Pub Date : 2022-08-29DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2113089
K. McCabe
ABSTRACT Costly and unexpected medical bills have led many Americans to deplete their savings or put off medical care. This study examines how the public attributes blame for the costly health care system and how these blame attributions vary according to an individual’s own personal experiences with medical expenses. The results from multiple nationally representative surveys show that blame for health care costs is diffuse. Insurance companies and health care providers, such as hospitals, share a significant portion of the blame for these costs, and this is especially true among those who have firsthand experience with health care costs. Personal experience also somewhat reduces the likelihood that partisans concentrate blame for health care costs on the opposing party. Even though the costs of unexpected medical bills are tangible and the stakes are high, more visible and proximate actors in the health care system may shield government from some of the blame for costs incurred in the current system.
{"title":"Spreading the blame: personal experience and attribution for health care expenses","authors":"K. McCabe","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2113089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2113089","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Costly and unexpected medical bills have led many Americans to deplete their savings or put off medical care. This study examines how the public attributes blame for the costly health care system and how these blame attributions vary according to an individual’s own personal experiences with medical expenses. The results from multiple nationally representative surveys show that blame for health care costs is diffuse. Insurance companies and health care providers, such as hospitals, share a significant portion of the blame for these costs, and this is especially true among those who have firsthand experience with health care costs. Personal experience also somewhat reduces the likelihood that partisans concentrate blame for health care costs on the opposing party. Even though the costs of unexpected medical bills are tangible and the stakes are high, more visible and proximate actors in the health care system may shield government from some of the blame for costs incurred in the current system.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"72 1","pages":"365 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76197041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-09DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2110885
Jeffrey Nonnemacher, Jae-Jae Spoon, N. Ringe
ABSTRACT How do electoral institutions condition the electoral fortunes of parties under threat? In this article, we examine how Germany’s mixed-member proportional (MMP) system has influenced the vote share of the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD), a party under threat which has consistently lost votes over the past two decades. Using the 2013 and 2017 waves of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we find that voters are likely to engage in “sincere” vote switching on both the district and party ballots and that they are less likely to engage in “strategic” vote switching when they cast their district votes than when they cast their party votes, which protects SPD district candidates. Moreover, voters who stay with the SPD when casting their district vote are also less likely to switch their party votes, which protects the SPD’s overall vote share. We thus conclude that Germany’s MMP electoral system serves as an institutional safety net for the SPD as a party under threat. Our findings have important implications for understanding the ways in which electoral rules shape voting behavior and how different rules can mediate the decline of parties under threat.
{"title":"An institutional safety net? How electoral institutions mediate the fortunes of parties under threat","authors":"Jeffrey Nonnemacher, Jae-Jae Spoon, N. Ringe","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2110885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2110885","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do electoral institutions condition the electoral fortunes of parties under threat? In this article, we examine how Germany’s mixed-member proportional (MMP) system has influenced the vote share of the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD), a party under threat which has consistently lost votes over the past two decades. Using the 2013 and 2017 waves of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we find that voters are likely to engage in “sincere” vote switching on both the district and party ballots and that they are less likely to engage in “strategic” vote switching when they cast their district votes than when they cast their party votes, which protects SPD district candidates. Moreover, voters who stay with the SPD when casting their district vote are also less likely to switch their party votes, which protects the SPD’s overall vote share. We thus conclude that Germany’s MMP electoral system serves as an institutional safety net for the SPD as a party under threat. Our findings have important implications for understanding the ways in which electoral rules shape voting behavior and how different rules can mediate the decline of parties under threat.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"49 1","pages":"322 - 341"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79411006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-07DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2090951
Amélie Godefroidt, Karin Dyrstad, Kristin M. Bakke
ABSTRACT The UK’s decision to leave the European Union has raised questions about whether Brexit might bring “the Troubles” back to Northern Ireland. We exploit the timing of a unique survey to examine how the EU referendum campaign and its outcome shaped perceptions about the past conflict and preferences for the future in Northern Ireland. The survey reveals that, after the Leave vote, people were more likely to perceive the partitioning of the Island of Ireland and illegitimate rule of Westminster as important conflict causes. Respondents surveyed after the referendum were also more likely to see reunification with Ireland as desirable, and changes in conflict perceptions contributed to this change in preferences for the future. At the same time, public responses seem to be the result of a gradual change during the campaign rather than a shock effect to the outcome, and effects decay quickly. These findings contribute to a better understanding of the micro-foundations driving post-Brexit public opinion in Northern Ireland and the potential consequences of holding contentious referendums more generally.
{"title":"The past, Brexit, and the future in Northern Ireland: a quasi-experiment","authors":"Amélie Godefroidt, Karin Dyrstad, Kristin M. Bakke","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2090951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2090951","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The UK’s decision to leave the European Union has raised questions about whether Brexit might bring “the Troubles” back to Northern Ireland. We exploit the timing of a unique survey to examine how the EU referendum campaign and its outcome shaped perceptions about the past conflict and preferences for the future in Northern Ireland. The survey reveals that, after the Leave vote, people were more likely to perceive the partitioning of the Island of Ireland and illegitimate rule of Westminster as important conflict causes. Respondents surveyed after the referendum were also more likely to see reunification with Ireland as desirable, and changes in conflict perceptions contributed to this change in preferences for the future. At the same time, public responses seem to be the result of a gradual change during the campaign rather than a shock effect to the outcome, and effects decay quickly. These findings contribute to a better understanding of the micro-foundations driving post-Brexit public opinion in Northern Ireland and the potential consequences of holding contentious referendums more generally.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"25 1","pages":"149 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74625384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-23DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2090950
K. Eichhorn, Eric Linhart
ABSTRACT In autocratic and hybrid regimes, the internet plays an ambiguous role. It simultaneously possesses the quality of a liberation technology and opportunities for digital authoritarianism. Although autocrats have learned to utilize the internet to their advantage, they are aware of its liberation potential. Whenever the political survival of the regime is challenged, they use manipulative tools to avert uncertainty. Shutting down the internet has become one of these tools. This articleanalyzes the occurrence of internet shutdowns during national elections in autocratic and hybrid regimes. We show that internet shutdowns do not occur erratically but rather follow strategic decisions. Although capacity to control access to the internet is crucial, we highlight the importance of incentives to shut down the internet provided by different degrees of uncertainty during the election.
{"title":"Election-related internet-shutdowns in autocracies and hybrid regimes","authors":"K. Eichhorn, Eric Linhart","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2090950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2090950","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In autocratic and hybrid regimes, the internet plays an ambiguous role. It simultaneously possesses the quality of a liberation technology and opportunities for digital authoritarianism. Although autocrats have learned to utilize the internet to their advantage, they are aware of its liberation potential. Whenever the political survival of the regime is challenged, they use manipulative tools to avert uncertainty. Shutting down the internet has become one of these tools. This articleanalyzes the occurrence of internet shutdowns during national elections in autocratic and hybrid regimes. We show that internet shutdowns do not occur erratically but rather follow strategic decisions. Although capacity to control access to the internet is crucial, we highlight the importance of incentives to shut down the internet provided by different degrees of uncertainty during the election.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"23 1","pages":"705 - 725"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85524425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-02DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2080685
T. Däubler, Séin Ó Muineacháin
{"title":"Millstone or means to succeed: party-brand value, intra-party competition and personal vote-seeking","authors":"T. Däubler, Séin Ó Muineacháin","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2080685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2080685","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82668853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-02DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2078336
Tània Verge, R. Tormos
ABSTRACT Analyses of political, economic, and social actors’ discourses in favour or against gender quotas are extensive but, to date, only a handful of opinion studies have examined support for such a controversial policy whose enactment does not necessarily dissolve opposition. This is particularly the case of citizens holding modern sexism attitudes who dismiss or resent quotas using the language of equality. This article examines how support for this policy can be shaped through legitimacy cues and question wording. The empirical analysis builds on two framing experiments embedded in a representative survey fielded in Catalonia (Spain), where gender quotas in politics and private businesses were introduced over a decade ago. Our results show that, even among respondents holding modern sexism attitudes, priming the legal framework yields positive effects on support for electoral quotas, whilst the endorsement of gender balance in corporate boards increases when the question does not mention the word quotas.
{"title":"Shaping support for public policies: legitimacy cues and question wording effects in the case of gender quotas","authors":"Tània Verge, R. Tormos","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2078336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2078336","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Analyses of political, economic, and social actors’ discourses in favour or against gender quotas are extensive but, to date, only a handful of opinion studies have examined support for such a controversial policy whose enactment does not necessarily dissolve opposition. This is particularly the case of citizens holding modern sexism attitudes who dismiss or resent quotas using the language of equality. This article examines how support for this policy can be shaped through legitimacy cues and question wording. The empirical analysis builds on two framing experiments embedded in a representative survey fielded in Catalonia (Spain), where gender quotas in politics and private businesses were introduced over a decade ago. Our results show that, even among respondents holding modern sexism attitudes, priming the legal framework yields positive effects on support for electoral quotas, whilst the endorsement of gender balance in corporate boards increases when the question does not mention the word quotas.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"241 1","pages":"137 - 148"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74489466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2081696
Germán Feierherd, Adrián Lucardi
ABSTRACT A burgeoning literature finds that incumbency effects reflect mostly a personal rather than a partisan advantage. We attribute this to incumbents’ mobilization incentives. Incumbents have weaker incentives to exert costly effort on behalf of their copartisans in national races than in local ones, where their local power is at stake. We examine these implications in the Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina’s largest subnational unit, where midterm elections give mayors a strong incentive to help their copartisans running for the local council, but much weaker ones to support those running for a national seat. Using a regression discontinuity design, we find a large positive effect of incumbency in local mayoral and midterm elections. In contrast, local incumbents neither help nor hurt their copartisans running for the presidency or the national legislature.
{"title":"When the partisan becomes personal: Mayoral Incumbency Effects in Buenos Aires, 1983–2019","authors":"Germán Feierherd, Adrián Lucardi","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2081696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2081696","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT A burgeoning literature finds that incumbency effects reflect mostly a personal rather than a partisan advantage. We attribute this to incumbents’ mobilization incentives. Incumbents have weaker incentives to exert costly effort on behalf of their copartisans in national races than in local ones, where their local power is at stake. We examine these implications in the Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina’s largest subnational unit, where midterm elections give mayors a strong incentive to help their copartisans running for the local council, but much weaker ones to support those running for a national seat. Using a regression discontinuity design, we find a large positive effect of incumbency in local mayoral and midterm elections. In contrast, local incumbents neither help nor hurt their copartisans running for the presidency or the national legislature.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"44 1","pages":"684 - 704"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73892507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-13DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2051146
J. Ishiyama, M. Marshall, Brandon D. Stewart
ABSTRACT In this paper, we examine whether former rebel parties are more likely to engage in electoral violence than other parties. Using an original data set of 236 parties in 18 countries in Sub Saharan Africa (of which 47 were former rebel groups) from 1990-2018, we find that former rebel parties in Africa are more likely to engage in electoral violence than other political parties. Further, we do find, after conducting an analysis of the Burundian case, that former rebel parties that possess “violence capital” are more likely to engage in electoral violence than other rebel groups that have less or no violence capital. We discuss the implications of these findings regarding the impact of rebel party inclusion on the post-conflict political process.
{"title":"Are former rebel parties more likely to engage in electoral violence in Africa?","authors":"J. Ishiyama, M. Marshall, Brandon D. Stewart","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2051146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2051146","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this paper, we examine whether former rebel parties are more likely to engage in electoral violence than other parties. Using an original data set of 236 parties in 18 countries in Sub Saharan Africa (of which 47 were former rebel groups) from 1990-2018, we find that former rebel parties in Africa are more likely to engage in electoral violence than other political parties. Further, we do find, after conducting an analysis of the Burundian case, that former rebel parties that possess “violence capital” are more likely to engage in electoral violence than other rebel groups that have less or no violence capital. We discuss the implications of these findings regarding the impact of rebel party inclusion on the post-conflict political process.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"542 1","pages":"278 - 299"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80235027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-27DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2051150
Chan Ka Ming, Ng Ka Lun
ABSTRACT Previous studies of electoral authoritarianism identified that manipulations demobilize opposition supporters. Yet, less is known about whether radicals are more prone to abstention than moderates in manipulated elections. To answer this question, we disentangle two mechanisms of demobilization effect—the efficacy mechanism and the electoral supply mechanism—that have different expectations on the turnout rate of radicals and moderates. Our research leverages the disqualification controversy in Hong Kong in 2016, after which radical candidates who advocate self-determination or independence were filtered out from the electoral market. Using both aggregate-level and individual-level data, our analysis shows that a substantive demobilization effect exists. Crucially, we find that radicals and moderates are demobilized to a similar extent, and the decreases in perceived electoral fairness and importance of voting are similar between the two factions. These findings suggest that the efficacy mechanism is a more plausible explanation of the demobilization effect. Overall, this study extends our understanding of voting behavior and political attitude of opposition supporters in face of autocratization.
{"title":"Elections with candidate filtering and two mechanisms of demobilization effect: the prologue to Hong Kong’s authoritarian turn","authors":"Chan Ka Ming, Ng Ka Lun","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2051150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2051150","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Previous studies of electoral authoritarianism identified that manipulations demobilize opposition supporters. Yet, less is known about whether radicals are more prone to abstention than moderates in manipulated elections. To answer this question, we disentangle two mechanisms of demobilization effect—the efficacy mechanism and the electoral supply mechanism—that have different expectations on the turnout rate of radicals and moderates. Our research leverages the disqualification controversy in Hong Kong in 2016, after which radical candidates who advocate self-determination or independence were filtered out from the electoral market. Using both aggregate-level and individual-level data, our analysis shows that a substantive demobilization effect exists. Crucially, we find that radicals and moderates are demobilized to a similar extent, and the decreases in perceived electoral fairness and importance of voting are similar between the two factions. These findings suggest that the efficacy mechanism is a more plausible explanation of the demobilization effect. Overall, this study extends our understanding of voting behavior and political attitude of opposition supporters in face of autocratization.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"380 1","pages":"664 - 683"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91283830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-18DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2051147
J. M. Cabezas, Hugo Jofré, Patricio D. Navia
Abstract The impact of campaign spending, generally greater for challengers than for incumbents, is conditioned by electoral rules and incumbency—normally seen as a dichotomous condition. But when an electoral reform changes the composition of districts, a legislator is an incumbent only in the section of the new district. In Chile, the 60 open-list proportional representation 2-member districts used until 2013 were combined to create 28 open-list PR districts for the 2017 election, thus making some legislators enjoy a higher degree of incumbency. With data from 1430 candidates in the 2013 and 2017 legislative elections, we report a nonlinear positive effect of campaign spending on electoral success in all district magnitudes. Campaign spending has a higher impact as the number of open seats increases and a stronger effect for incumbents whose old districts comprise a larger share of the new districts. Campaign spending matters differently for challengers and incumbents given the moderating effect of district magnitude, the number of open seats and the percentage of incumbency.
{"title":"The effect of campaign spending, district magnitude and incumbency when electoral rules create districts with old and new voters: the case of Chile in 2017","authors":"J. M. Cabezas, Hugo Jofré, Patricio D. Navia","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2051147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2051147","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The impact of campaign spending, generally greater for challengers than for incumbents, is conditioned by electoral rules and incumbency—normally seen as a dichotomous condition. But when an electoral reform changes the composition of districts, a legislator is an incumbent only in the section of the new district. In Chile, the 60 open-list proportional representation 2-member districts used until 2013 were combined to create 28 open-list PR districts for the 2017 election, thus making some legislators enjoy a higher degree of incumbency. With data from 1430 candidates in the 2013 and 2017 legislative elections, we report a nonlinear positive effect of campaign spending on electoral success in all district magnitudes. Campaign spending has a higher impact as the number of open seats increases and a stronger effect for incumbents whose old districts comprise a larger share of the new districts. Campaign spending matters differently for challengers and incumbents given the moderating effect of district magnitude, the number of open seats and the percentage of incumbency.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"9 9 1","pages":"258 - 277"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91314679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：