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Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties最新文献

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The effects of journalistic intervention and falsely balanced reporting on support for voter ID law 新闻干预和虚假平衡报道对支持选民身份法的影响
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-17 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2143508
Matthew Jenkins, Daniel Gómez
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引用次数: 0
A new form of anti-government resentment? Making sense of mass support for the Yellow-Vest Movement in France 一种新形式的反政府怨恨?这就解释了法国民众对黄背心运动的支持
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2142596
E. Grossman, N. Mayer
ABSTRACT Anti-elite and anti-political resentment have become a permanent feature of political life in many if not most contemporary democracies, leading to support for populist parties, systematic anti-incumbent voting, and new types of movements, such as the Yellow Vests protests that shook France in 2018–2020. The aim of this paper is to explain the unusual popular support they mobilized. Going beyond the somewhat tautological “populist” label attached to the movement this paper proposes a class-based explanation. Using original data from a survey run after the European Elections of 2019, it shows that social precarity, combined with a lower /working class position, is the main driver of affinity with the YV. The movement is disproportionately supported by the most insecure segments of production workers (mostly men) and service workers (mostly women), giving an identity to those who feel excluded and not represented by mainstream parties and unions. This disaffected “precariat” can be seen as a magnifying glass of the crisis of political representation affecting most Western democracies. A reservoir of discontent that is here to stay and that the economic and political impact of the Covid-19 pandemic could revive.
反精英和反政治怨恨已经成为许多(如果不是大多数)当代民主国家政治生活的永久特征,导致对民粹主义政党的支持,系统性的反现任者投票,以及新型运动,如2018-2020年震撼法国的黄背心抗议活动。本文的目的是解释他们动员的不寻常的民众支持。本文提出了一种基于阶级的解释,超越了给这场运动贴上的“民粹主义”标签。根据2019年欧洲选举后进行的一项调查的原始数据,该报告显示,社会不稳定,加上下层/工人阶级的地位,是与青年党的亲密关系的主要驱动因素。这场运动得到了生产工人(主要是男性)和服务工人(主要是女性)中最缺乏安全感的部分的不成比例的支持,这给了那些感到被排斥、没有被主流政党和工会代表的人一种身份认同。这些心怀不满的“无产阶级”可以被看作是影响大多数西方民主国家政治代表权危机的放大镜。不满情绪将持续存在,Covid-19大流行的经济和政治影响可能会重现。
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引用次数: 1
Predicting bloc support in Irish general elections 1951–2020: A political history model 预测1951-2020年爱尔兰大选中的集团支持:一个政治史模型
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2120884
S. Quinlan, M. Lewis-Beck
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引用次数: 1
Conditional satisfaction: political support, congruence, and cabinet composition 条件满意度:政治支持、一致性和内阁组成
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2142798
Quinton Mayne, Troy Saghaug Broderstad
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引用次数: 2
Polarization in a consensual multi-party democracy – attitudes toward immigration in Norway 多党制民主社会的两极化——挪威对移民的态度
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2139380
Dag Wollebæk, J. Brekke, Audun Fladmoe
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引用次数: 2
Benchmarking the pandemic: how do citizens react to domestic COVID-19 conditions compared to other countries’? 以疫情为基准:与其他国家相比,公民对国内COVID-19状况的反应如何?
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2120887
Jungsub Shin, B. Park
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引用次数: 0
The end of the all-male party? Voter preferences for gender representation in political parties 男性派对的终结?选民对政党中性别代表的偏好
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2120885
Jens Wäckerle
ABSTRACT While parties have a large role in influencing the representation of women, much less is known of how voters perceive parties’ efforts to promote female candidates. Existing evidence from the literature suggests that, on an aggregate level, voters value female candidates at least to the same extent as male candidates. Meanwhile, evidence points both towards a general under-representation of women in politics as well as large differences between left-leaning and right-leaning parties when it comes to selecting female lead candidates and members of parliament (MPs). This study investigates voters’ preferences for gender representation inside political parties. Using a single vignette survey experiment in five European countries, I show that voters have strong preferences for equal descriptive representation of men and women in political parties and prefer women as lead candidates. Women have larger preferences for equal representation than men, while ideological differences are comparatively small.
虽然政党在影响女性代表方面发挥着重要作用,但选民如何看待政党为促进女性候选人所做的努力却知之甚少。现有的文献证据表明,在总体水平上,选民对女性候选人的重视程度至少与男性候选人相同。与此同时,有证据表明,女性在政治中的代表性普遍不足,而且在选择女性领导人候选人和国会议员(MPs)方面,左倾和右倾政党之间存在巨大差异。本研究调查选民对政党内性别代表的偏好。通过在五个欧洲国家进行的一个小插曲调查实验,我发现选民对政党中男女平等的描述性代表权有着强烈的偏好,并且更喜欢女性作为主要候选人。女性比男性更倾向于平等代表权,而意识形态差异相对较小。
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引用次数: 0
Increasing turnout with a text message: evidence from a large campaign from the government 通过短信提高投票率:来自政府大规模运动的证据
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-08 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2120888
Ole-Andreas Elvik Naess
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引用次数: 0
Same scandal, different interpretations: politics of corruption, anger, and partisan bias in Mexico 同样的丑闻,不同的解释:墨西哥的腐败政治、愤怒和党派偏见
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2120487
R. Cornejo
ABSTRACT Instead of focusing on “why voters appear to tolerate rather than punish” as most previous literature, this paper advances an alternative explanation: it seeks to explain how voters process information about corruption. Consistent with research on public opinion formation, this paper argues that voters can perceive the same event and make different interpretation about its meaning. Based on an original survey experiment conducted during the 2018 presidential election in Mexico, this study finds that citizens hold partisan attitudes and are motivated to protect these partisan predispositions, which make them interpret common events in different way. In particular, when this study informed voters that an unnamed candidate engaged in corruption, respondents unequivocally considered such actions as corrupt. However, when the name of their co-partisan candidate was explicitly mentioned as engaging in the same activities, voters rejected to qualify them as corrupt. Partisans are not “tolerating” or “condoning” corruption; partisans tend to choose interpretations that rationalize their partisan priors and justify their co-partisans’ behavior.
与以往大多数文献关注的“为什么选民似乎容忍而不是惩罚”不同,本文提出了另一种解释:它试图解释选民如何处理有关腐败的信息。与民意形成的研究一致,本文认为选民对同一事件的感知可能会产生不同的意义解释。基于2018年墨西哥总统选举期间进行的一项原始调查实验,本研究发现公民持有党派态度并有动机保护这些党派倾向,这使得他们以不同的方式解释共同事件。特别是,当这项研究告诉选民,一个不知名的候选人参与腐败时,受访者毫不含糊地认为这种行为是腐败的。然而,当他们的共同党派候选人的名字被明确地提到从事同样的活动时,选民们拒绝将他们定性为腐败。党派人士不会“容忍”或“宽恕”腐败;党派倾向于选择解释,使他们的党派先验合理化,并为他们的共同党派行为辩护。
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引用次数: 1
Trust in political parties and ideological proximity voting in Europe: the role of trust in political parties as a heuristic mechanism 欧洲政党信任与意识形态接近性投票:政党信任的启发式作用
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-08-29 DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2022.2113088
Martin Okolikj, Silke Goubin, D. Stiers, M. Hooghe
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引用次数: 2
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