Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2051149
Johannes Bergh, D. Christensen
{"title":"Getting out the vote in different electoral contexts: the effect of impersonal voter mobilization techniques in middle and high salience Norwegian elections","authors":"Johannes Bergh, D. Christensen","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2022.2051149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2022.2051149","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84845915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.2013247
E. Simon
ABSTRACT An educational divide has become apparent in Western democratic politics. Our understanding of why this divide has emerged remains limited as existing studies have not utilized mediation methodologies, which allow detailed examination of how education’s shaping effect on electoral behaviour is transmitted. This study addresses this gap in knowledge – providing a more complete picture of why modern British politics divide along educational lines. It applies the Karlson–Holm–Breen method to British Election Study data to explore firstly, what proportion of education’s total effect on vote choices, cast in the 2016 referendum, 2017 and 2019 General Elections, was transmitted indirectly, and secondly, the relative contribution of economic orientations, cultural attitudes and political cue-taking behaviours as drivers of this divide. Findings show 67–91% of education’s total effect on vote choices was transmitted indirectly and crucially, that vote choices divided along educational lines largely because educational groups exhibited divergent economic orientations, cultural attitudes and cue-taking behaviours. Results also highlight that educational division(s) in the referendum and General Election voting were driven by different mechanisms.
{"title":"Explaining the educational divide in electoral behaviour: testing direct and indirect effects from British elections and referendums 2016–2019","authors":"E. Simon","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.2013247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.2013247","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT An educational divide has become apparent in Western democratic politics. Our understanding of why this divide has emerged remains limited as existing studies have not utilized mediation methodologies, which allow detailed examination of how education’s shaping effect on electoral behaviour is transmitted. This study addresses this gap in knowledge – providing a more complete picture of why modern British politics divide along educational lines. It applies the Karlson–Holm–Breen method to British Election Study data to explore firstly, what proportion of education’s total effect on vote choices, cast in the 2016 referendum, 2017 and 2019 General Elections, was transmitted indirectly, and secondly, the relative contribution of economic orientations, cultural attitudes and political cue-taking behaviours as drivers of this divide. Findings show 67–91% of education’s total effect on vote choices was transmitted indirectly and crucially, that vote choices divided along educational lines largely because educational groups exhibited divergent economic orientations, cultural attitudes and cue-taking behaviours. Results also highlight that educational division(s) in the referendum and General Election voting were driven by different mechanisms.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"35 1","pages":"980 - 1000"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81067370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-05DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.2009484
Siim Trumm, Laura Sudulich
ABSTRACT The internet has become a key battleground for political parties and candidates running for office. Using data from three consecutive parliamentary elections in Estonia, spanning across the last decade, we map the extent to which candidates make use of online campaign tools. The availability of candidate survey data over time enables us to evaluate how online campaigning has evolved in a country at the forefront of digitalization. Our findings show that, despite a highly wired context, candidates still do not exploit the internet to its full potential. We observe a significant increment in candidates’ presence on the web, but the effort remains limited in terms of the range of digital campaign tools used. In addition, we find that candidates’ political profile has a limited influence on their digital proclivity, while young age and intensity of their overall campaign effort are stable predictors of it across the decade.
{"title":"A longitudinal study of online campaigning in the most digitally advanced society in the world","authors":"Siim Trumm, Laura Sudulich","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.2009484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.2009484","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 The internet has become a key battleground for political parties and candidates running for office. Using data from three consecutive parliamentary elections in Estonia, spanning across the last decade, we map the extent to which candidates make use of online campaign tools. The availability of candidate survey data over time enables us to evaluate how online campaigning has evolved in a country at the forefront of digitalization. Our findings show that, despite a highly wired context, candidates still do not exploit the internet to its full potential. We observe a significant increment in candidates’ presence on the web, but the effort remains limited in terms of the range of digital campaign tools used. In addition, we find that candidates’ political profile has a limited influence on their digital proclivity, while young age and intensity of their overall campaign effort are stable predictors of it across the decade.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"21 1","pages":"960 - 979"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73613153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-05DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.2009485
M. Haman, M. Školník, Jan Čopík
{"title":"Measuring the name recognition of politicians through Wikipedia","authors":"M. Haman, M. Školník, Jan Čopík","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.2009485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.2009485","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84514179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-14DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.2001473
B. Bruinsma
{"title":"Challenges in comparing cross-country responses in voting advice applications","authors":"B. Bruinsma","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.2001473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.2001473","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90631531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-14DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.2001474
Bernd Schlipphak
{"title":"Threat perceptions, blame attribution, and political trust","authors":"Bernd Schlipphak","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.2001474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.2001474","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"241 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73340328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1994579
Pascal Horni
ABSTRACT In political science literature, it is often argued that compulsory voting can serve as a remedy against turnout inequality and thereby contribute to more egalitarian societies. However, the literature neglects differences between compulsory voting systems, and most studies consider the obligation to vote as a dichotomous variable. As a result, relatively little is known about the causal effects of particular stimuli and features of compulsory voting. By exploiting quasi-experimental conditions from direct-democratic decision-making in Switzerland, this research assesses the degree to which abstention fines account for a citizen’s willingness to vote under a compulsory voting context. The findings reveal that a marginal increase in monetary sanctions for voter-abstention leads temporally to a sizeable increase in turnout. However, it does not necessarily contribute to the expression of preferences by those traditionally underrepresented in direct-democratic decision-making since a third of those motivated to vote by the threat of a heavier fine will cast an empty or invalid ballot. The effect on turnout is further found to be moderated by income.
{"title":"Voter turnout and abstention pricing: quasi-experimental evidence on the effects of a marginal increase in the monetary enforcement of compulsory voting","authors":"Pascal Horni","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1994579","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1994579","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In political science literature, it is often argued that compulsory voting can serve as a remedy against turnout inequality and thereby contribute to more egalitarian societies. However, the literature neglects differences between compulsory voting systems, and most studies consider the obligation to vote as a dichotomous variable. As a result, relatively little is known about the causal effects of particular stimuli and features of compulsory voting. By exploiting quasi-experimental conditions from direct-democratic decision-making in Switzerland, this research assesses the degree to which abstention fines account for a citizen’s willingness to vote under a compulsory voting context. The findings reveal that a marginal increase in monetary sanctions for voter-abstention leads temporally to a sizeable increase in turnout. However, it does not necessarily contribute to the expression of preferences by those traditionally underrepresented in direct-democratic decision-making since a third of those motivated to vote by the threat of a heavier fine will cast an empty or invalid ballot. The effect on turnout is further found to be moderated by income.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"19 1","pages":"118 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88717814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-11DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1986052
Domantas Undzenas, Kris Dunn, V. Spaiser
ABSTRACT Various economic and social characteristics have been used to explain individual vote choice in the 2016 British EU Referendum. Recently, researchers have considered the role various psychological orientations have played in this vote choice. Here, we are interested in two in particular: right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO); constructs that are often used to predict a host of political attitudes and behaviors, particularly those where group identities are a central issue. Those high in RWA prefer group uniformity and are willing to use coercion to enforce this preference. Those high in SDO prefer group-based, hierarchical social and political systems over more egalitarian systems. These orientations are therefore likely to have played a role in people’s vote choice in this referendum. Using data from the 2014–2019 British Election Study internet panel we show that RWA and SDO powerfully influence anti-immigrant attitudes and pro-sovereignty attitudes; attitudes strongly associated with individual vote choice. Our findings suggest that the EU Referendum effectively rallied people’s prejudices against foreign and domestic outsiders to pull the United Kingdom from the European Union.
{"title":"Re-examining the EU Referendum vote: right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation as indirect trait-level motivation","authors":"Domantas Undzenas, Kris Dunn, V. Spaiser","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1986052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1986052","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Various economic and social characteristics have been used to explain individual vote choice in the 2016 British EU Referendum. Recently, researchers have considered the role various psychological orientations have played in this vote choice. Here, we are interested in two in particular: right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO); constructs that are often used to predict a host of political attitudes and behaviors, particularly those where group identities are a central issue. Those high in RWA prefer group uniformity and are willing to use coercion to enforce this preference. Those high in SDO prefer group-based, hierarchical social and political systems over more egalitarian systems. These orientations are therefore likely to have played a role in people’s vote choice in this referendum. Using data from the 2014–2019 British Election Study internet panel we show that RWA and SDO powerfully influence anti-immigrant attitudes and pro-sovereignty attitudes; attitudes strongly associated with individual vote choice. Our findings suggest that the EU Referendum effectively rallied people’s prejudices against foreign and domestic outsiders to pull the United Kingdom from the European Union.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"8 1","pages":"938 - 959"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85591331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1991110
S. Banducci, Daniel P. Stevens, Jae-Jae Spoon
{"title":"Last testament","authors":"S. Banducci, Daniel P. Stevens, Jae-Jae Spoon","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1991110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1991110","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"22 1","pages":"528 - 529"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79467089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-13DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2021.1968411
A. Sanders, F. Gains, C. Annesley
ABSTRACT Existing research has tended to examine party manifesto appeals to women voters as a homogenous group however we know relatively little about how parties appeal to different groups of women voters. Yet there are strong incentives for parties to respond to and reflect diversity in women’s voting behaviour. Through a gendered analysis of party manifestos at the 2015, 2017 and 2019 British general elections, we investigate the spread and reach of parties’ policy appeals to women voters. We find that, while the principal state-wide parties are increasingly recognizing women’s diversity in their policy pledges, some groups of women remain marginalized from parties’ electoral agendas. Our findings extend the empirical and analytical understanding of how political parties make gendered appeals during election times and to whom. We argue the way parties seek to appeal to the diversity of women is important for the analysis of both issue ownership and interparty competition for women’s votes. Additionally, we make a normative case for parties to recognize diversity and intersectionality in their manifesto policy promises.
{"title":"What’s on offer: how do parties appeal to women voters in election manifestos?","authors":"A. Sanders, F. Gains, C. Annesley","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1968411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1968411","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Existing research has tended to examine party manifesto appeals to women voters as a homogenous group however we know relatively little about how parties appeal to different groups of women voters. Yet there are strong incentives for parties to respond to and reflect diversity in women’s voting behaviour. Through a gendered analysis of party manifestos at the 2015, 2017 and 2019 British general elections, we investigate the spread and reach of parties’ policy appeals to women voters. We find that, while the principal state-wide parties are increasingly recognizing women’s diversity in their policy pledges, some groups of women remain marginalized from parties’ electoral agendas. Our findings extend the empirical and analytical understanding of how political parties make gendered appeals during election times and to whom. We argue the way parties seek to appeal to the diversity of women is important for the analysis of both issue ownership and interparty competition for women’s votes. Additionally, we make a normative case for parties to recognize diversity and intersectionality in their manifesto policy promises.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"22 1","pages":"508 - 527"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81000432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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