Pub Date : 2020-08-12DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1804833
Federica Caso
ABSTRACT The article examines the latest exhibition commemorating Indigenous soldiers produced by the Australian War Memorial titled For Country, For Nation. It suggests that the exhibited material maps and visualises a neglected aspect of Indigenous history and as such expresses Indigenous resurgence and sovereignty. And yet, these artworks are not outside of colonial structures of power. While the article views the artworks of For Country, For Nation as an expression of Indigenous visual sovereignty, it also examines how they operate within setter colonial mentalities that disavow Indigenous sovereignty to legitimise settler authority. The Australian War Memorial operates in this order by refusing to commemorate the Frontier Wars. The article argues that despite the inclusion of Indigenous soldiers in official war commemorations is a sign of Indigenous recognition, as long as the Memorial refuses to include the Frontier Wars, this recognition legitimises colonial authority and contributes to ongoing settler colonialism.
{"title":"Representing indigenous soldiers at the Australian War Memorial: a political analysis of the art exhibition For Country, For Nation","authors":"Federica Caso","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1804833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1804833","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article examines the latest exhibition commemorating Indigenous soldiers produced by the Australian War Memorial titled For Country, For Nation. It suggests that the exhibited material maps and visualises a neglected aspect of Indigenous history and as such expresses Indigenous resurgence and sovereignty. And yet, these artworks are not outside of colonial structures of power. While the article views the artworks of For Country, For Nation as an expression of Indigenous visual sovereignty, it also examines how they operate within setter colonial mentalities that disavow Indigenous sovereignty to legitimise settler authority. The Australian War Memorial operates in this order by refusing to commemorate the Frontier Wars. The article argues that despite the inclusion of Indigenous soldiers in official war commemorations is a sign of Indigenous recognition, as long as the Memorial refuses to include the Frontier Wars, this recognition legitimises colonial authority and contributes to ongoing settler colonialism.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"345 - 361"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1804833","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41572847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-07DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1804831
James C. Murphy
ABSTRACT Ken Mathers, long-time roads bureaucrat in the Victoria Public Service, has been a uniquely influential figure on the state’s transport scene since the late 1990s. His projects have dominated the agenda, sometimes against the initial misgivings of the governments he served. This article argues we can explain Mathers’ influence in terms of policy entrepreneurship. It will show that, contrary to the dominant view in recent scholarship, transport policymaking in Victoria is sufficiently messy that an entrepreneur like Mathers could shift the agenda to get his projects up, looking in particular detail at the case of the now-infamous East-West Link. Finally, examining the failure of East–West, it will suggest some doubts about whether we can really expect entrepreneurs to wrangle all the relevant political actors, and whether they are in fact as central to policy change as the theory leads us to think.
自上世纪90年代末以来，肯•马瑟斯(Ken Mathers)一直是维多利亚州公共服务局(Victoria Public Service)的公路官员，在该州的交通领域有着独特的影响力。他的项目主导了议程，有时与他所服务的政府最初的疑虑背道而驰。本文认为，我们可以从政策企业家精神的角度来解释马瑟斯的影响。它将表明，与最近学术界的主流观点相反，维多利亚州的交通政策制定非常混乱，以至于像马瑟斯这样的企业家可以改变议程，以推动他的项目，特别是现在臭名昭著的东西环线项目的细节。最后，在考察东西方模式的失败时，它将提出一些疑问，即我们是否真的能指望企业家与所有相关的政治参与者争论，以及他们是否真的像该理论引导我们思考的那样，在政策变化中发挥着核心作用。
{"title":"The trials & tribulations of Ken Mathers, policy entrepreneur","authors":"James C. Murphy","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1804831","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1804831","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ken Mathers, long-time roads bureaucrat in the Victoria Public Service, has been a uniquely influential figure on the state’s transport scene since the late 1990s. His projects have dominated the agenda, sometimes against the initial misgivings of the governments he served. This article argues we can explain Mathers’ influence in terms of policy entrepreneurship. It will show that, contrary to the dominant view in recent scholarship, transport policymaking in Victoria is sufficiently messy that an entrepreneur like Mathers could shift the agenda to get his projects up, looking in particular detail at the case of the now-infamous East-West Link. Finally, examining the failure of East–West, it will suggest some doubts about whether we can really expect entrepreneurs to wrangle all the relevant political actors, and whether they are in fact as central to policy change as the theory leads us to think.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"416 - 431"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1804831","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43285419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1799938
K. Gelber, S. O’Sullivan
ABSTRACT In recent years Australian governments have proposed, and enacted, ‘ag-gag’ laws which extend the criminalisation of peaceful, non-violent activities such as trespass to deter animal protection advocates from obtaining information about animal welfare, information that is not obtainable in other ways and that contributes to public deliberation around an important policy issue. This article asks two questions. First, if a speaker engages in non-violent, peaceful, but illegal activities, such as trespass in order to obtain information that is important to democratic deliberation, can this be justified from the perspective of free speech theory? Answering this question in the affirmative, we then analyse the contours of proposed, and new provisions in Australian law designed to extend the criminalisation of such activities. We conclude that since the impact on freedom of speech of such provisions is excessive, governments should be mindful of their free speech obligations when considering, and enacting, such laws.
{"title":"Cat got your tongue? Free speech, democracy and Australia’s ‘ag-gag’ laws","authors":"K. Gelber, S. O’Sullivan","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1799938","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1799938","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent years Australian governments have proposed, and enacted, ‘ag-gag’ laws which extend the criminalisation of peaceful, non-violent activities such as trespass to deter animal protection advocates from obtaining information about animal welfare, information that is not obtainable in other ways and that contributes to public deliberation around an important policy issue. This article asks two questions. First, if a speaker engages in non-violent, peaceful, but illegal activities, such as trespass in order to obtain information that is important to democratic deliberation, can this be justified from the perspective of free speech theory? Answering this question in the affirmative, we then analyse the contours of proposed, and new provisions in Australian law designed to extend the criminalisation of such activities. We conclude that since the impact on freedom of speech of such provisions is excessive, governments should be mindful of their free speech obligations when considering, and enacting, such laws.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"19 - 34"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1799938","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49617016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-31DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1799937
Liang Jiang, Xiangjun Ma
ABSTRACT While declining political trust has been given much attention, the behavioural implications of declining political trust have not yet been investigated extensively and the literature also shows the varying effects of political trust on support for extreme and populist parties across contexts. This article focuses on the decline of political trust in Australia from 1998 to 2016 and its effect on Australian voting behaviour. Multinomial logit estimations are performed using individual-level survey data from seven Australian federal elections. Our study provides evidence that political distrust can unite all successful right-wing populist parties and act as a moderating source to raise votes for right-wing populist parties in the elections. The study further demonstrates that right-wing populist parties can experience electoral success beyond mobilising anti-immigration sentiments.
{"title":"Political distrust and right-wing populist party voting in Australia","authors":"Liang Jiang, Xiangjun Ma","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1799937","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1799937","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While declining political trust has been given much attention, the behavioural implications of declining political trust have not yet been investigated extensively and the literature also shows the varying effects of political trust on support for extreme and populist parties across contexts. This article focuses on the decline of political trust in Australia from 1998 to 2016 and its effect on Australian voting behaviour. Multinomial logit estimations are performed using individual-level survey data from seven Australian federal elections. Our study provides evidence that political distrust can unite all successful right-wing populist parties and act as a moderating source to raise votes for right-wing populist parties in the elections. The study further demonstrates that right-wing populist parties can experience electoral success beyond mobilising anti-immigration sentiments.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"362 - 377"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1799937","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42809534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-17DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1776679
S. Cameron, I. McAllister
ABSTRACT The Liberal–National Coalition success in the 2019 Australian federal election surprised many observers, with the opinion polls consistently predicting a Labor victory. The election was notable for Labor’s proposals for wide-ranging tax changes, a historically unpopular Labor leader, and the fourth change of prime minister outside an election since 2010. Using the 2019 Australian Election Study, we test the influence of two models of voting, the first based on ideology together with an emphasis on policy, and the second on performance. The results show that performance was the dominant explanation for the result, with evaluations of party competence and leader popularity playing a major role in explaining voting behaviour in the election, both of which benefitted the Coalition.
{"title":"Policies and performance in the 2019 Australian federal election","authors":"S. Cameron, I. McAllister","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1776679","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1776679","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Liberal–National Coalition success in the 2019 Australian federal election surprised many observers, with the opinion polls consistently predicting a Labor victory. The election was notable for Labor’s proposals for wide-ranging tax changes, a historically unpopular Labor leader, and the fourth change of prime minister outside an election since 2010. Using the 2019 Australian Election Study, we test the influence of two models of voting, the first based on ideology together with an emphasis on policy, and the second on performance. The results show that performance was the dominant explanation for the result, with evaluations of party competence and leader popularity playing a major role in explaining voting behaviour in the election, both of which benefitted the Coalition.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"239 - 256"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1776679","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41862668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1774508
H. Murphy‐Gregory, Ainsley Elbra, J. Mikler, Lachlan Johnson
ABSTRACT In recent years, Australian tax justice campaigners have increasingly focused their efforts on the issue of tax avoidance by corporations operating in Australia. This article analyses the Australian tax justice campaign and explains its role in propelling the issue of corporate tax avoidance onto the public agenda. Drawing on campaign documents, media reporting, and interviews, we analyse the contributions of the key civil society actors and how they framed the Australian campaign. We show that the campaign encompassed a coalition of diverse groups that harnessed the 2014–15 Federal Budget to frame the issue as a ‘revenue problem’. They espoused an interest-based narrative to localise the campaign to resonate with the Australian public, helping make corporate tax avoidance a prominent national debate. Despite its initial strong rejection, the Australian Government adopted the activists’ framing of the issue as one of revenue raising and went on to address significant corporate tax loopholes.
{"title":"The Australian campaign against corporate tax avoidance: agenda-setting, narratives, and political opportunities","authors":"H. Murphy‐Gregory, Ainsley Elbra, J. Mikler, Lachlan Johnson","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1774508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1774508","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent years, Australian tax justice campaigners have increasingly focused their efforts on the issue of tax avoidance by corporations operating in Australia. This article analyses the Australian tax justice campaign and explains its role in propelling the issue of corporate tax avoidance onto the public agenda. Drawing on campaign documents, media reporting, and interviews, we analyse the contributions of the key civil society actors and how they framed the Australian campaign. We show that the campaign encompassed a coalition of diverse groups that harnessed the 2014–15 Federal Budget to frame the issue as a ‘revenue problem’. They espoused an interest-based narrative to localise the campaign to resonate with the Australian public, helping make corporate tax avoidance a prominent national debate. Despite its initial strong rejection, the Australian Government adopted the activists’ framing of the issue as one of revenue raising and went on to address significant corporate tax loopholes.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"399 - 415"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1774508","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48148286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1776678
Woo Chang Kang, Emily Look
ABSTRACT How does local economic inequality affect the native-immigrant gap in immigration attitudes? Existing studies do not distinguish between native and immigrant citizens, which is problematic because immigrants represent an increasing share of the population and voting public. Immigrant citizens, as legal residents, receive the same legal and social protections as native citizens. However, as an out-group, they are less likely to be attached to the national and cultural identity of a host country. This paper uses the Australian Election Study to show that immigrant citizens prioritise cultural or psychological considerations in forming immigration attitudes. As local economic inequality rises, immigrant citizens’ support for immigration strengthens regardless of their country of origin, reason for migration and length of stay in Australia.
{"title":"Inequality and attitudes toward immigration: the native-immigrant gap in Australia","authors":"Woo Chang Kang, Emily Look","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1776678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1776678","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does local economic inequality affect the native-immigrant gap in immigration attitudes? Existing studies do not distinguish between native and immigrant citizens, which is problematic because immigrants represent an increasing share of the population and voting public. Immigrant citizens, as legal residents, receive the same legal and social protections as native citizens. However, as an out-group, they are less likely to be attached to the national and cultural identity of a host country. This paper uses the Australian Election Study to show that immigrant citizens prioritise cultural or psychological considerations in forming immigration attitudes. As local economic inequality rises, immigrant citizens’ support for immigration strengthens regardless of their country of origin, reason for migration and length of stay in Australia.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"257 - 275"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1776678","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46655555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-09DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1774506
J. Phillips, V. Woodman
ABSTRACT Explorations of the predictive relationship between party system fragmentation and social cleavages beyond a single dimension remains an undeveloped area of research, one which rarely accounts for the changing technological landscape where parties now compete. This case study of New Zealand's 2017 election campaign on Facebook contributes to this area. It reveals an environment where parties compete within social cleavages for support, and users demonstrate a diverse preference for cleavage appeals. The findings also offer a compromise between the competing theories about New Zealand’ social cleavage structure. Finally, we revisit the predictive relationship between party system size and social cleavages in a postdictive fashion, demonstrating the continued explanatory power of cleavage structure, this time with data derived from social media.
{"title":"Party system fragmentation, social cleavages, and social media: New Zealand’s 2017 election campaign on Facebook","authors":"J. Phillips, V. Woodman","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1774506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1774506","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Explorations of the predictive relationship between party system fragmentation and social cleavages beyond a single dimension remains an undeveloped area of research, one which rarely accounts for the changing technological landscape where parties now compete. This case study of New Zealand's 2017 election campaign on Facebook contributes to this area. It reveals an environment where parties compete within social cleavages for support, and users demonstrate a diverse preference for cleavage appeals. The findings also offer a compromise between the competing theories about New Zealand’ social cleavage structure. Finally, we revisit the predictive relationship between party system size and social cleavages in a postdictive fashion, demonstrating the continued explanatory power of cleavage structure, this time with data derived from social media.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"293 - 310"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1774506","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48161462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-09DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1776680
M. McDonald
ABSTRACT The devastating bushfires of late 2019/ early 2020 in Australia placed the country firmly in the international spotlight. The unprecedented scale, number and severity of these fires drew attention to the role of Australia’s changing climate and the broader process of climate change. It also triggered debates about the link between climate change and security, not least given concerns over the deployment of military resources in response and the existential nature of the threat to people and ecosystems. This paper examines the climate change-security relationship in the Australian context. It examines how climate change and security are related before assessing the extent to which this connection is reflected in current policy and practices in Australia. The paper concludes by reflecting on whether the bushfire crisis of 2019–20 is likely to precipitate a major change in policy settings, practices and public debate on climate change and security in Australia.
{"title":"After the fires? Climate change and security in Australia","authors":"M. McDonald","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1776680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1776680","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The devastating bushfires of late 2019/ early 2020 in Australia placed the country firmly in the international spotlight. The unprecedented scale, number and severity of these fires drew attention to the role of Australia’s changing climate and the broader process of climate change. It also triggered debates about the link between climate change and security, not least given concerns over the deployment of military resources in response and the existential nature of the threat to people and ecosystems. This paper examines the climate change-security relationship in the Australian context. It examines how climate change and security are related before assessing the extent to which this connection is reflected in current policy and practices in Australia. The paper concludes by reflecting on whether the bushfire crisis of 2019–20 is likely to precipitate a major change in policy settings, practices and public debate on climate change and security in Australia.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"1 - 18"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1776680","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44093118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-08DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1774507
Anthoula Malkopoulou
ABSTRACT When all citizens vote, the influence of radical parties decreases. Despite this being a central justification for compulsory voting in the past, it has been absent from contemporary debates. I examine the normative and empirical premises of the ‘moderation thesis’ in relation to radical right-wing populist parties today and suggest that, under certain conditions, compulsory voting can limit these parties’ appeal. First, it replaces the excessive mobilisation of discontented voters with a more universal mobilisation. Second, it addresses the problem of underrepresentation offering a more pluralist type of representation than the populist one. And third, it reverses socioeconomic inequalities that drive support for populism through the egalitarian effects that compulsory voting has on policymaking. My central thesis is this: because compulsory voting embodies inclusivist, pluralist and egalitarian values, it addresses some of the grievances that drive support for right-wing populist parties without carrying the same normative costs as populism.
{"title":"Compulsory voting and right-wing populism: mobilisation, representation and socioeconomic inequalities","authors":"Anthoula Malkopoulou","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1774507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1774507","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT When all citizens vote, the influence of radical parties decreases. Despite this being a central justification for compulsory voting in the past, it has been absent from contemporary debates. I examine the normative and empirical premises of the ‘moderation thesis’ in relation to radical right-wing populist parties today and suggest that, under certain conditions, compulsory voting can limit these parties’ appeal. First, it replaces the excessive mobilisation of discontented voters with a more universal mobilisation. Second, it addresses the problem of underrepresentation offering a more pluralist type of representation than the populist one. And third, it reverses socioeconomic inequalities that drive support for populism through the egalitarian effects that compulsory voting has on policymaking. My central thesis is this: because compulsory voting embodies inclusivist, pluralist and egalitarian values, it addresses some of the grievances that drive support for right-wing populist parties without carrying the same normative costs as populism.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"276 - 292"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1774507","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45946673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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