Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/14789299231159255
Jigyasa Sogarwal
{"title":"Commissioned Book Review: Anupama Roy, Citizenship Regimes, Law and Belonging: The CAA and the NRC","authors":"Jigyasa Sogarwal","doi":"10.1177/14789299231159255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231159255","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42924122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/14789299231157999
K. Dowding
Floyd defends normative behaviourism against ‘mentalism’. His characterization of political philosophy as mentalism is uncharitable, and it is not clear that normative behaviourism provides greater evidence of convergence that we find in liberal political philosophy. To interpret behaviour, one must theorize the effects of institutions on that behaviour, it is therefore problematic to defend institutions on behavioural grounds alone without ‘mentalistic’ theory. Normative behaviourism uses a ‘contingent imperative’; however, this leaves the behaviour normatively undefended. A potential response by Floyd to these criticisms depends upon misinterpreting Cohen’s argument that fact-free principles underlie all policy recommendations. Floyd’s own recommendations require at least one fact-free principle in Cohen’s sense. Floyd is correct that behavioural evidence is important to political philosophy.
{"title":"Behavioural Evidence, Yes; Normative Behaviourism, No","authors":"K. Dowding","doi":"10.1177/14789299231157999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231157999","url":null,"abstract":"Floyd defends normative behaviourism against ‘mentalism’. His characterization of political philosophy as mentalism is uncharitable, and it is not clear that normative behaviourism provides greater evidence of convergence that we find in liberal political philosophy. To interpret behaviour, one must theorize the effects of institutions on that behaviour, it is therefore problematic to defend institutions on behavioural grounds alone without ‘mentalistic’ theory. Normative behaviourism uses a ‘contingent imperative’; however, this leaves the behaviour normatively undefended. A potential response by Floyd to these criticisms depends upon misinterpreting Cohen’s argument that fact-free principles underlie all policy recommendations. Floyd’s own recommendations require at least one fact-free principle in Cohen’s sense. Floyd is correct that behavioural evidence is important to political philosophy.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"447 - 453"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45004809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1177/14789299231154864
Orly Siow
This short article introduces a novel framework for conceiving of the substantive representation of marginalized groups – in this case, racially minoritized women in the UK House of Commons. I outline a rubric of eight facets of substantive representation. These evaluate the degree to which claims that constitute a group are also substantively representative of that group. In doing so, I contribute a much-needed framework for distinguishing between representative claims which speak on behalf of a group versus those which merely speak about, or even against, that group. I argue that substantive representation must be considered intersectionally, reflecting the multiple structures positioning those represented. Furthermore, all facets of substantive representation can rarely be contributed by a single parliamentary speech, individual, or narrow group of legislators such as descriptive representatives. Therefore, I suggest that empirical studies of substantive representation should include a greater evaluation of the collective work of institutions as a whole.
{"title":"What Constitutes Substantive Representation, and Where Should We Evaluate It?","authors":"Orly Siow","doi":"10.1177/14789299231154864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231154864","url":null,"abstract":"This short article introduces a novel framework for conceiving of the substantive representation of marginalized groups – in this case, racially minoritized women in the UK House of Commons. I outline a rubric of eight facets of substantive representation. These evaluate the degree to which claims that constitute a group are also substantively representative of that group. In doing so, I contribute a much-needed framework for distinguishing between representative claims which speak on behalf of a group versus those which merely speak about, or even against, that group. I argue that substantive representation must be considered intersectionally, reflecting the multiple structures positioning those represented. Furthermore, all facets of substantive representation can rarely be contributed by a single parliamentary speech, individual, or narrow group of legislators such as descriptive representatives. Therefore, I suggest that empirical studies of substantive representation should include a greater evaluation of the collective work of institutions as a whole.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"532 - 538"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49012320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-19DOI: 10.1177/14789299221133932
Alberto Lioy
This article systematically examines the academic literature on personalism and personalization in political parties. Its comprehensive review uses existing studies to (1) demonstrate that personalism has a rich and complex history; (2) outline conceptual differences within the literature related to size, clientelism, internal organization, centralization, and mediatic image; (3) trace patterns of institutionalization and de-personalization of personal parties; and (4) evaluate existing empirical and methodological approaches to the topic. Finally, the conclusion advocates for the adoption of a clear research agenda and proposes conceptual, quantitative, and discursive alternatives to what has already been done.
{"title":"“Not To Be Taken Personally”: Tracing Six Decades of Scholarship on Personal, Personalist, and Personalized Political Parties (1960–2021)","authors":"Alberto Lioy","doi":"10.1177/14789299221133932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221133932","url":null,"abstract":"This article systematically examines the academic literature on personalism and personalization in political parties. Its comprehensive review uses existing studies to (1) demonstrate that personalism has a rich and complex history; (2) outline conceptual differences within the literature related to size, clientelism, internal organization, centralization, and mediatic image; (3) trace patterns of institutionalization and de-personalization of personal parties; and (4) evaluate existing empirical and methodological approaches to the topic. Finally, the conclusion advocates for the adoption of a clear research agenda and proposes conceptual, quantitative, and discursive alternatives to what has already been done.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"825 - 835"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46113245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-16DOI: 10.1177/14789299221149505
J. Tosun, Simon Schaub, Charlene Marek
Is there a rural–urban divide in citizens’ views on European Union agricultural policy? We argue that the place of residence influences a person’s attitude toward agricultural policy issues. More precisely, we postulate that rural populations are less likely to view environmental and climate action, and sustainable food production as key objectives of agricultural policy; instead, we hypothesize they are more likely to indicate job growth in rural areas and ensuring a fair standard of living for farmers as key objectives. We analyze data from a Special Eurobarometer survey fielded in 2020 for 24,328 individuals living in 27 European Union member states. Multilevel mixed-effect logit models reveal the place of residence (urban–peri-urban–rural) as a significant predictor of the respondents’ attitudes for almost all dimensions of agricultural policy. The differences are most striking for environmental and climate-related aspects of agricultural policy, as well as for its goal of generating economic growth and jobs in rural areas. From this, we conclude there is a rural–urban divide concerning agricultural policy, which policymakers should be aware of and attempt to address.
{"title":"Europeans’ Attitudes Toward the Goals of Agricultural Policy: A Case of Rural–Urban Divide?","authors":"J. Tosun, Simon Schaub, Charlene Marek","doi":"10.1177/14789299221149505","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221149505","url":null,"abstract":"Is there a rural–urban divide in citizens’ views on European Union agricultural policy? We argue that the place of residence influences a person’s attitude toward agricultural policy issues. More precisely, we postulate that rural populations are less likely to view environmental and climate action, and sustainable food production as key objectives of agricultural policy; instead, we hypothesize they are more likely to indicate job growth in rural areas and ensuring a fair standard of living for farmers as key objectives. We analyze data from a Special Eurobarometer survey fielded in 2020 for 24,328 individuals living in 27 European Union member states. Multilevel mixed-effect logit models reveal the place of residence (urban–peri-urban–rural) as a significant predictor of the respondents’ attitudes for almost all dimensions of agricultural policy. The differences are most striking for environmental and climate-related aspects of agricultural policy, as well as for its goal of generating economic growth and jobs in rural areas. From this, we conclude there is a rural–urban divide concerning agricultural policy, which policymakers should be aware of and attempt to address.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49132344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-09DOI: 10.1177/14789299221148355
J. Font, Carlos Rico Motos
Most of the research about participatory institutions has neglected the analysis of the role played by ideological preferences in their development. Do different political ideologies of governing parties develop different participatory processes? Our starting point is that diverse views on the core values of democracy should lead to different positions concerning the role and expected benefits of citizen participation. This article discusses two main questions. First, in case ideology matters, which is the crucial difference? Is this a matter of “right versus left” or is there a particular party family with special attentiveness to developing participatory institutions? Second, in case any difference exists, how exactly does it translate into the development of participatory institutions? Analyzing data from Spanish municipalities in the period 2003–2010, we show that the party families that had a relevant presence in local administrations in this time frame show more similarities than differences in the participatory activities implemented. However, some relevant differences are found related to the constituencies addressed and mobilized and the type of participatory processes developed.
{"title":"Participatory Institutions and Political Ideologies: How and Why They Matter?","authors":"J. Font, Carlos Rico Motos","doi":"10.1177/14789299221148355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221148355","url":null,"abstract":"Most of the research about participatory institutions has neglected the analysis of the role played by ideological preferences in their development. Do different political ideologies of governing parties develop different participatory processes? Our starting point is that diverse views on the core values of democracy should lead to different positions concerning the role and expected benefits of citizen participation. This article discusses two main questions. First, in case ideology matters, which is the crucial difference? Is this a matter of “right versus left” or is there a particular party family with special attentiveness to developing participatory institutions? Second, in case any difference exists, how exactly does it translate into the development of participatory institutions? Analyzing data from Spanish municipalities in the period 2003–2010, we show that the party families that had a relevant presence in local administrations in this time frame show more similarities than differences in the participatory activities implemented. However, some relevant differences are found related to the constituencies addressed and mobilized and the type of participatory processes developed.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48339989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-08DOI: 10.1177/14789299231152437
Emily Clough, Jill Hardacre, E. Muggleton
For decades, scholars, non-governmental organisations and observers have expressed concern about the use of sensationalised images of people in the developing world in non-governmental organisation fundraising advertisements. They fear that these negative messages, often known as ‘poverty porn’, lead to a perception of people in developing countries as helpless and lacking in agency. Despite this ongoing concern, there has been no empirical assessment of the effect of exposure to these negative messages on the perceptions of people living in poverty in developing countries. Our research employs an online experiment of 450 UK respondents to address this gap. It examines how watching charity advertisements affects people’s perceptions of the agency of those in poverty in developing countries. We find that those who viewed negative portrayals of those in poverty were more likely to rate people in poverty lower on measures of agency. This empirically validates the criticisms of these types of negative advertisements.
{"title":"Poverty Porn and Perceptions of Agency: An Experimental Assessment","authors":"Emily Clough, Jill Hardacre, E. Muggleton","doi":"10.1177/14789299231152437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231152437","url":null,"abstract":"For decades, scholars, non-governmental organisations and observers have expressed concern about the use of sensationalised images of people in the developing world in non-governmental organisation fundraising advertisements. They fear that these negative messages, often known as ‘poverty porn’, lead to a perception of people in developing countries as helpless and lacking in agency. Despite this ongoing concern, there has been no empirical assessment of the effect of exposure to these negative messages on the perceptions of people living in poverty in developing countries. Our research employs an online experiment of 450 UK respondents to address this gap. It examines how watching charity advertisements affects people’s perceptions of the agency of those in poverty in developing countries. We find that those who viewed negative portrayals of those in poverty were more likely to rate people in poverty lower on measures of agency. This empirically validates the criticisms of these types of negative advertisements.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47899690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-07DOI: 10.1177/14789299231152106
M. Haman
This article examines the use of social media during the 2021 Mexican legislative election. Political candidates were contacted through the email addresses they had listed and sent a questionnaire to fill out. Thus, the research is based on original data directly collected from political candidates. Political candidates commented on their use of social media during the election campaign. The research used closed questions. The assumption was that political candidates would use social media if they felt that the benefits outweighed the costs associated with managing social media accounts. The utility of social media can also lie in the opportunity to gain new votes. The results show that political candidates used social media more if they perceived that it was being used in their constituency. If few voters in a constituency use social media, then the potential utility of using social media declines. Furthermore, they used them more if they perceived that from an economic point of view, managing an account and sending a message were not that costly.
{"title":"Why Do Political Candidates Use Social Media in Election Campaigning? An Explanation Offered by a Cost-Benefit Calculation Using Survey Data","authors":"M. Haman","doi":"10.1177/14789299231152106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231152106","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the use of social media during the 2021 Mexican legislative election. Political candidates were contacted through the email addresses they had listed and sent a questionnaire to fill out. Thus, the research is based on original data directly collected from political candidates. Political candidates commented on their use of social media during the election campaign. The research used closed questions. The assumption was that political candidates would use social media if they felt that the benefits outweighed the costs associated with managing social media accounts. The utility of social media can also lie in the opportunity to gain new votes. The results show that political candidates used social media more if they perceived that it was being used in their constituency. If few voters in a constituency use social media, then the potential utility of using social media declines. Furthermore, they used them more if they perceived that from an economic point of view, managing an account and sending a message were not that costly.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"35 21","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41249249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-07DOI: 10.1177/14789299221130901
Amir Abdul Reda, Nicholas A. R. Fraser, Ahmed Khattab
Existing studies argue that anti-immigrant sentiment stems from threat perception. Yet, conventional theoretical approaches cannot fully explain hostility toward immigrants in the Middle East and North Africa, where low-skilled foreign workers occupy an inferior social and legal status vis-a-vis natives under the kafala system. Building on existing studies of immigration politics, we theorize how immigration policies can either facilitate or prevent the social mobility of foreign workers. Exploring immigration attitudes in 14 Middle East and North Africa countries using an original dataset that matches survey responses with host country-specific factors, we find that extreme rights-restricting immigration policies (such as the kafala system) encourage wealthier natives to be more hostile than their lower-class counterparts. Our study suggests that anti-immigrant sentiment is context-specific and influenced by local institutions.
{"title":"Does Social Mobility Matter? The Kafala System and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment","authors":"Amir Abdul Reda, Nicholas A. R. Fraser, Ahmed Khattab","doi":"10.1177/14789299221130901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221130901","url":null,"abstract":"Existing studies argue that anti-immigrant sentiment stems from threat perception. Yet, conventional theoretical approaches cannot fully explain hostility toward immigrants in the Middle East and North Africa, where low-skilled foreign workers occupy an inferior social and legal status vis-a-vis natives under the kafala system. Building on existing studies of immigration politics, we theorize how immigration policies can either facilitate or prevent the social mobility of foreign workers. Exploring immigration attitudes in 14 Middle East and North Africa countries using an original dataset that matches survey responses with host country-specific factors, we find that extreme rights-restricting immigration policies (such as the kafala system) encourage wealthier natives to be more hostile than their lower-class counterparts. Our study suggests that anti-immigrant sentiment is context-specific and influenced by local institutions.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"801 - 824"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46870487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-07DOI: 10.1177/14789299231154175
T. Modood
I rally behind Floyd’s call to arms for an approach to political philosophy based on the broad hope ‘that we can successfully treat certain forms of human action as expressions [of] normative preferences ripe for conversion into political principles’. I have doubts, however, about his use of social science: it is too selective and is selected on the basis of the avoidance of two social evils and thus does not answer the fundamental questions of political philosophy about the good life and a polity that is based on positive ideals and aspirations. Nor do I see that the avoidance of the normative aloofness of ‘continental’ critical theory requires the postulation of a universal human nature, a postulate that in any case is unavailable.
{"title":"Empirical and Normative Without a Universal Human Nature","authors":"T. Modood","doi":"10.1177/14789299231154175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231154175","url":null,"abstract":"I rally behind Floyd’s call to arms for an approach to political philosophy based on the broad hope ‘that we can successfully treat certain forms of human action as expressions [of] normative preferences ripe for conversion into political principles’. I have doubts, however, about his use of social science: it is too selective and is selected on the basis of the avoidance of two social evils and thus does not answer the fundamental questions of political philosophy about the good life and a polity that is based on positive ideals and aspirations. Nor do I see that the avoidance of the normative aloofness of ‘continental’ critical theory requires the postulation of a universal human nature, a postulate that in any case is unavailable.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"462 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49162953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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