Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000299
Alessandro Jaker, P. Kiparsky
Dene (Athabaskan) verbs are widely known for their complex morphophonology. The most complex patterns are associated with two conjugation markers, /s/ and /n/, which are associated with a floating H tone to their immediate left. In this paper, we provide an analysis of /θe/ and /ɲe/, the reflexes of the /s/ and /n/ conjugations in Tetsǫ́t’ıné. Whereas previous accounts of these conjugations have relied heavily on morphological conditioning, we show that, once level ordering, autosegmental phonology and metrical phonology are brought to bear on the problem, morphological conditioning is not required. Within the framework of Stratal OT, we propose the Domain Reference Hypothesis, by which phonological constraints may only refer to morphological domains and their edges. In addition, we show that in Tetsǫ́t’ıné there is a correlation between phonological opacity and morphological structure, as predicted by the Stratal OT model.
{"title":"Level ordering and opacity in Tetsǫ́t’ıné: a Stratal OT account","authors":"Alessandro Jaker, P. Kiparsky","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000299","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000299","url":null,"abstract":"Dene (Athabaskan) verbs are widely known for their complex morphophonology. The most complex patterns are associated with two conjugation markers, /s/ and /n/, which are associated with a floating H tone to their immediate left. In this paper, we provide an analysis of /θe/ and /ɲe/, the reflexes of the /s/ and /n/ conjugations in Tetsǫ́t’ıné. Whereas previous accounts of these conjugations have relied heavily on morphological conditioning, we show that, once level ordering, autosegmental phonology and metrical phonology are brought to bear on the problem, morphological conditioning is not required. Within the framework of Stratal OT, we propose the Domain Reference Hypothesis, by which phonological constraints may only refer to morphological domains and their edges. In addition, we show that in Tetsǫ́t’ıné there is a correlation between phonological opacity and morphological structure, as predicted by the Stratal OT model.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"617 - 655"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000299","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49478867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000317
J. Zaleska
Phonological coalescence, understood as a type of synchronic alternation in which two phonological elements seem to fuse into one, presents a prima facie challenge for versions of Optimality Theory that assume the principle of containment. If all underlying material has to be present in the output form, replacing two input elements with a single output element is not straightforward. I argue that, under the assumptions of Autosegmental Coloured Containment Theory, a distinct operation of coalescence is unnecessary, as all major types of coalescence patterns can be analysed in terms of (i) adding new association lines between some autosegmental nodes, and (ii) the underparsing of other nodes, leading to their phonetic non-realisation. The proposed analysis accurately reflects the heterogeneity of coalescence alternations, which are shown to fall into three different types.
{"title":"Coalescence as autosegmental spreading and delinking","authors":"J. Zaleska","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000317","url":null,"abstract":"Phonological coalescence, understood as a type of synchronic alternation in which two phonological elements seem to fuse into one, presents a prima facie challenge for versions of Optimality Theory that assume the principle of containment. If all underlying material has to be present in the output form, replacing two input elements with a single output element is not straightforward. I argue that, under the assumptions of Autosegmental Coloured Containment Theory, a distinct operation of coalescence is unnecessary, as all major types of coalescence patterns can be analysed in terms of (i) adding new association lines between some autosegmental nodes, and (ii) the underparsing of other nodes, leading to their phonetic non-realisation. The proposed analysis accurately reflects the heterogeneity of coalescence alternations, which are shown to fall into three different types.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"697 - 735"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000317","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44958718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000196
Christopher Geissler
The historical phonology of Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese is a compact volume that synthesises and systematises a wide range of research on the sound changes stretching back from these three languages toward a common ancestor. One chapter for each titular language traces a series of sound changes from a documented past form of the language (Old Tibetan, Old Burmese and Middle Chinese) to the reconstructed proto-language of the subfamily, and then to the proto-language ancestral to all three (Proto-Sino-Tibetan). A fourth chapter brings these together to focus on the phonological structure of the proto-language itself. An appendix and three indexes provide easily referenced lists of sound laws and examples, and topics for future research are clearly marked at the end of each chapter. As Hill himself states (p. 257), ‘the ambition of this work lies not in the proposal of this or that reconstruction but in a methodological reorientation of the study of Trans-Himalayan languages towards the paragon of Indo-European historical linguistics’. In this, the book succeeds admirably. This is not to say that other past and present historical research on this language family has not been valuable – far from it – but Hill’s work does represent a new level of focus on regular phonological correspondences and sound-change laws. With extensively cross-referenced evidence and falsifiable predictions, the book presents a model for how this kind of work should be done, and raises a multitude of topics for future research. Linguists working on varieties of Burmese, Chinese, Tibetan and related languages will find the descriptions of sound changes especially helpful. It has been difficult to determine how Sino-Tibetan languages and subfamilies are related to each other, so it is crucial to work out which sound changes each language has undergone in order to determine its genetic classification. This is true for Sino-Tibetan as a whole, and for Sinitic, Bodish and Burmish languages in particular. Historical linguists, typologists and phonologists interested in sound change more generally will also find the clearly packaged sound laws helpful to their work. However, this book is not about the modern varieties of these languages. The chapters begin with Old Tibetan, Old Burmese and Middle and Old Chinese, and work back from there. Readers interested in the subsequent diversification of these languages should look elsewhere, though the context presented here may still prove valuable.
{"title":"Nathan W. Hill (2019). The historical phonology of Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. xiv + 373.","authors":"Christopher Geissler","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000196","url":null,"abstract":"The historical phonology of Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese is a compact volume that synthesises and systematises a wide range of research on the sound changes stretching back from these three languages toward a common ancestor. One chapter for each titular language traces a series of sound changes from a documented past form of the language (Old Tibetan, Old Burmese and Middle Chinese) to the reconstructed proto-language of the subfamily, and then to the proto-language ancestral to all three (Proto-Sino-Tibetan). A fourth chapter brings these together to focus on the phonological structure of the proto-language itself. An appendix and three indexes provide easily referenced lists of sound laws and examples, and topics for future research are clearly marked at the end of each chapter. As Hill himself states (p. 257), ‘the ambition of this work lies not in the proposal of this or that reconstruction but in a methodological reorientation of the study of Trans-Himalayan languages towards the paragon of Indo-European historical linguistics’. In this, the book succeeds admirably. This is not to say that other past and present historical research on this language family has not been valuable – far from it – but Hill’s work does represent a new level of focus on regular phonological correspondences and sound-change laws. With extensively cross-referenced evidence and falsifiable predictions, the book presents a model for how this kind of work should be done, and raises a multitude of topics for future research. Linguists working on varieties of Burmese, Chinese, Tibetan and related languages will find the descriptions of sound changes especially helpful. It has been difficult to determine how Sino-Tibetan languages and subfamilies are related to each other, so it is crucial to work out which sound changes each language has undergone in order to determine its genetic classification. This is true for Sino-Tibetan as a whole, and for Sinitic, Bodish and Burmish languages in particular. Historical linguists, typologists and phonologists interested in sound change more generally will also find the clearly packaged sound laws helpful to their work. However, this book is not about the modern varieties of these languages. The chapters begin with Old Tibetan, Old Burmese and Middle and Old Chinese, and work back from there. Readers interested in the subsequent diversification of these languages should look elsewhere, though the context presented here may still prove valuable.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"495 - 500"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000196","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49107432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000214
S. Kawahara
Statistical skills used not to be a prerequisite for doing phonological analyses in the generative tradition. In fact, the field was dominated by a strong belief that grammatical knowledge (competence) is independent of the statistical patterns observed in the lexicon (e.g. Chomsky 1957, Halle 1978). This situation has changed rapidly in recent years, as a result of a growing body of studies that have demonstrated that phonological knowledge is – or at least can be – stochastic, partly reflecting statistical trends in the lexicon (e.g. Ernestus & Baayen 2003, Hayes & Londe 2006). Another reason for the increased use of statistical methods is the rise of interest in employing experimental techniques and corpus data for phonological argumentation, a general approach now known as ‘laboratory phonology’ (Beckman & Kingston 1990, Pierrehumbert et al. 2000). It is safe to say that familiarity with statistical techniques has now become a desirable skill for theoretical phonologists. One can of course take the position that phonological knowledge is strictly dichotomous, that (lexical) statistics has nothing to do with phonological competence or that evidence from experimental and corpus studies is irrelevant for phonological theorisation. Nevertheless, in order to evaluate how quantitative data and analyses bear upon questions about phonological competence, I believe that it is crucial that we have some basic understanding of statistics. To take an example, MaxEnt Harmonic Grammar has recently been used to model various aspects of linguistic knowledge (e.g. Goldwater & Johnson 2003, Hayes & Wilson 2008, Shih 2017, Breiss & Hayes 2020), and is mathematically equivalent to (multinomial) logistic regression (Jurafsky & Martin 2019). Whether we endorse or reject it as a theory of grammar, we need to understand it, and to do so, it is necessary to know how regression works in general. There are already several statistics textbooks written for linguists, including Baayen (2008), Johnson (2008), Gries (2013) and Levshina (2015). Nevertheless, Winter’s book is a very welcome addition to the field. I thoroughly enjoyed reading the book, and learned a lot from it.
{"title":"Bodo Winter (2019). Statistics for linguists: an introduction using R. New York & London: Routledge. pp. xvi + 310.","authors":"S. Kawahara","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000214","url":null,"abstract":"Statistical skills used not to be a prerequisite for doing phonological analyses in the generative tradition. In fact, the field was dominated by a strong belief that grammatical knowledge (competence) is independent of the statistical patterns observed in the lexicon (e.g. Chomsky 1957, Halle 1978). This situation has changed rapidly in recent years, as a result of a growing body of studies that have demonstrated that phonological knowledge is – or at least can be – stochastic, partly reflecting statistical trends in the lexicon (e.g. Ernestus & Baayen 2003, Hayes & Londe 2006). Another reason for the increased use of statistical methods is the rise of interest in employing experimental techniques and corpus data for phonological argumentation, a general approach now known as ‘laboratory phonology’ (Beckman & Kingston 1990, Pierrehumbert et al. 2000). It is safe to say that familiarity with statistical techniques has now become a desirable skill for theoretical phonologists. One can of course take the position that phonological knowledge is strictly dichotomous, that (lexical) statistics has nothing to do with phonological competence or that evidence from experimental and corpus studies is irrelevant for phonological theorisation. Nevertheless, in order to evaluate how quantitative data and analyses bear upon questions about phonological competence, I believe that it is crucial that we have some basic understanding of statistics. To take an example, MaxEnt Harmonic Grammar has recently been used to model various aspects of linguistic knowledge (e.g. Goldwater & Johnson 2003, Hayes & Wilson 2008, Shih 2017, Breiss & Hayes 2020), and is mathematically equivalent to (multinomial) logistic regression (Jurafsky & Martin 2019). Whether we endorse or reject it as a theory of grammar, we need to understand it, and to do so, it is necessary to know how regression works in general. There are already several statistics textbooks written for linguists, including Baayen (2008), Johnson (2008), Gries (2013) and Levshina (2015). Nevertheless, Winter’s book is a very welcome addition to the field. I thoroughly enjoyed reading the book, and learned a lot from it.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"507 - 514"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000214","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49643780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000238
Hannah Sande
Morphologically conditioned phonology, where a particular phonological alternation or requirement holds only for a subset of lexical items or in a subset of morphological contexts, is well documented. This paper expands on the literature by examining phonological alternations where two independent triggering morphemes must both be present for a phonological alternation to apply. Several cases of doubly morphologically conditioned phonological alternations, from a diverse set of languages, are described. The existence of morphologically conditioned phonology with two triggers informs our models of the interface between morphology and phonology, in that phonological operations must be able to reference the presence of more than one morpheme simultaneously. A range of possible analyses are considered, including those set in Stratal OT, Indexed Constraint Theory, Cophonology Theory and Cophonologies by Phase Theory. A Cophonologies by Phase account is found to be optimal, where multiple morpheme-specific phonological requirements accumulate and co-trigger alternations within a single spell-out domain.
{"title":"Morphologically conditioned phonology with two triggers","authors":"Hannah Sande","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000238","url":null,"abstract":"Morphologically conditioned phonology, where a particular phonological alternation or requirement holds only for a subset of lexical items or in a subset of morphological contexts, is well documented. This paper expands on the literature by examining phonological alternations where two independent triggering morphemes must both be present for a phonological alternation to apply. Several cases of doubly morphologically conditioned phonological alternations, from a diverse set of languages, are described. The existence of morphologically conditioned phonology with two triggers informs our models of the interface between morphology and phonology, in that phonological operations must be able to reference the presence of more than one morpheme simultaneously. A range of possible analyses are considered, including those set in Stratal OT, Indexed Constraint Theory, Cophonology Theory and Cophonologies by Phase Theory. A Cophonologies by Phase account is found to be optimal, where multiple morpheme-specific phonological requirements accumulate and co-trigger alternations within a single spell-out domain.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"453 - 493"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000238","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45192161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000226
D. Nikolaev, Eitan Grossman
The feature-economy principle is one of the key theoretical notions which have been postulated to account for the structure of phoneme inventories in the world's languages. In this paper, we test the explanatory power of this principle by conducting a study of the co-occurrence of consonant segments in phonological inventories, based on a sample of 2761 languages. We show that the feature-economy principle is able to account for many important patterns in the structure of the world's phonological inventories; however, there are particular classes of sounds, such as what we term the ‘basic consonant inventory’ (the core cluster of segments found in the majority of the world's languages), as well as several more peripheral clusters whose organisation follows different principles.
{"title":"Consonant co-occurrence classes and the feature-economy principle","authors":"D. Nikolaev, Eitan Grossman","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000226","url":null,"abstract":"The feature-economy principle is one of the key theoretical notions which have been postulated to account for the structure of phoneme inventories in the world's languages. In this paper, we test the explanatory power of this principle by conducting a study of the co-occurrence of consonant segments in phonological inventories, based on a sample of 2761 languages. We show that the feature-economy principle is able to account for many important patterns in the structure of the world's phonological inventories; however, there are particular classes of sounds, such as what we term the ‘basic consonant inventory’ (the core cluster of segments found in the majority of the world's languages), as well as several more peripheral clusters whose organisation follows different principles.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"419 - 451"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000226","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48706895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000184
Ashley Farris-Trimble
In her 2019 book, Phonological templates in development, Marilyn May Vihman lays out a career’s worth of work on the role of templates in children’s phonological and lexical development. The book provides rich historical context and compiles a huge wealth of data in one place. It will be of interest to any student of phonological development, especially those who are interested in a concrete framework for defining and measuring a child’s phonological patterns from a larger lexical perspective. At the same time, with its references to exemplar theory (e.g. Jusczyk 1992) and Dynamic Systems Theory (Thelen & Smith 1994), the book is also relevant for those more broadly interested in cognitive development. Data from children learning a variety of languages, along with detailed appendices of children’s productions and adult templatic forms, will be tantalising for linguists who may want to do further analyses. Vihman’s main proposal is that, after an early stage of relatively accurate productions, children expand their vocabulary and phonetic repertoire by taking a templatic approach, selecting words that fit those templates and adapting those that do not. These templates reflect universal truths about motor and cognitive development, but do not otherwise rely on any sort of linguistic universal; in fact, the templates are in large part idiosyncratic from one child to the next. Vihman outlines how templates are defined, calculated and measured, illustrating these steps with data from a variety of languages along the way. She situates her theory within the broader Dynamic Systems Theory, focusing on the role of the child’s own actions and perceptions in shaping their phonologies, and on the complex interplay between ever-changing forces such as motor skills, vocabulary size and external language input. She rejects the notion that there must be continuity between the child grammar and the adult grammar, instead noting that both continuities and discontinuities are expected. The book’s chapters can be generally divided into three sections: background information (Chapters 1 and 2), detailed characterisations of templatic analyses (Chapters 3–5) and implications of the theory, especially as it relates to fully developed phonologies (Chapters 6–9).
Marilyn May Vihman在她2019年出版的《语音模板在发展中》一书中，就模板在儿童语音和词汇发展中的作用阐述了她职业生涯的价值。这本书提供了丰富的历史背景，并在一个地方汇编了大量的数据。任何研究语音发展的学生都会感兴趣，尤其是那些对从更大的词汇角度定义和测量儿童语音模式的具体框架感兴趣的学生。同时，这本书引用了范例理论（例如，Justzyk 1992）和动态系统理论（Thelen&Smith 1994），也与那些对认知发展更广泛感兴趣的人有关。来自学习各种语言的儿童的数据，以及儿童作品和成人模板形式的详细附录，对于可能想做进一步分析的语言学家来说，将是一个诱人的选择。Vihman的主要建议是，在早期阶段的相对准确的制作之后，孩子们通过采用模板法，选择符合这些模板的单词，并改编不符合模板的单词来扩展他们的词汇和语音库。这些模板反映了关于运动和认知发展的普遍真理，但在其他方面并不依赖于任何形式的语言普遍性；事实上，从一个孩子到下一个孩子，模板在很大程度上是特殊的。Vihman概述了如何定义、计算和测量模板，并用各种语言的数据说明了这些步骤。她将自己的理论置于更广泛的动态系统理论中，重点关注孩子自己的行为和感知在形成他们的语音中的作用，以及不断变化的力量之间的复杂相互作用，如运动技能、词汇大小和外部语言输入。她拒绝接受儿童语法和成人语法之间必须有连续性的观点，而是指出连续性和不连续性都是意料之中的。该书的章节通常可分为三个部分：背景信息（第1章和第2章）、模板分析的详细特征（第3-5章）和理论的含义，尤其是当它涉及到完全发展的音韵学时（第6-9章）。
{"title":"Marilyn May Vihman (2019). Phonological templates in development. (Oxford Studies in Phonology and Phonetics.) Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. xvi + 356.","authors":"Ashley Farris-Trimble","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000184","url":null,"abstract":"In her 2019 book, Phonological templates in development, Marilyn May Vihman lays out a career’s worth of work on the role of templates in children’s phonological and lexical development. The book provides rich historical context and compiles a huge wealth of data in one place. It will be of interest to any student of phonological development, especially those who are interested in a concrete framework for defining and measuring a child’s phonological patterns from a larger lexical perspective. At the same time, with its references to exemplar theory (e.g. Jusczyk 1992) and Dynamic Systems Theory (Thelen & Smith 1994), the book is also relevant for those more broadly interested in cognitive development. Data from children learning a variety of languages, along with detailed appendices of children’s productions and adult templatic forms, will be tantalising for linguists who may want to do further analyses. Vihman’s main proposal is that, after an early stage of relatively accurate productions, children expand their vocabulary and phonetic repertoire by taking a templatic approach, selecting words that fit those templates and adapting those that do not. These templates reflect universal truths about motor and cognitive development, but do not otherwise rely on any sort of linguistic universal; in fact, the templates are in large part idiosyncratic from one child to the next. Vihman outlines how templates are defined, calculated and measured, illustrating these steps with data from a variety of languages along the way. She situates her theory within the broader Dynamic Systems Theory, focusing on the role of the child’s own actions and perceptions in shaping their phonologies, and on the complex interplay between ever-changing forces such as motor skills, vocabulary size and external language input. She rejects the notion that there must be continuity between the child grammar and the adult grammar, instead noting that both continuities and discontinuities are expected. The book’s chapters can be generally divided into three sections: background information (Chapters 1 and 2), detailed characterisations of templatic analyses (Chapters 3–5) and implications of the theory, especially as it relates to fully developed phonologies (Chapters 6–9).","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"501 - 506"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000184","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44970787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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