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Status and expertise: A typology of US presidential transition team members 地位和专长:美国总统过渡团队成员的类型
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-09 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12847
H. Brown
Despite advising on thousands of important decisions, who serves on presidential transition teams in the United States is largely unknown. The secretive and transient nature of transition planning explains why this is the case, but also reinforces why it is important to have a better understanding of who a president‐elect might choose at this critical moment of the transfer of power. This article develops a theory of the transition team as well as a typology based on two factors: expertise and status. Original interviews with members of the 2020–2021 Biden–Harris transition team then demonstrate the utility of this typology for better understanding the transition period.
尽管在数千个重要决策上提供建议,但在美国,谁在总统过渡团队中任职基本上是未知的。过渡计划的秘密性和短暂性解释了为什么会出现这种情况,但也强调了为什么在这个权力移交的关键时刻,更好地了解当选总统可能会选择谁是很重要的。本文发展了过渡团队的理论以及基于两个因素的类型:专业知识和地位。对2020-2021年拜登-哈里斯过渡团队成员的原始采访,然后展示了这种类型学的实用性,以便更好地理解过渡时期。
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引用次数: 0
Electing presidents: A hidden facet of democratization 选举总统:民主化的一个隐藏面
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12846
J. Cheibub, F. Limongi, A. Przeworski
A hidden facet of democratization in the world over the past two centuries has been the increased weight of people's voice in electing presidents. On the basis of new data on all presidential elections in the world since 1789, we show that they evolved from systems in which the final decision was made by someone other than voters, to systems in which the choice of voters was decisive only if it generated a majority, to systems in which the final decision is made by voters. This means that in countries where presidents have executive powers, elections may not be the mechanism by which the people, as a collectivity, always selects its rulers, thus violating the fundamental norm of democracy. We document the history of presidential election rules, offer some tentative explanations, and explore the consequences of particular systems.
在过去的两个世纪里,世界民主化的一个隐藏方面是人民在选举总统时的声音越来越大。根据1789年以来世界上所有总统选举的新数据,我们表明,这些选举从由选民以外的人做出最终决定的制度,到只有在产生多数票的情况下选民的选择才是决定性的制度,再到由选民做出最终决定的制度。这意味着,在总统拥有行政权力的国家,选举可能不是人民作为一个集体选择统治者的机制,从而违反了民主的基本准则。我们记录了总统选举规则的历史,提供了一些初步的解释,并探讨了特定制度的后果。
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引用次数: 0
Tribal coalitions and lobbying outcomes: Evidence from administrative rulemaking 部落联盟与游说结果:来自行政规则制定的证据
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12843
Maraam A. Dwidar, Kathleen Marchetti
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引用次数: 0
Molly Dewson, the women's division, and grassroots presidential campaigning during the New Deal Molly Dewson,妇女部门,以及新政期间的基层总统竞选
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12844
M. Blair
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引用次数: 0
Legislative responses to shared executive authority: How the prospects for executive branch coordination affect congressional budgetary authority under separated powers 立法对共同行政权力的回应:行政部门协调的前景如何影响分权下的国会预算权力
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-11 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12841
Gary E. Hollibaugh, George A. Krause
Gary E. Hollibaugh, Jr.† George A. Krause‡ University of Pittsburgh University of Georgia Abstract How do the prospects for executive branch coordination affect legislatures’ willingness to delegate budget authority? A theory is advanced predicting that Congress entrusts its budget authority to executive agencies headed by reliably strong presidential loyalists vis-à-vis reliably low weak presidential loyalists when its policy and electoral interests are aligned with the president, while engaging in mean-reversion budgetary behavior when these interests are opposed to the president. The theory also posits that Congress’s budget authority exhibits relatively lower volatility in response to unreliable executive agency heads when they do not have shared policy and electoral interests with the president compared to when they do so. The evidence offers compelling, albeit mixed support for the theory’s testable predictions, while gleaning novel empirical insights for understanding how the prospects for executive branch coordination via leadership appointees affects the contingent nature of Congress’s decisions to grant discretionary budget authority to executive agencies.
Gary E.Hollibaugh,Jr.†George A.Krause†匹兹堡大学佐治亚大学摘要行政部门协调的前景如何影响立法机构下放预算权力的意愿?有人提出了一种理论,预测当国会的政策和选举利益与总统一致时,国会将其预算权力委托给由可靠的强大总统忠诚者领导的行政机构,而当这些利益与总统对立时,国会则会采取均值回归的预算行为。该理论还认为,与当时相比,当行政机构负责人与总统没有共同的政策和选举利益时,国会的预算权力在应对不可靠的行政机构负责时表现出相对较低的波动性,同时收集新的经验见解,以了解通过领导层任命的人进行行政部门协调的前景如何影响国会授予行政机构自由裁量预算权的决定的偶然性。
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引用次数: 0
Stock market reactions to firm visits by presidents of the United States: George H. W. Bush through Donald J. Trump 股市对美国总统访问公司的反应:从乔治·H·W·布什到唐纳德·J·特朗普
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-05 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12842
Colby D. Green, Douglas A. Schuler, A. Zavyalova, R. Swartz, Kristen Nault, Asiya K. Kazi
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引用次数: 0
The biggest losers: Legacy, exigence, and apologia in presidential farewell addresses 最大的输家:总统告别演讲中的遗产、紧急情况和道歉
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-05 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12839
Mike Milford
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引用次数: 0
Jimmy Carter's cold war legacy 吉米·卡特的冷战遗产
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12845
Robert C. Donnelly
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引用次数: 0
Democratic values and support for executive power 民主价值观和对行政权力的支持
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12837
Andrew Reeves, Jon C. Rogowski
Attempts by elected executives to consolidate power have generated alarm and raised concern about democratic backsliding. In contrast with scholarship on public approval ratings of elected executives, we study the nature of mass attitudes toward the institutional power of the office of the presidency. We investigate the potential for mass publics to constrain antidemocratic behavior and argue that individuals’ democratic values shape views of executive power. Using data from twenty-six countries in the Americas and thirty-seven countries in Africa, we find support for our perspective. Individuals who express stronger commitments to democracy are less supportive of institutional arrangements that favor the executive. Our findings suggest that citizens’ democratic commitments may constrain the ambitions of power-seeking executives and the erosion of democratic practices. their Cronbach’s alpha is .4 indicating that they are not each reliable measuring the same underlying concept. Conducting a principal component analysis yields similar finding. The first dimension explains just 38 percent of the variance with each additional dimension explaining between 18 and 24 percent of the variance. These concepts appear to be measuring somewhat different conceptions of executive power and so we analyze them separately. these country-level sources of variation. Future research could evaluate
民选高管巩固权力的尝试引起了人们的警觉,并引发了人们对民主倒退的担忧。与关于民选高管公众支持率的学术研究相反,我们研究了大众对总统职位制度权力的态度的性质。我们调查了大众约束反民主行为的潜力,并认为个人的民主价值观塑造了对行政权力的看法。利用来自26个美洲国家和37个非洲国家的数据,我们为我们的观点找到了支持。对民主表达更坚定承诺的个人不太支持有利于行政部门的制度安排。我们的研究结果表明,公民的民主承诺可能会限制追求权力的高管的野心和民主实践的侵蚀。他们的Cronbachα是.4,这表明他们并不是每个人都可靠地测量相同的基本概念。进行主成分分析会得出类似的结论。第一个维度只解释了38%的方差,每个额外的维度解释了18%到24%的方差。这些概念似乎在衡量不同的行政权力概念,因此我们分别对其进行分析。这些国家一级的变化来源。未来的研究可以评估
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引用次数: 0
Is the US Supreme Court a reliable backstop for an overreaching US president? Maybe, but is an overreaching (partisan) court worse? 美国最高法院是权力过大的美国总统的可靠后盾吗?也许吧,但是一个越界的(党派的)法庭会更糟吗?
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/psq.12831
Rebecca L. Brown, L. Epstein
The Roberts Court has been called the most “___” Court in history, with many different adjectives being offered. Surprisingly, our study of voting data from Supreme Court Terms 1937-2021 shows that the Roberts Court is the most “anti-President” Court in that period: it has ruled against the President at a greater rate than any other Court. Should we take this to mean that the Court will be there to protect democracy if an overreaching President tries to trample constitutional limits? Not necessarily. Additional analysis and a deep dive into the cases and reasoning reveal a more complicated picture, of a Court exhibiting historic levels of partisan and loyalty bias as well as a strong penchant for judicial supremacy.
罗伯茨法院被称为历史上最“___”的法院,有许多不同的形容词。令人惊讶的是,我们对1937-2021年最高法院条款的投票数据的研究表明,罗伯茨法院是那个时期最“反总统”的法院:它的裁决率高于任何其他法院。我们是否应该认为,如果一位越权的总统试图践踏宪法限制,最高法院将在那里保护民主?不一定。对案件和推理的进一步分析和深入研究揭示了一幅更为复杂的画面,即法院表现出历史性的党派和忠诚偏见,以及对司法至上的强烈偏好。
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引用次数: 3
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Presidential Studies Quarterly
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