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Down with Covid: patterns of electoral turnout in the 2020 French local elections 打倒新冠病毒:2020年法国地方选举的投票率模式
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924752
Tristan Haute, Camille Kelbel, F. Briatte, Giulia Sandri
ABSTRACT This article contributes to the ongoing research effort assessing the effects of the COVID-19 crisis on turnout in the municipal elections held in France in March and June 2020. Holding the election in pandemic times caused turnout to drop significantly, but unevenly so across the electorate. We use both aggregate electoral results at the polling station level and individual-level data drawn from a survey we conducted between June and July 2020. If fear of contagion partly explains voters’ abstention, this article highlights the contradictory effects of the pandemic on the socioeconomic determinants of voter turnout. On the one hand, the variation in turnout levels by age, which usually is quite significant in France, has considerably decreased in 2020. On the other hand, the differences in turnout levels according to the voters’ economic and social status have been reinforced during the pandemic. This analysis of local individual data shows that the health crisis has generated important consequences also on the patterns of social inequalities in political representation.
本文为正在进行的评估2019冠状病毒病危机对2020年3月和6月法国市政选举投票率影响的研究工作提供了支持。在大流行时期举行选举导致投票率大幅下降,但选民投票率的下降并不均匀。我们既使用了投票站层面的总选举结果,也使用了我们在2020年6月至7月期间进行的调查中获得的个人层面的数据。如果对传染病的恐惧部分解释了选民的弃权,那么本文强调了疫情对选民投票率的社会经济决定因素的矛盾影响。一方面,在法国,按年龄划分的投票率差异通常相当大,但在2020年,这一差异已大大减少。另一方面,根据选民的经济和社会地位,投票率水平的差异在大流行期间得到了加强。对地方个人数据的分析表明,卫生危机也对政治代表性方面的社会不平等模式产生了重要影响。
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引用次数: 9
Attenuating the crisis: the relationship between media use, prosocial political participation, and holding misinformation beliefs during the COVID-19 pandemic 缓解危机:COVID-19大流行期间媒体使用、亲社会政治参与和持有错误信息信念之间的关系
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924735
Jakob Ohme, M. Hameleers, Anna Brosius, T. G. van der Meer
ABSTRACT In a global crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic, governments around the world are dependent on voluntary support of their citizens. Based on a four-wave panel survey conducted in the Netherlands between April and July 2020 (n = 1742), this study investigates the development of citizens’ engagement in prosocial political activities and what motivates such acts of political participation. With previous research indicating strong relationships between news as well as social media use and political participation, we test whether these types of information consumption drive participation over time. The spread of misinformation during the COVID-19 crisis, however, was described as an “infodemic”. The study therefore explores how holding misinformation beliefs directly and indirectly affects participation in COVID-19 related activities.
在COVID-19大流行这样的全球危机中,世界各国政府都依赖于其公民的自愿支持。基于2020年4月至7月在荷兰进行的四波面板调查(n = 1742),本研究调查了公民参与亲社会政治活动的发展以及这种政治参与行为的动机。先前的研究表明,新闻和社交媒体的使用与政治参与之间存在密切关系,我们测试了这些类型的信息消费是否会随着时间的推移推动政治参与。然而,在2019冠状病毒病危机期间,错误信息的传播被描述为“信息大流行”。因此,该研究探讨了持有错误信息信念如何直接和间接影响参与与COVID-19相关的活动。
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引用次数: 7
Elections in the time of covid-19: the triple crises around Malawi’s 2020 presidential elections 2019冠状病毒病期间的选举:马拉维2020年总统选举前后的三重危机
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924745
B. Dulani, Adam S. Harris, Ellen Lust, Karen E. Ferree, Kristen Kao, Cecilia Ahsan Jansson, E. Metheney
ABSTRACT In June 2020, in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic, Malawians went to the polls and voted to replace the incumbent government. Much like other natural disasters, the Covid-19 pandemic and accompanying economic and political shocks had the potential to shake voters’ confidence in the government, reduce turnout, and/or reduce support for the incumbent if voters associated them with the ills of the pandemic. In this paper, we examine the extent to which the Coronavirus pandemic influenced Malawi’s 2020 elections. We consider how fear of infection and economic distress affected citizens’ trust and confidence in President Mutharika’s government, their willingness to turn out to vote, and their choices at the polls using data collected pre- and post-Covid. We find that fears about the virus and its economic impact did influence trust and confidence in the government to handle Covid but had little to no effect on either abstention or vote choice.
2020年6月,在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,马拉维人前往投票站投票选举现任政府。就像其他自然灾害一样,新冠肺炎大流行及其伴随的经济和政治冲击有可能动摇选民对政府的信心,降低投票率,如果选民将其与大流行的弊病联系起来,就有可能降低对现任总统的支持。在本文中,我们研究了冠状病毒大流行对马拉维2020年选举的影响程度。我们利用疫情前和疫情后收集的数据,研究了对感染和经济困境的恐惧如何影响公民对穆塔里卡总统政府的信任和信心、他们的投票意愿以及他们在投票站的选择。我们发现,对新冠病毒及其经济影响的担忧确实影响了人们对政府应对新冠病毒的信任和信心,但对弃权或投票选择几乎没有影响。
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引用次数: 5
Partisan cues and perceived risks: The effect of partisan social media frames during the COVID-19 crisis in Mexico 党派暗示和感知风险:党派社交媒体框架在墨西哥COVID-19危机期间的影响
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924740
Natalia Aruguete, Ernesto Calvo, Francisco Cantú, S. Ley, Carlos Scartascini, Tiago Ventura
ABSTRACT We present the results of a survey experiment designed to evaluate the effects of social media exposure on perceptions of personal health and job risks during the COVID-19 pandemic in Mexico. Our framing experiment treats respondents to positive and negative partisan messages from high-level politicians. Descriptive findings show divergent evaluations of how the government is addressing the crisis by supporters of the government and opposition parties. Results show that respondents are sensitive to negative frames regardless of the political color of the messenger. Further, supporters of the incumbent are more likely to deflect government’s responsibility when treated with a negative frame by a politician from the opposition.
我们介绍了一项调查实验的结果,该实验旨在评估社交媒体曝光对墨西哥COVID-19大流行期间个人健康和工作风险认知的影响。我们的框架实验让受访者接受来自高层政治家的积极和消极的党派信息。描述性调查结果显示,政府支持者和反对党对政府如何应对危机的评估存在分歧。结果表明,无论信使的政治色彩如何,受访者对负面框架都很敏感。此外,现任总统的支持者更有可能在反对派政治家的负面框架下转移政府的责任。
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引用次数: 9
Predictable crises shape public opinion: evidence from the COVID-19 natural experiment 可预测的危机影响公众舆论:来自COVID-19自然实验的证据
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924731
Taka-aki Asano, Tomoki Kaneko, Shoko Omori, Shusuke Takamiya, M. Taniguchi
ABSTRACT How do the predictable COVID-19-related medical and economic crises affect public opinion? To answer this question, we analyze a nationwide random sampling survey (n = 2053 respondents) coinciding with the period from the beginning of the outbreak of COVID-19 to its peak. This scale and timing enable us to trace a shift in public opinion. We find that the levels of public support for big government had increased before the spread of COVID-19. Furthermore, the results show that with the sudden growth of patients, people predicted a future economic crisis and thus demanded the government to implement economic stimulus measures to reduce damage. Our findings imply that public opinion is formed earlier than crises actually materialize.
可预见的新冠肺炎相关医疗和经济危机如何影响公众舆论?为了回答这个问题,我们分析了一项全国范围内的随机抽样调查(n = 2053名受访者),该调查恰逢COVID-19爆发开始到高峰期间。这种规模和时机使我们能够追踪公众舆论的转变。我们发现,在新冠肺炎疫情蔓延之前,公众对大政府的支持程度有所提高。此外,结果表明,随着患者的突然增长,人们预测未来的经济危机,从而要求政府实施经济刺激措施,以减少损害。我们的研究结果表明,公众舆论的形成早于危机实际出现。
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引用次数: 2
COVID-19, economic anxiety, and support for international economic integration 2019冠状病毒病、经济焦虑和支持国际经济一体化
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924753
Nina Obermeier
ABSTRACT There are growing concerns that the COVID-19 pandemic is strengthening nationalism around the world by fueling discrimination, unilateralism, and economic crises. However, there have been few empirical analyses of the effect of the pandemic on individuals’ level of nationalism. Using evidence from two original surveys conducted in Canada in 2019 and 2020, I show that public support for international economic integration has increased rather than decreased since the outbreak of the pandemic. The survey data point to economic anxiety induced by the pandemic as a key mechanism shaping individuals’ attitudes towards international economic integration. While the existing literature has found that negative economic sentiment depresses support for international economic integration, economic anxiety appears to be positively related to support for integration in the COVID-19 era. My findings therefore run counter to current arguments about the effect of the pandemic and to expectations based on the existing literature. Gaining a better empirical understanding of the relationship between the pandemic and nationalism in public opinion is particularly important at a time when international cooperation is needed to address both COVID-19 and its economic effects.
人们越来越担心,新冠肺炎疫情正在加剧歧视、单边主义和经济危机,从而加剧世界各地的民族主义。然而,关于大流行对个人民族主义水平影响的实证分析很少。我利用2019年和2020年在加拿大进行的两次原始调查的证据表明,自疫情爆发以来,公众对国际经济一体化的支持非但没有减少,反而增加了。调查数据表明,疫情引发的经济焦虑是影响个人对国际经济一体化态度的一个关键机制。虽然现有文献发现,负面的经济情绪会抑制对国际经济一体化的支持,但在新冠肺炎时代,经济焦虑似乎与对一体化的支持呈正相关。因此,我的发现与当前关于大流行影响的争论和基于现有文献的预期背道而驰。在需要开展国际合作以应对COVID-19及其经济影响之际,更好地从实证角度理解疫情与公众舆论中的民族主义之间的关系尤为重要。
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引用次数: 1
When the rally-around-the-flag effect disappears, or: when the COVID-19 pandemic becomes “normalized” 当“团结一致”效应消失时,或者:当COVID-19大流行“正常化”时
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924742
Bengt Johansson, D. Hopmann, A. Shehata
ABSTRACT The rally-around-the-flag effect describes the tendency of public opinion to become more favourable toward political leaders in times of crises. Political leaders rarely can exchange this initial rally-around-effect into long-term support, however. The central question addressed in this paper is, why political leaders cannot maintain this increase in support over time. Based on three-wave panel data collected during the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in Sweden (N = 1716), this paper investigates why political leaders cannot maintain initial popular support in the long run. Empirically, we find that perceptions of how Sweden is affected by the crisis and political ideology are both important drivers to understand the declining government approval following a rally-around-the-flag effect.
“团结在旗帜周围”效应描述了在危机时期公众舆论变得更倾向于政治领导人的趋势。然而,政治领导人很少能将这种最初的团结效应转化为长期的支持。本文讨论的核心问题是,为什么政治领导人不能长期保持这种支持的增长。基于在瑞典COVID-19大流行爆发期间收集的三波面板数据(N = 1716),本文调查了为什么政治领导人不能长期保持最初的民众支持。从经验上看,我们发现对瑞典如何受到危机和政治意识形态的影响的看法,都是理解“团结一致”效应后政府支持率下降的重要驱动因素。
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引用次数: 38
Attitudinal polarization towards the redistributive role of the state in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis COVID-19危机后对国家再分配作用的态度两极分化
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924736
Macarena Ares, Reto Bürgisser, Silja Häusermann
ABSTRACT The COVID-19 crisis presents a unique opportunity to study how public opinion towards the redistributive role of the state reacts to a major economic shock. The pandemic and the measures taken to stop it exposed citizens to both increased fiscal constraint and heightened redistributive capacity: historical drops in GDP (and fiscal revenue) coincided with unprecedented increases in public spending on healthcare provisions and social policy, as well as staggering amounts of financial liquidity provided to hard-hit economic sectors. How did this affect citizens’ attitudes towards redistribution and their assessments of the capacity of the state to intervene? To tackle these questions, we rely on a two-wave panel survey fielded in Germany, Sweden and Spain in late 2018 and June 2020. While preferred levels of redistribution have remained largely stable, our results indicate major shifts and growing ideological polarization around perceptions of welfare state efficiency and capacity, fiscal constraint and political trust. Hence, the COVID-crisis has so far neither led to a left- nor a right-wing shift in citizens' desired level of state intervention, but to an increasingly polarized context of (re)distributive politics, which is likely to imply heightened conflict over economic and social policy in the future.
2019冠状病毒病危机提供了一个独特的机会,可以研究公众舆论如何看待国家在应对重大经济冲击时的再分配角色。大流行以及为遏制疫情而采取的措施使公民面临财政约束加剧和再分配能力增强的双重压力:国内生产总值(和财政收入)出现历史性下降,与此同时,医疗保健服务和社会政策方面的公共支出出现了前所未有的增加,受到严重打击的经济部门获得了惊人数量的金融流动性。这如何影响公民对再分配的态度以及他们对国家干预能力的评估?为了解决这些问题,我们依靠2018年底和2020年6月在德国、瑞典和西班牙进行的两波小组调查。虽然偏好的再分配水平基本保持稳定,但我们的研究结果表明,围绕福利国家效率和能力、财政约束和政治信任的看法,发生了重大变化,意识形态两极分化日益严重。因此,到目前为止,冠状病毒危机既没有导致公民期望的国家干预水平向左或向右转变,但却导致了(再)分配政治的日益两极分化,这可能意味着未来在经济和社会政策方面的冲突加剧。
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引用次数: 24
Information disclosure and political trust during the COVID-19 crisis: experimental evidence from Ireland COVID-19危机期间的信息披露和政治信任:来自爱尔兰的实验证据
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924738
Michele Crepaz, G. Arıkan
ABSTRACT The implementation of unprecedented crisis management policies in response to the spread of COVID-19 has attracted the attention of scholars interested in exploring the link between pandemic politics and political trust. However, while the disclosure of information about the pandemic constitutes an important aspect of crisis management policies, the effect of the level of information disclosure on political trust has not yet been investigated. As part of a larger nationally representative survey experiment on the role of transparency on political trust, we collected data from 618 respondents in the Republic of Ireland in May 2020. The pre-registered study manipulated the level of the disclosure of government information about the status of the pandemic (high and low information conditions). We do not find any direct effects of information disclosure treatments on political trust. However, we find that the high information condition significantly increases political trust among individuals with higher levels of prior trust in government, while it leads to a backfiring effect among those with lower levels of prior trust. These findings are relevant for both public opinion and public policy researchers who are interested in the effect of openness on citizen attitudes.
为应对COVID-19的传播,实施了前所未有的危机管理政策,这引起了有兴趣探索流行病政治与政治信任之间联系的学者的注意。然而,虽然披露有关大流行病的信息是危机管理政策的一个重要方面,但尚未调查信息披露水平对政治信任的影响。作为一项关于透明度对政治信任作用的更大规模的全国代表性调查实验的一部分,我们于2020年5月收集了爱尔兰共和国618名受访者的数据。预先登记的研究操纵了政府关于大流行病状况的信息披露水平(高信息条件和低信息条件)。我们没有发现信息披露处理对政治信任的直接影响。然而,我们发现,高信息条件显著增加了对政府有较高先验信任水平的个体的政治信任,而在对政府有较低先验信任水平的个体中则会产生反作用。这些发现对于那些对公开性对公民态度的影响感兴趣的公共舆论和公共政策研究人员来说都是相关的。
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引用次数: 6
Moonshots or a cautious take-off? How the Big Five leadership traits predict Covid-19 policy response 登月计划还是谨慎起飞?五大领导特质如何预测新冠肺炎政策应对
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1924739
L. Brown, L. Horvath, Daniel P. Stevens
ABSTRACT The Covid-19 crisis has been truly worldwide and has unfolded almost simultaneously across the globe. In order to control its spread and alleviate its impact governments have been faced with a range of policy options in terms of containment and closure, ramping up healthcare, and mitigating its economic effects. In this paper, we explore the stringency as well as the speed of policy response as a function of leaders’ personality traits, accounting for party-political orientation. To do this, we construct a text corpus composed of 26 country leaders’ rhetoric on Covid-19 collected from 10 days before the first recorded death in their respective countries until 90 days after, and use a pre-trained machine classifier to generate the Big Five personality traits for each leader. We find two general patterns: (1) one around neuroticism, a trait associated with negative stress response, which is associated with leniency in containment and health policy measures; and (2) some evidence that conscientiousness, a trait associated with risk aversion, is associated with quicker policy response. We conclude by suggesting analysis on the sub-national level in order to increase test power, and more work on validation linking our estimates of Big Five to expert ratings of personality.
新冠肺炎危机是真正的全球性危机,几乎同时在全球展开。为了控制其传播并减轻其影响,各国政府在遏制和关闭、加强医疗保健和减轻其经济影响方面面临着一系列政策选择。在本文中,我们探讨了政策反应的严格程度和速度作为领导人人格特质的函数,考虑了政党政治取向。为此,我们构建了一个文本语料库,由26位国家领导人在各自国家首次记录死亡前10天至90天内收集的关于Covid-19的言论组成,并使用预训练的机器分类器为每位领导人生成五大人格特征。我们发现了两种普遍模式:(1)神经质,这是一种与负应激反应相关的特征,与控制和卫生政策措施的宽容有关;(2)一些证据表明,与风险厌恶相关的尽责性特征与更快的政策反应相关。最后,我们建议在次国家层面进行分析,以提高测试能力,并在验证方面做更多工作,将我们对五大人格的估计与专家对人格的评级联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties
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