Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1879009
Pepper D. Culpepper, Taeku Lee
ABSTRACT In 2017 the Australian government appointed a Royal Commission of inquiry into malfeasance in the banking sector. This article reports findings from a 2018 survey on attitudes to financial regulation and a survey experiment testing different media treatments. Attitudes on financial regulation are distinct from left-right positions on redistributive issues; we find no significant relationship between partisan identification and preferences for financial regulation. In the experimental treatment, all three frames catalysed anger and disgust from readers. However, neither of the two strong partisan frames moved policy preferences. The non-partisan frame – which included messages associated with both left and right, and which linked both parties to systemic capture by the banks – was the only article that had any effect on policy preferences, but only with non-partisan identifiers. Our results suggest that persuasive frames focused on the capture of politics by banking interests can move opinions of swing voters on financial regulation.
{"title":"Media frames, partisan identification and the Australian banking scandal","authors":"Pepper D. Culpepper, Taeku Lee","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1879009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1879009","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2017 the Australian government appointed a Royal Commission of inquiry into malfeasance in the banking sector. This article reports findings from a 2018 survey on attitudes to financial regulation and a survey experiment testing different media treatments. Attitudes on financial regulation are distinct from left-right positions on redistributive issues; we find no significant relationship between partisan identification and preferences for financial regulation. In the experimental treatment, all three frames catalysed anger and disgust from readers. However, neither of the two strong partisan frames moved policy preferences. The non-partisan frame – which included messages associated with both left and right, and which linked both parties to systemic capture by the banks – was the only article that had any effect on policy preferences, but only with non-partisan identifiers. Our results suggest that persuasive frames focused on the capture of politics by banking interests can move opinions of swing voters on financial regulation.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"73 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1879009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41514559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1879010
B. Reilly, Jack Stewart
ABSTRACT What is the relationship between Australia's system of compulsory preferential voting and the ideological stance of elected members? Utilising a unique dataset of social media communication from the 2013 federal election, we show how preference flows influence parliamentarians’ subsequent communications to voters. MPs who were behind on the first count but gained sufficient preferences to win a seat – whom we call ‘come-from-behind’ winners – adopted distinctively centrist communication strategies, occupying an ideological ‘cross-over zone’ between the most right-leaning Labor member and most left-leaning Coalition member. Most of these 'come-from-behind' winners today are Labor MPs, illustrating the changing partisan impact of compulsory preferential voting, from historically advantaging the conservative side of politics to now clearly benefitting Labor and, to a lesser extent, independent candidates.
{"title":"Compulsory preferential voting, social media and ‘come-from-behind’ electoral victories in Australia","authors":"B. Reilly, Jack Stewart","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1879010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1879010","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What is the relationship between Australia's system of compulsory preferential voting and the ideological stance of elected members? Utilising a unique dataset of social media communication from the 2013 federal election, we show how preference flows influence parliamentarians’ subsequent communications to voters. MPs who were behind on the first count but gained sufficient preferences to win a seat – whom we call ‘come-from-behind’ winners – adopted distinctively centrist communication strategies, occupying an ideological ‘cross-over zone’ between the most right-leaning Labor member and most left-leaning Coalition member. Most of these 'come-from-behind' winners today are Labor MPs, illustrating the changing partisan impact of compulsory preferential voting, from historically advantaging the conservative side of politics to now clearly benefitting Labor and, to a lesser extent, independent candidates.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"99 - 112"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1879010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47895288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1879008
Greg Barber, Andrew James Klassen
ABSTRACT This study examines the impact of mainstream political parties’ strategies on the Australian Greens, a ‘niche party’ associated with the global warming issue. The Green vote rose between the 2004 and 2016 elections despite voters’ support for action on global warming declining. Meguid ([2008]. Party Competition Bbetween Unequals: Strategies and Electoral Fortunes in Western Europe. New York: Cambridge University Press) proposed that mainstream parties must decide whether to dismiss, accommodate, or oppose a new issue and niche party, predicting the impacts using the theory of ‘issues-based voting’. We use a time series of voting intention to test this theory. Mainstream party strategies had the predicted effects on the Greens vote. In the presence of a competitive niche party, mainstream parties’ strategies may respond to the dynamics of competition, beyond the traditionally considered institutional and economic forces.
{"title":"Climate change, the Australian Greens, and dynamics of party competition across five national elections in Australia","authors":"Greg Barber, Andrew James Klassen","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1879008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1879008","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines the impact of mainstream political parties’ strategies on the Australian Greens, a ‘niche party’ associated with the global warming issue. The Green vote rose between the 2004 and 2016 elections despite voters’ support for action on global warming declining. Meguid ([2008]. Party Competition Bbetween Unequals: Strategies and Electoral Fortunes in Western Europe. New York: Cambridge University Press) proposed that mainstream parties must decide whether to dismiss, accommodate, or oppose a new issue and niche party, predicting the impacts using the theory of ‘issues-based voting’. We use a time series of voting intention to test this theory. Mainstream party strategies had the predicted effects on the Greens vote. In the presence of a competitive niche party, mainstream parties’ strategies may respond to the dynamics of competition, beyond the traditionally considered institutional and economic forces.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"56 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1879008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43607111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1822779
A. Walsh
ABSTRACT In this response, I reply to papers by Keith Dowding and Alexandra Oprea in a symposium on the topic of whether philosophy should be a part of political science.
{"title":"Should philosophy be a part of political science? Response to Dowding and Oprea","authors":"A. Walsh","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1822779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822779","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this response, I reply to papers by Keith Dowding and Alexandra Oprea in a symposium on the topic of whether philosophy should be a part of political science.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"463 - 465"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822779","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49516598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-30DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1825616
M. Goot
ABSTRACT None of the polls predicted the winner of the 2019 Australian election, the first such failure since 1993 when all the polls started reporting a two-party preferred (2PP) vote estimate of the vote share as well as the parties’ first preferences. But the idea that the polls had enjoyed a very good run until 2019 is misleading: from 1993 to 2016, a fifth had predicted the wrong winner. This paper examines the performance of the polls against several measures: the outcome; margins of error; size of the errors; and estimates of the gap between the Liberal-National Party (LNP) and Labor. It shows that about a third of the estimates of the 2PP vote, Labor’s first preferences, and the LNP’s first preferences, involved errors greater than those attributable to sampling error.
{"title":"How good are the polls? Australian election predictions, 1993–2019","authors":"M. Goot","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1825616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1825616","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT None of the polls predicted the winner of the 2019 Australian election, the first such failure since 1993 when all the polls started reporting a two-party preferred (2PP) vote estimate of the vote share as well as the parties’ first preferences. But the idea that the polls had enjoyed a very good run until 2019 is misleading: from 1993 to 2016, a fifth had predicted the wrong winner. This paper examines the performance of the polls against several measures: the outcome; margins of error; size of the errors; and estimates of the gap between the Liberal-National Party (LNP) and Labor. It shows that about a third of the estimates of the 2PP vote, Labor’s first preferences, and the LNP’s first preferences, involved errors greater than those attributable to sampling error.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"35 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1825616","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49318352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-27DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1822777
Alexandra Oprea
ABSTRACT The papers by Keith Dowding and Adrian Walsh debate whether political philosophy belongs within political science or whether it belongs within philosophy. It is my contention that the two contributions largely agree about the descriptive level, but disagree at the prescriptive and potentially at the institutional level. I conclude with a brief argument in favour of a pluralist approach to the big questions in political philosophy. By ‘pluralist approach’, I mean that (i) political philosophers belong in both political science and philosophy departments and that (ii) the intellectual community of political philosophy would be better off if it included representatives and methods from both philosophy and political science.
{"title":"Pluralism in political philosophy: a commentary on Dowding and Walsh","authors":"Alexandra Oprea","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1822777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822777","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The papers by Keith Dowding and Adrian Walsh debate whether political philosophy belongs within political science or whether it belongs within philosophy. It is my contention that the two contributions largely agree about the descriptive level, but disagree at the prescriptive and potentially at the institutional level. I conclude with a brief argument in favour of a pluralist approach to the big questions in political philosophy. By ‘pluralist approach’, I mean that (i) political philosophers belong in both political science and philosophy departments and that (ii) the intellectual community of political philosophy would be better off if it included representatives and methods from both philosophy and political science.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"456 - 462"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822777","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44134639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-23DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1822776
K. Dowding
ABSTRACT Many ‘philosophy of … .’ subjects are closely intertwined with their subject matter, using the results in, say biology, or physics, or the content of history or art, as part-and-parcel of their subject matter. Political philosophy does not seem engaged with political science in the same manner. It is more closely attuned with moral philosophy, indeed at times it seems difficult to separate the two subjects. I argue in this paper that despite political philosophy being normative, rather than explanatory or about methods, it needs to be more closely attuned with political science. Political philosophy should concentrate more upon governing structures, and less on individuals; utilise the known mechanism and results from political science; and concentrate more on questions more familiar to political scientists. It needs to become a branch of political science, rather, as it seems now, a branch of moral philosophy.
{"title":"The relationship between political philosophy and political science","authors":"K. Dowding","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1822776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822776","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Many ‘philosophy of … .’ subjects are closely intertwined with their subject matter, using the results in, say biology, or physics, or the content of history or art, as part-and-parcel of their subject matter. Political philosophy does not seem engaged with political science in the same manner. It is more closely attuned with moral philosophy, indeed at times it seems difficult to separate the two subjects. I argue in this paper that despite political philosophy being normative, rather than explanatory or about methods, it needs to be more closely attuned with political science. Political philosophy should concentrate more upon governing structures, and less on individuals; utilise the known mechanism and results from political science; and concentrate more on questions more familiar to political scientists. It needs to become a branch of political science, rather, as it seems now, a branch of moral philosophy.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"432 - 444"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822776","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47357531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-22DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1822775
A. Walsh
ABSTRACT Is political philosophy a part or a sub-discipline of political science? In this paper I defend the claim that, although there is substantial overlap between the two, political philosophy is not a mere subset of political science, since it has distinct questions upon which it is focused as well as methods that are often remarkably distinct from those of political science. Those questions are immune to resolution by empirical methods, Accordingly, I political philosophy is not a part of political science because it deals with questions that cannot be resolved entirely using empirical methods. It is, in this sense, ‘speculative’ to a degree that political science is not.
{"title":"On the necessarily non-empirical nature of political philosophy (or why political philosophy is not a sub-discipline of political science)","authors":"A. Walsh","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1822775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822775","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Is political philosophy a part or a sub-discipline of political science? In this paper I defend the claim that, although there is substantial overlap between the two, political philosophy is not a mere subset of political science, since it has distinct questions upon which it is focused as well as methods that are often remarkably distinct from those of political science. Those questions are immune to resolution by empirical methods, Accordingly, I political philosophy is not a part of political science because it deals with questions that cannot be resolved entirely using empirical methods. It is, in this sense, ‘speculative’ to a degree that political science is not.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"445 - 455"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822775","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47609377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-20DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1822778
K. Dowding
The danger in debates across disciplines is talking past one another. Each taking for granted different aspects and misinterpreting claims. Walsh’s three theses are all acceptable to me under a spe...
{"title":"Response and comments on Walsh and Oprea","authors":"K. Dowding","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1822778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822778","url":null,"abstract":"The danger in debates across disciplines is talking past one another. Each taking for granted different aspects and misinterpreting claims. Walsh’s three theses are all acceptable to me under a spe...","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"466 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1822778","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41446723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-12DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2020.1804834
Feodor Snagovsky, W. Kang, Jill Sheppard, N. Biddle
ABSTRACT How does the descriptive representation of ethnic minorities affect how voters feel about the responsiveness of government? While there are many theoretical arguments that descriptive representation increases perceptions of legitimacy, the empirical evidence of this link is limited. We use survey data from the Australian Election Study and a separate conjoint experiment to evaluate whether the presence of ethnic minority candidates changes voters’ perceptions of government responsiveness. We find ethnic minority Australians do not appear to have higher levels of external efficacy when voting for an ethnic minority candidate. By contrast, white-Anglo respondents have lower levels of external efficacy when voting for a non-Anglo candidate. The results inform the continuing debate on how group consciousness affects political behavior.
{"title":"Does descriptive representation increase perceptions of legitimacy? Evidence from Australia","authors":"Feodor Snagovsky, W. Kang, Jill Sheppard, N. Biddle","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2020.1804834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1804834","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does the descriptive representation of ethnic minorities affect how voters feel about the responsiveness of government? While there are many theoretical arguments that descriptive representation increases perceptions of legitimacy, the empirical evidence of this link is limited. We use survey data from the Australian Election Study and a separate conjoint experiment to evaluate whether the presence of ethnic minority candidates changes voters’ perceptions of government responsiveness. We find ethnic minority Australians do not appear to have higher levels of external efficacy when voting for an ethnic minority candidate. By contrast, white-Anglo respondents have lower levels of external efficacy when voting for a non-Anglo candidate. The results inform the continuing debate on how group consciousness affects political behavior.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"55 1","pages":"378 - 398"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2020.1804834","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43923162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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