后是Pooyan Tamimi Arab和Ernst van den Hemel的回应，在第四篇也是最后一篇文章中，Modood有最后的发言权。
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Pub Date : 2021-02-17eCollection Date: 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2020.1866876
Pooyan Tamimi Arab
The four articles that make up this symposium on Tariq Modood's recent collection, Essays on Secularism and Multiculturalism (2019), are based on a public conversation and research colloquium held at Utrecht University on 18 February 2020. In the first article, Modood introduces the conversation with a statement of his thinking over two decades on the subjects of secularism and multiculturalism. This is followed by responses by Pooyan Tamimi Arab and Ernst van den Hemel and, in the fourth and final article, Modood has the last word.
这四篇文章构成了塔里克·莫德最近的文集《世俗主义和多元文化主义论文集》(2019)的研讨会，是基于2020年2月18日在乌得勒支大学举行的一次公开对话和研究座谈会。在第一篇文章中，莫德介绍了他20多年来对世俗主义和多元文化主义主题的思考。随后是Pooyan Tamimi Arab和Ernst van den Hemel的回应，在第四篇也是最后一篇文章中，Modood有最后的发言权。
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Pub Date : 2021-02-17DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2020.1866873
T. Modood
ABSTRACT The four articles that make up this symposium on Tariq Modood’s recent collection, Essays on Secularism and Multiculturalism (2019), are based on a public conversation and research colloquium held at Utrecht University on 18 February 2020. In the first article, Modood introduces the conversation with a statement of his thinking over two decades on the subjects of secularism and multiculturalism. This is followed by responses by Pooyan Tamimi Arab and Ernst van den Hemel and, in the fourth and final article, Modood has the last word.
摘要本次研讨会的四篇文章是基于2020年2月18日在乌得勒支大学举行的一次公开对话和研究座谈会，内容涉及塔里克·莫伍德的最新作品集《世俗主义与多元文化主义随笔》（2019）。在第一篇文章中，莫德介绍了这场对话，并阐述了他20多年来对世俗主义和多元文化主义的思考。随后是Pooyan Tamimi Arab和Ernst van den Hemel的回应，在第四篇也是最后一篇文章中，Modood说了算。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2021.1898815
Katrine Fangen, Lisanne Lichtenberg
ABSTRACT Historically, the family and, more generally, gender policies have been a central issue in both nationalist and far-right rhetoric. This holds particularly for Germany, where the so-called male-breadwinner model and the rhetoric of Kinder, Küche, Kirche (children, kitchen, church) have a long tradition. At the same time, Germany’s National Socialist past confers a negative connotation on notions of the family as a continuation of the nation. In this article, Fangen and Lichtenberg examine the family policies and views on gender roles, as well as the views on Muslims, of politicians from two German far-right parties and their youth organizations, as well as one German anti-immigrant social movement organization. Their study, based on press releases, party programmes and social media posts, adds to the growing literature on the importance of gender in nationalist and far-right politics in general, and in far-right critiques of Islam in particular. Their specific contribution is a detailed focus on the similarities and differences in various organizations on the German far right, as well as an analysis that draws on concepts such as femonationalism and, in a similar vein, Rogers Brubaker’s notion of civilizationism.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/0031322x.2021.1962029
Craig Fowlie
This edited collection originated from a workshop at Trinity College, Dublin in 2017. If the book’s origins were a response to the societal shocks in 2016 of Brexit and the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States, then its publication in 2020 coincided with the global protests for social and racial justice in response to the police murder of George Floyd (xv). In the three years between the book’s conception and publication, there was a wave of extreme-right terrorist attacks that provided ample evidence of the global dangers of white nationalist violence. These included murderous attacks on synagogues and mosques in London in the United Kingdom, Pittsburgh in the United States, in Christchurch, New Zealand and in Halle, Germany, as well as other mass casualty incidents motivated by white supremacy. More recently, of course, we saw a mob of Trump supporters—including members of several extreme right groups—attack the US Capitol building. One of this book’s greatest strengths is to demonstrate that the extreme right’s imaginary of ethnic purity and ‘cleansing’ violence has long historical roots imbricating with the racial brutality of slavery and colonialism. The origins of the transnational networking and ideological cross-pollination of extreme-right organizations date back deep into the twentieth century (4). Although the book focuses on Anglophonic right-wing extremism, it makes a significant contribution to a body of recent scholarship that has delineated the transnational history of the global far right to include nonEnglish-language-speaking countries. The book consists of an introduction and nine case study chapters ordered into four sections: ‘In the shadow of slavery and empire’, ‘Opposing civil rights’, ‘Nostalgia for white rule’ and ‘The far right in the Anglosphere’.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2021.1898811
A. Kettler
ABSTRACT It was in 1835, in the wake of the Nullification Crisis that shook the United States with the threat of civil war over federal law, state’s rights and the Slave Power, that Jerome Holgate, under the pseudonym ‘Oliver Bolokitten’, published his dystopian fiction A Sojourn in the City of Amalgamation. It posited the existence of an African body smell that would make anti-odour machines essential if American societies fell prey to the potential ravages of racial miscegenation. Two decades after Holgate offered his dystopian world-view of smell and race, ‘Cephas Broadluck’, a pseudonym for the American author Allen Gazlay, published Races of Mankind: With Travels in Grubland (1856), an allegorical attack on comparable forms of sensory and sexual ‘amalgamation’, also proposing olfactory detection as a racial protection for the white body politic. The antebellum era dystopias of Holgate and Gazlay combined ideas of truth and race through the sensory experiences of the nose, which had previously been socially conditioned to sense racial Others through a false consciousness about the smell of Africans throughout the Atlantic World. Despite the efforts of academics to deconstruct such absurd beliefs and experiences in the modern world, olfactory racism continues in the languages of both current political leaders and within the bowels of the Internet. Because these prejudicial perceptions continue through what seems for many racists to be biological experiences of truth, scholars must focus much more on analysing embodied perceptions of Othering if academic arguments about the social construction of race are to make any inroads against the return of racist, technologized and fascist modernity in the contemporary West.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/0031322X.2021.1909935
Marcel Stoetzler
The drift of Kaufmann’s 600-page manifesto is revealed in the first word on page one, chapter one: ‘We’. ‘We’ sums up its purpose and strategy: to defend, or reinforce, the national ‘we’ of nation-...
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