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Outgroup Bias and the Unacceptability of Tax Fraud 外群体偏见与税务欺诈的不可接受性
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231162017
Marco Mendoza Aviña, André Blais, Vincent Arel-Bundock, Rita de la Feria, Allison Harell
In countries with well-developed welfare state systems, it is often claimed that racial or ethnic minorities impose a heavy burden on social assistance programs without contributing to public goods. In this study, we consider the attitudinal effects of anecdotal reports of tax cheating by minorities. We conduct survey experiments in France and the United States to assess if people react more harshly to tax fraud perpetrated by members of a minority group rather than the majority group. We find no evidence that minority status affects judgments and perceptions about tax fraud, including among those on the right end of the political spectrum. Tax fraud is considered unacceptable regardless of the culprit’s origin.
在福利国家制度发达的国家,经常有人声称,少数种族或少数民族给社会援助项目带来了沉重的负担,而没有为公共产品做出贡献。在本研究中,我们考虑了少数民族税务欺诈轶事报道的态度影响。我们在法国和美国进行了调查实验,以评估人们对少数群体成员而不是多数群体成员实施的税务欺诈行为的反应是否更严厉。我们没有发现证据表明少数派地位会影响对税务欺诈的判断和看法,包括在政治光谱的右端。无论罪犯来自何方,税务欺诈都是不可接受的。
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引用次数: 0
Fact-Centric Political Theory, Three Ways: Normative Behaviourism, Grounded Normative Theory, and Radical Realism 以事实为中心的政治理论,三种方式:规范行为主义、扎根的规范理论和激进现实主义
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231157625
Enzo Rossi
In the last two decades, Anglophone political theory witnessed a renewed interest in social-scientific empirical findings – partly as a reaction against normative theorising centred on the formulation of abstract, intuition-driven moral principles. This brief article begins by showing how this turn has taken two distinct forms: (1) a nonideal theoretical orientation, which seeks to balance the emphasis on moral principles with feasibility and urgency considerations, and (2) a fact-centric orientation, which seeks to ground normative conclusions in empirical results. The core of the article then compares and contrasts three variants of fact-centric political theory: normative behaviourism, grounded normative theory and radical realism. The upshot: normative behaviourism achieves focus on observable behaviour at the cost of status quo bias, grounded normative theory achieves radicalism at the cost of endorsing an activist orientation to theorising and radical realism combines a non-activist orientation with the potential for far-reaching critique of the status quo.
在过去的二十年里,英语政治理论见证了对社会科学实证研究结果的重新兴趣——部分原因是对以抽象、直觉驱动的道德原则的制定为中心的规范性理论的反应。这篇简短的文章首先展示了这一转变如何采取两种不同的形式:(1)非理想的理论取向,寻求在对道德原则的强调与可行性和紧迫性考虑之间取得平衡;(2)以事实为中心的取向,寻求将规范性结论建立在实证结果的基础上。文章的核心是对以事实为中心的政治理论的三种变体:规范行为主义、扎根的规范理论和激进现实主义进行比较和对比。结果是:规范行为主义以现状偏见为代价,关注可观察的行为,有根据的规范理论以支持激进主义的理论取向为代价,激进现实主义将非激进主义取向与对现状进行深远批判的潜力相结合。
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引用次数: 2
Democracy and the Corruption of Speech 民主与言论腐败
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231159784
Mark E Warren
In the developed democracies, the public discourse of political corruption and conspiracy remains stubbornly pervasive, in spite of the fact that these countries are, comparatively, the cleanest in the world. Everyday talk about corruption expresses a politics of distrust and disaffection, corrodes deliberative responses to political conflict and – most alarmingly – can be mobilized by populist authoritarians who would replace democratic institutions with decisionism. The phenomenon that Rosenblum and Muirhead call ‘the new conspiracism’ – assertions of conspiracies without evidence or even claims that could be refuted – is deepening the discourse of corruption, particularly in the United States. These discourses are expressive rather than discursive: they cannot be refuted because they signal fears and discontents rather than positions within public arguments. Because democracies only work when they channel political conflict into credible speech, these developments corrode the life-blood of democracies. A key problem for democrats today is to diagnose this pathology, identify powers of speech and devise responses that might protect the common pool resource of promise and commitment in speech-based politics.
在发达民主国家,尽管这些国家相对而言是世界上最干净的,但关于政治腐败和阴谋的公开言论仍然顽固地普遍存在。关于腐败的日常言论表达了一种不信任和不满的政治,侵蚀了对政治冲突的审慎反应,而且——最令人担忧的是——可能会被民粹主义威权主义者动员起来,他们会用决策主义取代民主制度。Rosenblum和Muirhead称之为“新阴谋主义”的现象——在没有证据甚至可以反驳的说法的情况下对阴谋的断言——正在加深腐败的讨论,尤其是在美国。这些话语是表达性的,而不是话语性的:它们不能被反驳,因为它们表达的是恐惧和不满,而不是公开争论中的立场。因为民主国家只有在将政治冲突转化为可信的言论时才能发挥作用,这些事态发展腐蚀了民主国家的血液。今天,民主党人面临的一个关键问题是诊断这种病态,确定言论的权力,并制定应对措施,以保护基于言论的政治中承诺和承诺的共同资源。
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引用次数: 0
The Proper Scope of the All-Subjected Principle 全体服从原则的适当范围
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231160513
A. Inoue
This article shows that the democratic borders argument is defensible, albeit not in the way Arash Abizadeh proposes. The democratic borders argument depends on the All-Subjected Principle, according to which the exercise of political power is justified only insofar as everyone who is subjected to that power is guaranteed a right to vote. According to the so-called “scope objection,” the scope of the All-Subjected Principle is too broad, however, and therefore, the argument can be refuted by reductio ad absurdum. Here I argue that Abizadeh’s appeal to the narrow-scope interpretation of jurisdictionally circumscribed legal requirements is not a plausible way of defusing this reductio. Instead, I show that the democratic borders argument is successful if the All-Subjected Principle consists of two individually sufficient conditions corresponding to narrow-scope and qualified wide-scope interpretations.
这篇文章表明,民主边界的论点是站得住脚的,尽管不是Arash Abizadeh提出的那样。民主边界的论点取决于所有主体原则,根据该原则,只有在每个受政治权力支配的人都有投票权的情况下,行使政治权力才是合理的。然而,根据所谓的“范围异议”,全主体原则的范围过于宽泛,因此,可以用荒谬的还原来反驳这一论点。在这里,我认为Abizadeh对司法管辖区限定的法律要求的狭义解释的上诉并不是一种合理的方式来消除这种简化。相反,我表明,如果全主体原则由两个单独的充分条件组成,对应于窄范围和限定的宽范围解释,那么民主边界论点是成功的。
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引用次数: 0
Political Parties and Interest Incorporation: A New Typology of Intra-Party Groups 政党与利益整合:党内集团的一种新类型
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231156556
Matthias Dilling
Linking society and politics has been one of political parties’ key functions in democracies around the world. Groups within political parties, like factions, auxiliary organisations and territorial party branches, have been important for parties to build such linkages because they help incorporate voters’, members’ and elites’ interests. However, although intra-party groups have figured prominently in many studies, scholars often encountered difficulties when seeking to distinguish between them. Missing conceptual clarity is consequential because it has made communicating results across studies difficult and thus posed an obstacle to accumulating knowledge. This review brings together the literature on factionalism and party organisation to enhance conceptual clarity. Groups’ organisational pervasiveness and flexibility allow distinguishing between factions, camps, auxiliary organisations and party branches. The article ends with suggestions for how to put the typology to work.
将社会和政治联系起来一直是世界各地民主国家政党的主要职能之一。政党内部的团体,如派系、辅助组织和地区党支部,对政党建立这种联系至关重要,因为它们有助于融合选民、成员和精英的利益。然而,尽管党内团体在许多研究中占有突出地位,但学者们在试图区分它们时往往会遇到困难。缺乏概念上的清晰性是很重要的,因为这使得跨研究交流结果变得困难,从而阻碍了知识的积累。这篇综述汇集了关于派系斗争和党的组织的文献,以提高概念的清晰度。团体的组织普遍性和灵活性允许区分派系、阵营、辅助组织和党的分支。文章最后对如何运用类型学提出了建议。
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引用次数: 0
Distinctions With a Difference: Illiberalism and Authoritarianism in Scholarly Study 有区别的区别:学术研究中的非自由主义与威权主义
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231159253
Julian G. Waller
Comparative social science concepts such as “illiberalism” and “authoritarianism” are increasingly common terms of art used in academic and policy debates, yet usage patterns and their substantive meaning vary widely across publications and authors. This article presents parsimonious “best-use” conceptualizations of both constructs, underlining the limitations of current, often widely disparate practices. In doing so, it outlines the reasons why this state of affairs is analytically unnecessary, leading to both conceptual stretching and terminological confusion. Illiberalism can most fruitfully be conceptualized positively and ideationally, capturing a distinct form of ideological reaction against hegemonic liberalism, experienced largely over the last several decades, with a variety of case-specific elements. This definition sits in partial contradistinction with other, sometimes-associated concepts such as anti-liberalism, populism, or conservatism and is not associated with regime-type definitionally. Authoritarianism, meanwhile, is most parsimoniously treated as a residual categorization of political regime vis-a-vis the concept of electoral democracy, which accords with the goals for which most scholars deploy it.
比较社会科学的概念,如“非自由主义”和“威权主义”,越来越多地用于学术和政策辩论的艺术术语,但使用模式和它们的实质意义在出版物和作者之间差异很大。本文给出了这两种构造的简洁的“最佳用途”概念化,强调了当前通常广泛不同的实践的局限性。在这样做的过程中,它概述了为什么这种情况在分析上是不必要的,导致概念延伸和术语混淆的原因。非自由主义可以被积极地、理想地概念化,捕捉到一种独特形式的反对霸权自由主义的意识形态反应,这种反应在过去几十年里主要经历过,带有各种具体案例的元素。这一定义与其他有时相关的概念,如反自由主义、民粹主义或保守主义形成部分对比,并且与政权类型的定义无关。与此同时,威权主义被最吝啬地视为政治制度相对于选举民主概念的残余分类,这符合大多数学者部署它的目标。
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引用次数: 0
Three’s (Not Necessarily) A Crowd: State-of-the-Art Review of the Strategic Triangle 三个人(不一定)是一群人:对战略三角的最新评述
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-16 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231158216
Mor Sobol, Y. Chang
In the last four decades, the Strategic Triangle concept has established itself as an eclectic theoretical framework in the research domain of triangular analysis. As international politics has evolved, the literature on Strategic Triangle has followed suit. Specifically, it appears that scholars have succeeded in transcending beyond the ‘traditional’ regional setting and conceptualisation by testing existing theoretical assumptions, developing new models and offering new insights into the dynamics of triangular relationships. Against this background, this contribution primarily aims to provide a state-of-the-art, comprehensive overview of the scholarly literature on Strategic Triangles. This article also seeks to illustrate the existing room for further engagement and analysis of triangular relationships by offering concrete recommendations on how researchers could further develop the Strategic Triangle concept.
在过去的四十年中,战略三角概念已经成为三角分析研究领域的一个折衷的理论框架。随着国际政治的发展,关于战略三角的文献也随之发展。具体来说,学者们似乎已经成功地超越了“传统”的区域设置和概念化,他们测试了现有的理论假设,开发了新的模型,并对三角关系的动态提供了新的见解。在此背景下,本文的主要目的是为战略三角形的学术文献提供一个最新的、全面的概述。本文还试图通过就研究人员如何进一步发展战略三角概念提供具体建议,来说明进一步参与和分析三角关系的现有空间。
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引用次数: 0
An Update on the Imported Cutaneous Leishmaniasis in Europe. 欧洲进口皮肤利什曼病最新情况。
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-11 eCollection Date: 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.36519/idcm.2023.202
Özgür Kurt, Ahmet Özbilgin, Eskild Petersen, Önder Ergönül
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Christer Pursiainen and Tuomas Forsberg, The Psychology of Foreign Policy 委托书评:Christer Pursiainen和Tuomas Forsberg,《外交政策心理学》
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231159252
Bülent Evre
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Mariana Budjeryn, Inheriting the Bomb: The Collapse of the USSR and the Nuclear Disarmament of Ukraine 委托书评:玛丽安娜·布杰林,《继承核弹:苏联的解体和乌克兰的核裁军》
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231159248
Emad A. Ayasreh
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Political Studies Review
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