Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy最新文献

Globally, democratic politics are under attack from Electorally Legitimated Misogynist Authoritarian (ELMA) leaders who successfully use misogyny as a political strategy and present environmental concern in feminine and inferior terms. The ascendancy of such projects raise questions involving socioeconomic structures, political communication, and the psychological underpinnings of people's attitudes. We offer misogyny, conceptualized in a specific way – not simply as hatred or disgust for women, but as a way of accessing a gendered hierarchy whereby that which is labeled “feminine” is perceived as inferior, devalued, and amenable to be attacked – as a relevant transmission mechanism in how ELMAs like Trump may connect with public opinion by systematically investigating the interplay between misogyny, authoritarianism, and climate change in the context of the United States. Using a survey methodology (N = 314) and up-to-date questionnaires, we provide a concrete empirical underpinning for recent analytical and theoretical work on the complexity of misogyny. We analyze how misogynist and authoritarian attitudes correlate with climate change, adding to the literature on opposition to climate change policy. An additional exploratory aspect of our study concerning US voter preferences clearly indicates that Trump supporters are more misogynist, more authoritarian, and less concerned with the environment.

The number of people experiencing homelessness has continuously increased in the United States in the last decade. Researchers have shown that permanent supportive housing is an effective method for addressing chronic homelessness. However, housing programs and policies often meet with opposition from people in the community. Using theorizing from the dual-process model of prejudice and the stereotype content model, we examined whether ideological orientations of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) predicted opposition to permanent supportive housing through different stereotypes and emotional prejudices. Across two studies (N_Total = 579), we measured Californians’ ideological orientations (RWA, SDO), stereotypes and emotional prejudices toward homeless individuals, and their attitudes toward housing programs. Study 1 focused on permanent housing in a community, while Study 2 focused on a state-wide policy that funds permanent housing. Across both studies, stronger SDO predicted negative competence stereotypes, less pity and more contempt toward homeless individuals, and opposition to housing programs. SDO consistently predicted opposition to social programs through stronger contempt and less pity. RWA is differently related to outcomes across the studies. Results suggest that people's preference for maintaining hierarchy and power structures, which underlies SDO, is a key predictor of people's housing attitudes.

The goal of this study is to understand the extent to which a diverse group of sexual and gender minorities understood the landmark Supreme Court ruling in favor of marriage equality as personally impacting them. Prominent lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) figures have argued that marriage is an oppressive institution and that legalizing same-sex marriage would not benefit the most marginalized members of the community, particularly Black people. Until now, there have been few resources for comparing these claims of scholars and activists with those of members of the communities they claim to represent. Guided by Critical Race Theory and intersectionality, this study centered LGBTQ people of color's lived experiences. A purposive sample of 99 LGBTQ people in Chicago, New York City, and San Francisco were asked whether and how the Supreme Court's decision in Obergefell v. Hodges (2015) personally impacted them. Most participants described an emotional impact. Relatively few criticized marriages as “heteronormative” or unfit for LGBTQ people. Black participants were less likely than participants of other races to criticize marriage as an institution. Moreover, Black and Latinx participants articulated a more expansive, equality-focused understanding of the right to marry than the Court itself articulated. They described the marriage decision as carrying the potential to empower and elevate their identities in various contexts. For these people, the marriage equality movement was centrally about equality rather than marriage.

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, most countries have adopted strict regulation strategies such as travel restrictions, gathering restrictions, and daily health reporting. With the normalization of the pandemic, people have shown resistance to these highly intensive regulations. Yet few studies have explored the mechanisms of behavioral change from compliance to non-compliance from the perspective of vicarious experiences. Based on the social cognitive theory, we constructed a model linking vicarious experiences, risk perception, and non-compliance behavior to reveal the mechanism of why individuals do not comply with pandemic prevention rules and regulations. A sample of 1080 Chinese participants was obtained from a time lagged design. The results indicated that vicarious experiences could influence non-compliance with prevention rules and regulations via perceived probability and perceived consequence of being caught. In addition, public trust in the government could negatively moderate the direct effect of the intention of violating prevention rules and regulations on non-compliance. This direct effect is stronger for citizens with low levels of public trust in the government than for those with high levels. Our findings advance the understanding of the mechanisms behind the way vicarious experiences affect citizens’ non-compliance behavior with COVID-19 prevention rules and regulations.

This article describes the design of the “First Comprehensive Strategic Plan for Volunteering and Citizen Participation in Andalusia,” which establishes the priorities and strategies for promoting citizen engagement in the Autonomous Community of southern Spain. The drawing up of the strategic plan was developed in two phases. First, a theoretical analysis of the effective practices for promoting citizen participation was conducted. Second, the opinion of a total of 35 representatives of Third Sector organizations was obtained. The review of evidence-based practices made it possible to identify 13 basic strategies for community awareness, education for participation, volunteer management, and the development of inter-organizational networks. Next, 19 interviews were conducted with representatives of the most prominent social entities in the region and two participatory workshops with 16 leaders of the volunteer movement in Andalusia were held. The results showed the existence of a consolidated social fabric, with a “community of practice” constituted over two decades in which awareness-raising and training strategies have been effectively combined to promote volunteering. Representatives of the Third Sector consider educational strategies for participation as a priority, such as service-learning, early participation experiences during adolescence and the training of volunteers and members of associations. On the other hand, although social organizations are aware of the need to adapt to new forms of participation (more individualized, one-off, or episodic), they generally defend strategies that contribute to a higher level of organizational commitment. The resulting plan integrates measures to promote participation and volunteering through cross-cutting actions.

Pursuing a more equitable political representation of a country's demographics is essential both as a matter of principle and pragmatism (i.e., realpolitik). As such, the goal of the present study was to replicate and expand on research on the impact of voter race/ethnicity and ideology on voting behaviors and interpersonal judgments of political candidates of color from different racial and ethnic groups. After participants (N = 282) saw the same political candidate of color (randomly assigned to identify as Mexican American vs. African American), we assessed interpersonal judgments and behaviors (e.g., expertise, voting intentions), perceived Americanness, and memory for skin tone of the candidate. In support of hypotheses and previous research/theory, white voters expressed more positive interpersonal judgments toward the African American political candidate and rated him to be more American than the Mexican American political candidate. We expanded upon previous research by directly testing the role of perceived Americanness in the differential judgments of political candidates’ race/ethnicity by white voters, with evidence supporting partial mediation. Our findings further showed that judgments toward a political candidate of color were also predicted by voters’ political affiliation. Specifically, conservative (vs. liberal) voters generally expressed less positive interpersonal judgments toward the candidates of color and perceived them to be less American and patriotic. Ramifications related to these findings are discussed.

Health criminology explores the connection between crime and health factors. Less is understood about longitudinal health risks and adolescents entering the juvenile justice system. This study used a sample of n = 388 males involved in the juvenile justice system to examined longitudinal associations of a latent health risk factor, comprised of depression, marijuana use, and sexually transmitted infections (STIs), with post-juvenile assessment center (JAC) intake placement. Results using Bayesian estimation indicated the health risk factor was relatively stable over three time points of JAC entry and associated with present and, indirectly, future justice system placement. Youths who were Hispanic, Black, older, or living with a family member struggling with alcohol use had higher health risk. These findings underscore the need for juvenile justice system services that address health risks among persistent juvenile offenders, with consideration of cultural and family dynamics.

Many national or racial majority groups increasingly perceive discrimination against their group, despite objective indicators of advantage. The present studies simultaneously test three individual-level explanations of perceived discrimination among White Americans: system legitimizing beliefs, economic precarity, and group interest, in addition to corresponding predictors at the context (state) level. Using multilevel analysis, we analyzed nationally-representative data from the 2016 American National Election Survey (N = 2631)—an election period marked by discourse about majority group grievances. Results showed that, at the individual level, system-legitimizing beliefs (symbolic racism, conservatism, realistic, and symbolic threat) predicted perceived discrimination among Whites, as did objective (income) and subjective (perceived financial insecurity) economic precarity. Conversely, group interest (indicated by White racial identification) was not a significant predictor. At the state level, support for the Republican candidate also predicted perceived discrimination. These findings replicated with data from the 2012 American National Election Survey (N = 3261). We discuss the implications of White Americans’ discrimination claims in the current socio-political climate.

This paper reports the validation and psychometric properties of the Positive and Negative Perception of Immigrants Scale (PANPIS)—a new measure to assess positive and negative attitude towards immigrants. Across two studies (N= 956), the psychometric evidence of the PANPIS is presented. As expected, exploratory factor analysis suggested a two factors and 14-item structure, which was ratified using a confirmatory factor analysis. Corroboration of the measure's robustness was provided by a multigroup-CFA, which yielded evidence for the gender invariance of the measure (Study 1). Study 2 showed measurement invariance of the online version with respect to the paper-and-pencil version. Reliability, discriminant, and criterion validities were examined across Studies 1 and 2 showing satisfactory results for both paper-and-pencil and online versions, respectively. These results suggest that the PANPIS is a psychometrically sound measure having the distinctive characteristic to simultaneously investigate prejudice by capturing both positive and negative attitudes towards immigrants.

This study utilizes Social Information Processing (SIP) theory to investigate the relationship between organizational preventive actions (substantive vs. symbolic), employee preventive behavior, the mediating role of conspiracy beliefs, and moderating role of leadership integrity in the context of Covid-19. The study explains leadership integrity as a boundary condition to facilitate or hinder the mediated relationship between organizational actions and employee preventive behavior (EPB). The hypothesized model was tested using partial least square structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) on two-wave data collected from 281 respondents. The results revealed that substantive actions do not predict EPB directly but through conspiracy beliefs. Contrary to these, symbolic actions negatively predict EPB directly. Leadership integrity moderates the relationship between substantive actions and conspiracy beliefs, while the interaction effect with symbolic actions is not supported. The findings of this study caution managers to walk their talk because employees critically observe the most apparent actions, especially when management fails to practice them. The study contributes to social information processing theory by pointing to leadership integrity as a source of authenticity to curb the negative impact of symbolic actions and catalyst the effect of substantive actions on employee preventive behavior.