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Experimental testing of three categorization-based interventions to reduce prejudice and discrimination against the unvaccinated in the aftermath of COVID-19 对三种基于分类的干预措施进行实验测试,以减少 COVID-19 后对未接种疫苗者的偏见和歧视
IF 1.8 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-02-03 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12386
Philipp Sprengholz, Cornelia Betsch, Robert Böhm

For many people, COVID-19 vaccination now informs social identity, triggering prejudice and discrimination toward those with a different vaccination status. As this may jeopardize social cohesion, we investigated the effects of three brief, theory-informed interventions for reducing ingroup bias in a preregistered experimental intervention study in Germany, assigning vaccinated participants (N = 2016) to one of four conditions: crossed categorization (emphasizing commonalities between vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals), recategorization (framing vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals as members of a superordinate ingroup), counter-stereotypic categorization (encouraging participants to think about mismatched stereotypes), or a control condition (no intervention). As compared to the control condition, crossed categorization and counter-stereotypic categorization were found to reduce (evaluative) ingroup bias but the observed effects were weak and mostly diminished when controlling for demographic characteristics and vaccination status identification. Overall, the results indicate that none of the three interventions substantially reduced prejudice and discrimination toward the unvaccinated.

对许多人来说,COVID-19 疫苗接种现在会影响社会身份,从而引发对不同接种状况者的偏见和歧视。由于这可能会危及社会凝聚力,我们在德国进行了一项预先登记的实验干预研究,调查了三种简短的、有理论依据的干预措施对减少内群体偏见的影响,将接种疫苗的参与者(N = 2016)分配到四种条件之一:交叉归类(强调接种疫苗者与未接种疫苗者之间的共性)、重新归类(将接种疫苗者与未接种疫苗者归类为上位内群体成员)、反刻板印象归类(鼓励参与者思考不匹配的刻板印象)或对照条件(无干预)。与对照条件相比,交叉归类和反刻板印象归类可减少(评价性)内群偏见,但观察到的效果很弱,而且在控制人口特征和疫苗接种状况识别后,效果大多会减弱。总之,研究结果表明,这三种干预措施都没有显著减少对未接种者的偏见和歧视。
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引用次数: 0
The relationship between populism and attitudes on vaccine against COVID-19: Trust in institutions as a moderation factor 民粹主义与对 COVID-19 疫苗的态度之间的关系:对机构的信任是一个调节因素
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12378
Ankica Kosic, Corine Stella Kana Kenfack, Eleonora Dionisi

The aim of this study is to examine whether the relationship between populist orientation and attitudes towards the anti-COVID vaccine and government measures is mediated by conspiracy beliefs and health risk perceptions, and whether these relationships are moderated by trust in institutions. Data were collected in Italy using a questionnaire (N = 390). The results largely supported our hypotheses of moderated mediation. Basically, while previous studies suggest that populist attitudes are positively associated with conspiracy theories, vaccine hesitancy and limited compliance with government measures, this study shows that these relationships are stronger when people do not trust institutions.

本研究旨在探讨民粹主义取向与人们对反柯达疫苗和政府措施的态度之间的关系是否会受到阴谋论信念和健康风险认知的影响,以及这些关系是否会受到机构信任的调节。数据是在意大利通过问卷调查收集的(N = 390)。结果在很大程度上支持了我们关于中介调节的假设。基本上,以往的研究表明,民粹主义态度与阴谋论、疫苗接种犹豫不决以及对政府措施的有限遵守呈正相关,而本研究则表明,当人们不信任机构时,这些关系会更加紧密。
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引用次数: 0
The effects of official reporting and perceived deservingness on evaluations of sexual harassment responses 官方报告和认为理所应当对性骚扰应对措施评价的影响
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12379
Ruth H. Warner, Eyad J. Naseralla, Hailey A. Hatch

Previous research suggests that individuals may not report sexual harassment for a variety of reasons. There is evidence that women who report and do not report sexual harassment both face negative evaluations. The current studies investigated a potential explanation for these contradictory findings—the perceived deservingness of consequences for the alleged harasser. Across three studies, we examined evaluations of a woman who reported (versus did not report) an uncomfortable situation as sexual harassment as well as examining whether the alleged harasser was perceived as deserving punishment or not. In Study 1, participants rated the woman less favorably when she reported behavior most participants considered not to be sexual harassment compared to when she did not report. In Studies 2 and 3, using a scenario perceived as more ambiguous, we found that participants who believed that the alleged harasser deserved punishment evaluated the woman more favorably when she reported. In Study 3, however, whether or not the alleged harasser was actually punished for his actions had little effect on evaluations of the harassment target. Ultimately, findings suggest that differences in evaluations on reporting sexual harassment may be rooted in whether the alleged harasser is perceived as deserving punishment or not.

以往的研究表明,个人可能出于各种原因而不报告性骚扰。有证据表明,报告和不报告性骚扰的女性都会面临负面评价。目前的研究调查了这些矛盾结果的潜在解释--被指控的骚扰者认为应该承担的后果。在三项研究中,我们考察了报告(与不报告)不舒服的情况为性骚扰的女性的评价,以及被指控的骚扰者是否被认为应该受到惩罚。在研究 1 中,当一名女性报告了大多数参与者认为不属于性骚扰的行为时,与她没有报告相比,参与者对她的评价较低。在研究 2 和研究 3 中,我们使用了一个被认为更模糊的情景,结果发现,认为骚扰者应该受到惩罚的参与者在该女性报告时对她的评价更有利。然而,在研究 3 中,被指控的骚扰者是否真的因其行为而受到惩罚,对骚扰目标的评价几乎没有影响。最终,研究结果表明,对举报性骚扰的评价差异可能源于被指控的骚扰者是否被认为应该受到惩罚。
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引用次数: 0
Plotting against justice: Conspiracy theory endorsement and opposition to criminal justice reform 阴谋反对正义:赞同阴谋论和反对刑事司法改革
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-01-12 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12380
Aaron L. Pomerantz, Marie Altgilbers Roweton

Conspiracy theories about criminal justice reform are an unexplored domain with unique relationships to system justification and resistance to criminal justice reform. Across two studies, we developed and began to validate a measure of conspiracies about criminal justice reform, the CCJR. The CCJR was predicted by system justification, general conspiracy mentality, and political ideology (Study 1). The CCJR also mediated the relationship between system justification and resistance to information about criminal justice reform (Study 2). These studies suggest that conspiracy theories contribute to opposition to criminal justice reform, and that criminal justice reform-related conspiracy theories serve a system-justifying function, that is, atypical of conspiracy theories. These findings suggest new avenues for research on both conspiracy theories and criminal justice reform.

关于刑事司法改革的阴谋论是一个尚未被探索的领域,它与刑事司法改革的制度合理性和阻力有着独特的关系。通过两项研究,我们开发并开始验证一种衡量刑事司法改革阴谋论的方法--CCJR。系统合理性、一般阴谋心态和政治意识形态对 CCJR 有预测作用(研究 1)。此外,CCJR 还对系统合理性与抵制刑事司法改革信息之间的关系起到了中介作用(研究 2)。这些研究表明,阴谋论助长了对刑事司法改革的反对,而与刑事司法改革相关的阴谋论具有为制度辩护的功能,这是非典型的阴谋论。这些发现为阴谋论和刑事司法改革的研究提供了新的途径。
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引用次数: 0
The partisan pandemic: Applying the reasoned action approach to understand the effects of politicizing a public health crisis 党派大流行:运用合理行动法了解公共卫生危机政治化的影响
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12377
Shay Xuejing Yao, Dustin Carnahan, Nancy Rhodes

It is well-established that news outlets cater to audiences with particular political leanings and present news about important events, such as disease outbreaks, differently. However, the mechanisms through which selected media exposure influences behavior are not well established. Two surveys examined the roles of attitudes and social norms as pathways through which political predispositions (political ideology, partisanship) and news media choices influence health behavior decisions. Using early Covid-19 as a case study, both studies (a student sample [n = 315]; an adult sample [n = 518]) found liberal news viewing was related to positive attitudes and norms about health prevention and subsequently more enacted preventive behaviors among liberals but not conservatives. Interestingly, watching conservative news outlets was not associated with attitudes and norms about health prevention, nor was it related to behavior. Partisanship, but not political ideology, directly predicted participants’ preventive behavior. These findings suggest that party identification serves as a heuristic for conservatives’ and Republicans’ attitudes and behavior, which are not influenced by news media choice. Partisan differences in media preferences influenced the adoption of preventive behavior via the reasoned action pathways for Democrats but not Republicans, suggesting distinct messaging strategies for health communication based on political leaning.

众所周知,新闻机构会迎合具有特定政治倾向的受众,并以不同的方式报道重要事件(如疾病爆发)。然而,选择性媒体接触影响行为的机制并没有得到很好的证实。有两项调查研究了态度和社会规范作为政治倾向(政治意识形态、党派倾向)和新闻媒体选择影响健康行为决策的途径所起的作用。两项研究(学生样本[n = 315];成人样本[n = 518])均以早期 Covid-19 为案例,发现自由派新闻观看与健康预防的积极态度和规范有关,随后自由派(而非保守派)会采取更多预防行为。有趣的是,观看保守派新闻与健康预防的态度和规范无关,也与行为无关。党派而非政治意识形态能直接预测参与者的预防行为。这些研究结果表明,党派认同是保守派和共和党人态度和行为的启发式因素,并不受新闻媒体选择的影响。媒体偏好的党派差异影响了民主党人通过合理行动途径采取预防行为,而不是共和党人,这表明基于政治倾向的健康传播信息策略是不同的。
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引用次数: 0
The hidden cues of social class: What do people rely on when determining someone else's social class? 社会阶层的隐性线索:人们根据什么来判断他人的社会阶层?
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12373
Jessica M. Kiebler, Abigail J. Stewart

We aimed to understand the cues individuals use to assess social class, and their relation to social theories. Participant (N = 235) open-ended survey responses were coded in response to the following: “If you can at least sometimes tell if someone is (#1) working-class/poor OR (#2) middle-/upper-class, how can you tell? What are all of the characteristics, behaviors, and/or other indicators that communicate their social class to you?” Based on participant comments, we created six themes: embodied cultural capital, material/economic capital, taste, status/position, institutional cultural capital, and social capital. First, we found spontaneous participant responses reflected several classic social class theories. Second, while the content often differed in terms of how participants discussed the working-class/poor compared to the middle-/upper-class, there was only one significant difference in frequency of response. Specifically, participants were more likely to express the embodied cultural capital theme when asked about the working-class/poor. Finally, participants with some more privileged identities (e.g., racially white, those with higher education, straight/heterosexual participants) were more likely to focus on symbolic or non-material aspects of class compared to participants with some less privileged identities (e.g., participants with lower incomes in their families of origin), who focused more on material and economic cues in determining a person's class.

我们旨在了解个人用于评估社会阶层的线索及其与社会理论的关系。我们对参与者(N = 235)的开放式调查回答进行了编码:"如果您至少有时能分辨出某人是(#1)工人阶级/穷人或(#2)中产阶级/上层阶级,您是如何分辨的?向你传达其社会阶层的特征、行为和/或其他指标都有哪些?根据参与者的评论,我们创建了六个主题:体现文化资本、物质/经济资本、品位、身份/地位、制度文化资本和社会资本。首先,我们发现参与者的自发回答反映了几种经典的社会阶层理论。其次,虽然参与者讨论工人阶级/穷人与中产阶级/上层阶级的内容往往不同,但在回答频率上只有一个显著的差异。具体地说,当被问及工人阶级/穷人时,参与者更有可能表达体现文化资本的主题。最后,与一些身份不那么优越的参与者(例如,原生家庭收入较低的参与者)相比,一些身份比较优越的参与者(例如,白人、受过高等教育的人、异性恋者)更倾向于关注阶级的象征性或非物质方面,他们在判断一个人的阶级时更关注物质和经济线索。
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引用次数: 0
Health consequences of a death threat: How terrorist attacks impact drinking 死亡威胁的健康后果:恐怖袭击如何影响饮酒
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12375
Franziska Pradel, Sebastian Sattler

Terrorist attacks, war, violent acts, and their media coverage remind us of our own mortality, which may provoke stress and coping mechanisms. The terror management health model (TMHM) proposes that even subliminal thoughts about existential threats trigger worldview defense and self-esteem-related behaviors. Based on the TMHM, our field experiment (N = 228) examines the impact of a terrorist attack on death-thought accessibility, the choice between alcoholic and nonalcoholic beverages, and if the impact on this choice is moderated by the importance of alcohol to one's self-esteem (i.e., alcohol-based self-esteem), and the consciousness of the terrorist attack. Results show that thoughts about the terrorist attack increased death-thought accessibility. The salience of the terrorist attack had no main effect on beverage choice, but alcohol-based self-esteem predicted choosing an alcoholic beverage. However, in the unconscious thought condition, participants who had low alcohol-based self-esteem and were provoked with death-related thoughts about terrorism were more likely to choose an alcoholic beverage. In the conscious thought condition, participants who had high alcohol-based self-esteem were less likely to choose alcohol. This study suggests that thoughts about terrorism and, therefore, the threat of death, can be provoked in everyday situations and affect substance use behaviors with potentially adverse health consequences.

恐怖袭击、战争、暴力行为及其媒体报道提醒我们自身的死亡,这可能会引发压力和应对机制。恐怖管理健康模式(TMHM)认为,即使是潜意识中关于生存威胁的想法也会引发世界观防御和自尊相关行为。基于恐怖管理健康模式,我们的现场实验(N = 228)研究了恐怖袭击对死亡想法的可及性、酒精饮料和非酒精饮料之间的选择的影响,以及酒精对个人自尊的重要性(即基于酒精的自尊)和恐怖袭击的意识是否会调节这种选择的影响。结果显示,对恐怖袭击的思考增加了死亡想法的可及性。恐怖袭击的显著性对饮料选择没有主要影响,但基于酒精的自尊预测了酒精饮料的选择。然而,在无意识思维条件下,酒精自尊较低且被激起关于恐怖主义的死亡相关想法的参与者更有可能选择酒精饮料。在有意识思维条件下,酒精自尊心强的参与者选择酒精饮料的可能性较低。这项研究表明,在日常生活中,人们可能会产生恐怖主义的想法,因此也会产生死亡威胁的想法,这些想法会影响人们的药物使用行为,并可能对健康产生不利影响。
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引用次数: 0
Prosecutors’ considerations when initiating plea bargaining 检察官在启动认罪求情协议时的考虑因素
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-12-25 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12374
Casey N. Tisdale, Ashley M. Votruba

Prosecutors are the key decision-makers when it comes to plea bargaining, which is responsible for the resolution of about 90% of criminal cases. We distributed a mixed-method survey to a national sample of 180 prosecutors to ask about their key considerations when initiating and prosecuting a criminal case. Additionally, the survey asked prosecutors to provide any information they wanted to share regarding plea bargaining. We then conducted a qualitative content analysis to comprehensively identify the factors the prosecutors discussed. We found several factors that prosecutors take into consideration when starting to evaluate a criminal case: attributes of the criminal defendant (e.g., criminal history), victim input (e.g., victim wishes), and factors specific to the case (e.g., evidence strength). Further, when asked if they would like to share anything regarding plea bargaining, some prosecutors stressed the necessity of the plea system, some shared their punishment orientations, and others discussed how they determine punishment on a case-by-case basis. Overall, prosecutors tended to stress criminal history as largely influential in their plea decision-making. This study provides insight into prosecutorial plea bargain decision-making while providing opportunity for future research.

检察官是认罪求情协议的主要决策者,约 90% 的刑事案件都是通过认罪求情协议解决的。我们向全国 180 名检察官发放了一份混合方法调查问卷,询问他们在提起和起诉刑事案件时的主要考虑因素。此外,调查还要求检察官提供他们想分享的有关辩诉交易的任何信息。然后,我们进行了定性内容分析,以全面确定检察官讨论的因素。我们发现检察官在开始评估刑事案件时会考虑以下几个因素:刑事被告的属性(如犯罪史)、受害人的意见(如受害人的意愿)以及案件的具体因素(如证据的强度)。此外,当被问及是否愿意分享有关认罪求情协议的内容时,一些检察官强调了认罪求情制度的必要性,一些检察官分享了他们的处罚取向,还有一些检察官讨论了他们如何根据具体案件决定处罚。总体而言,检察官倾向于强调犯罪史在很大程度上影响了他们的认罪求情决策。本研究为检察官的认罪求情协议决策提供了见解,同时也为今后的研究提供了机会。
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引用次数: 0
Focusing on fake news’ contents: The association between ingroup identification, perceived outgroup threat, analytical-intuitive thinking and detecting fake news 关注假新闻的内容:内群认同、感知到的外群威胁、分析-直觉思维与发现假新闻之间的关联
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12371
Sami Çoksan, Aysenur Didem Yilmaz

This study aims to reveal the fake news content in the context of the social identity approach and to examine the mediating role of perceived outgroup on the association between ingroup identification and detecting fake news blaming ingroup, outgroup, or fictional groups. Study 1 found that fake news could be gathered under six themes: contacted-outgroup blaming, represented-outgroup blaming, outgroup derogation, outgroup appreciation, ingroup glorification, and phantom-mastermind blaming. In preregistered Study 2 with representative non-weird participants (N = 216), we examined the mediating role of perceived outgroup threat on the association between ingroup identification and detecting fake news revealed in Study 1. Perceived outgroup threat was only mediating for detecting outgroup-blaming fake news when intuitive and analytical thinking styles were controlled. Detecting ingroup-blaming fake news was associated with ingroup identification. Analytical thinking predicted only detecting phantom-mastermind-blaming fake news. Findings demonstrated that the contents of fake news play a vital role in detecting them, and variables pointing to content (i.e., ingroup identification for ingroup-blaming fake news, and perceived outgroup threat for outgroup-blaming fake news) are predictive for detecting fake news.

本研究旨在揭示社会认同方法背景下的假新闻内容,并探讨感知到的外群体对内群认同与检测指责内群、外群或虚构群体的假新闻之间的关联所起的中介作用。研究 1 发现,假新闻可归纳为六个主题:联系-外群体指责、代表-外群体指责、外群体贬损、外群体赞赏、内群体美化和幽灵-主脑指责。在以具有代表性的非怪异参与者(N = 216)为对象的预注册研究 2 中,我们考察了感知到的外群体威胁对研究 1 中揭示的内群体认同与发现假新闻之间的关联所起的中介作用。只有在控制了直觉型和分析型思维方式的情况下,感知到的外群体威胁才会对侦测外群体指责性假新闻起到中介作用。检测出内群指责性假新闻与内群认同有关。分析性思维方式只预测了对 "幻影-主脑 "诽谤性假新闻的检测。研究结果表明,假新闻的内容对检测假新闻起着至关重要的作用,而指向假新闻内容的变量(即内群指责性假新闻的内群认同和外群指责性假新闻的感知外群威胁)对检测假新闻具有预测作用。
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引用次数: 0
From scarcity to security: Participant well-being in the first 2 years of a basic income pilot 从匮乏到安全:基本收入试点头两年参与者的福祉
IF 1.5 4区 社会学 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.1111/asap.12370
Leah Hamilton, Victoria Choplin, Taylor Paputseanos

This article describes the mental well-being outcomes of participants in the HudsonUP pilot, a 5-year basic income initiative for low to mid-income residents of Hudson, NY. The study employs a mixed-methods approach, including both quantitative surveys and qualitative phenomenological interviews, to better understand participants' experiences 2 years into the pilot. Through the lens of the psychological theory of scarcity, findings indicate that the HudsonUP program has improved the overall mental well-being of the participants by reducing the stress and anxiety associated with financial insecurity and helping them to meet their basic needs, pursue further education, and career opportunities. Despite the challenges of the ongoing pandemic and inflation, participants expressed gratitude for the “undercurrent of stability” provided by the program.

本文介绍了哈德逊大学试点项目参与者的心理健康成果,该项目是一项针对纽约州哈德逊市中低收入居民的为期 5 年的基本收入计划。研究采用了混合方法,包括定量调查和定性现象学访谈,以更好地了解参与者在试点两年后的经历。通过稀缺性心理学理论的视角,研究结果表明,哈德逊大学计划减轻了参与者因经济无保障而产生的压力和焦虑,帮助他们满足基本需求、继续深造并获得职业发展机会,从而改善了参与者的整体精神状况。尽管面临大流行病和通货膨胀的挑战,但参与者对该计划提供的 "稳定暗流 "表示感谢。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy
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