Australian Journal of Political Science最新文献

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Narratives and counter-narratives of political strategy: revisiting Australia's carbon pollution reduction scheme 政治战略的叙事与反叙事：重新审视澳大利亚的碳污染减排计划

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2133679

J. Newman

ABSTRACT In 2009, the Australian Senate rejected the government's ambitious Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme. In the prevailing narrative surrounding these events, the Labor government, under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, made a series of strategic errors that led to the scheme's – and ultimately, Rudd's and the Labor Party's – downfall. However, by taking a closer look at of some aspects of Australia's parliamentary system, including the norms of partisan voting and the numbers game in parliament, a different story is apparent. A counter-narrative is that the Rudd Labor government's approach was reasonable at the time, but that institutional factors and election outcomes presented significant obstacles to passing climate legislation of any kind. Correcting this narrative will enable a better understanding of the political circumstances in which environmental policies are enacted in Australia, a country with the potential for regional policy leadership on climate change.

摘要2009年，澳大利亚参议院否决了政府雄心勃勃的碳污染减排计划。在围绕这些事件的主流叙事中，陆克文总理领导下的工党政府犯了一系列战略错误，导致了该计划的垮台，并最终导致了陆克文和工党的垮台。然而，通过仔细观察澳大利亚议会制度的某些方面，包括党派投票的规范和议会中的数字游戏，一个不同的故事显而易见。相反的说法是，陆克文工党政府当时的做法是合理的，但制度因素和选举结果对通过任何形式的气候立法都构成了重大障碍。纠正这种说法将有助于更好地了解澳大利亚制定环境政策的政治环境，澳大利亚有潜力在气候变化问题上发挥区域政策领导作用。

引用次数: 1

Municipality size and political participation: evidence from Australia 城市规模和政治参与：来自澳大利亚的证据

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-10-12 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2132915

J. McDonnell

ABSTRACT Structural reforms over the past several decades have seen the institution of local government in Australia become progressively less local. Primarily as a result of municipal amalgamation, the average population of Australia’s local governments has more than doubled since the early 1990s. The democratic implications of this de-localisation, however, have been severely understudied. This article addresses this gap by analysing the effect of municipality size on several modes of local political participation in the mainland capital city regions of Adelaide and Perth. Drawing on a quantitative analysis of primary survey and electoral data, this paper presents evidence of a negative relationship between municipality size and participation – as size increases, rates of voting, candidacy, contact with local representatives, and council meeting attendance decrease. The implications for local government’s input legitimacy and its role as a training ground for democracy – as well as options for ‘re-localising’ local politics – are discussed.

摘要在过去几十年的结构改革中，澳大利亚的地方政府机构逐渐变得不那么地方化。主要是由于市政合并，自20世纪90年代初以来，澳大利亚地方政府的平均人口增加了一倍多。然而，这种去地方化的民主含义却被严重低估了。本文通过分析城市规模对大陆首府阿德莱德和珀斯地区几种地方政治参与模式的影响来解决这一差距。根据对初步调查和选举数据的定量分析，本文提供了市政规模与参与度之间负相关的证据——随着规模的增加，投票率、候选人资格、与地方代表的接触以及议会会议出席率的降低。讨论了对地方政府投入合法性的影响及其作为民主训练场的作用，以及“重新本地化”地方政治的选择。

引用次数: 0

Populist attitudes in Australia: contextualising the demand-side 澳大利亚的民粹主义态度:需求方面的背景

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2122401

Glenn Kefford, B. Moffitt, J. Collins, J. Marsh

ABSTRACT The study of populist attitudes is a burgeoning area of scholarship. While the manner in which populism is measured and the concepts underpinning it are continuously updated, much work remains. In this article we consider the way populist attitudes are associated with key issues in Australian politics and the way these issues shape voting behaviour. We demonstrate that populist attitudes are associated with dissatisfaction with the functioning of liberal democracy, as well as negative attitudes towards Indigenous peoples. However, we find it is not strongly associated with economic anxiety. We argue that measuring populist attitudes in isolation from other national level contextual factors is problematic and can lead to flawed assumptions about the drivers of voting behaviour.

对民粹主义态度的研究是一个新兴的学术领域。虽然衡量民粹主义的方式和支撑民粹主义的概念不断更新，但仍有许多工作要做。在本文中，我们考虑民粹主义态度与澳大利亚政治中的关键问题以及这些问题影响投票行为的方式。我们证明，民粹主义态度与对自由民主运作的不满以及对土著人民的消极态度有关。然而，我们发现它与经济焦虑并没有很强的联系。我们认为，孤立于其他国家层面的背景因素来衡量民粹主义态度是有问题的，可能导致对投票行为驱动因素的错误假设。

引用次数: 0

Organising Australian far-right parties: Pauline Hanson’s One Nation and Fraser Anning’s Conservative National Party 组织澳大利亚极右翼政党：Pauline Hanson的One Nation和Fraser Anning的保守党National Party

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2121681

J. McSwiney

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the organisation of two Australian far-right political parties: Fraser Anning’s Conservative National Party (FACNP) and Pauline Hanson’s One Nation (PHON). Based on semi-structured interviews with election candidates and office bearers and an analysis of official party documents, I examine how these parties manage their internal organisation and cope with problems of collective choice. I argue that their organisational practices are characterised by disorganisation. Namely, a lack of meaningful organisational structures and procedures, a core of socialised activists, andcoherent decision-making processes. By focusing on campaign mobilisation at the expense of party building, I argue that their disorganisation is inseparable from their muted electoral performance at the 2019 Australian federal election.

摘要本文分析了澳大利亚两个极右翼政党的组织：弗雷泽·安宁的保守党国家党（FACNP）和鲍琳·汉森的“一个国家”（PHON）。基于对选举候选人和官员的半结构化采访，以及对政党官方文件的分析，我研究了这些政党如何管理其内部组织和应对集体选择问题。我认为他们的组织实践的特点是组织混乱。也就是说，缺乏有意义的组织结构和程序，缺乏社会活动家的核心，缺乏连贯的决策过程。通过以牺牲政党建设为代价关注竞选动员，我认为他们的组织混乱与他们在2019年澳大利亚联邦选举中的低迷表现密不可分。

引用次数: 2

A return to the classics? The implementation of royal commissions in Australia 回归经典?澳大利亚皇家委员会的实施

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-09-06 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2117017

Alastair Stark, Helen Punter, B. Zarrabi

ABSTRACT This article examines the extent to which twenty-first century, federal-level Royal Commissions in Australia have been implemented. The findings have been produced from a three-year project which has operationalised a two-stage methodology. Stage one tracked 444 Royal Commission recommendations across six cases to determine the proportion that was implemented or ‘shelved’ by the government. Stage two interviewed key stakeholders with an interest in each Commission to ascertain whether they propelled substantive policy reforms and the reasons which might explain their success or failure in this regard. Both methods led to a conclusion that Australian Royal Commissions have not been extensively implemented in the twenty-first century. This finding is explained by ‘classic’ political science explanations and more contemporary policy-orientated explanations, which both suggest that inquiries would do well to future-proof their recommendations from hostile public sector environments if they wish them to be more frequently implemented.

摘要本文考察了21世纪澳大利亚联邦级皇家委员会的实施情况。研究结果来自一个为期三年的项目，该项目采用了两阶段的方法。第一阶段跟踪了6起案件中444项皇家委员会建议，以确定政府实施或“搁置”的比例。第二阶段采访了对每个委员会感兴趣的主要利益攸关方，以确定他们是否推动了实质性政策改革，以及可能解释他们在这方面成功或失败的原因。这两种方法得出的结论是，澳大利亚皇家委员会在二十一世纪没有得到广泛实施。这一发现可以用“经典”的政治学解释和更现代的政策导向解释来解释，这两种解释都表明，如果调查希望更频繁地实施，那么它们的建议将很好地在充满敌意的公共部门环境中经得起未来的考验。

引用次数: 0

Politics as a transitory vocation: a case study of the post-parliamentary challenges experienced by former Victorian MPs 政治是一种短暂的职业：前维多利亚州议员经历的议会后挑战的案例研究

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2112654

A. Nethery, Z. Nwokora, Peter A. Ferguson, M. Clarke

ABSTRACT A career in parliament is inherently a transitory vocation, and parliamentary turnover is critical for a healthy democracy. Yet many MPs fail to prepare for the time when they must leave parliament. This lack of preparedness exacerbates the challenges of post-parliamentary life. Drawing on research conducted with former members of the Parliament of Victoria, Australia, this article reports on the experiences of MPs leaving parliament. Former MPs, particularly those who leave the parliament involuntarily, experience serious challenges including a loss of identity, a fracturing of social relationships, and employment and financial stress. These outcomes may have democratic implications by discouraging highly capable candidates from diverse backgrounds from pursuing a career in parliament. Acknowledging that the role of modern parliaments is expanding well beyond their traditional purview, we offer practical recommendations to mitigate these issues.

摘要议会职业本质上是一种短暂的职业，而议会更替对健康的民主至关重要。然而，许多议员没有为他们必须离开议会做好准备。这种缺乏准备的情况加剧了议会后生活的挑战。本文根据对澳大利亚维多利亚州前议员的研究，报道了议员离开议会的经历。前议员，特别是那些非自愿离开议会的议员，面临着严重的挑战，包括身份丧失、社会关系破裂、就业和经济压力。这些结果可能会阻碍来自不同背景的高素质候选人进入议会，从而产生民主影响。我们认识到，现代议会的作用正在远远超出其传统权限，因此提出了缓解这些问题的切实可行的建议。

引用次数: 1

[Value of CT and transthoracic lung ultrasound in patients with systemic sclerosis : Joint statement of the ÖRG/ÖGP/ÖGR/ÖGUM]. [系统性硬化症患者 CT 和经胸肺部超声波检查的价值：ÖRG/ÖGP/ÖGR/ÖGUM 联合声明]。

IF 0.9 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-09-01 Epub Date: 2022-05-05 DOI: 10.1007/s00393-022-01206-4

M Grohs, F C Moazedi-Fuerst, H Flick, K Hackner, A Haidmayer, S Handzhiev, H Kiener, J Löffler-Ragg, G Mathis, G Mostbeck, O Schindler, G Widmann, H Prosch

Lung involvement is the most frequent cause of death in patients with systemic sclerosis (SSc). As lung involvement is frequently asymptomatic, the current recommendation is to carry out thoracic computed tomography (CT) in all patients newly diagnosed with SSc. There is currently disagreement on how patients with SSc for whom no lung involvement was found at the time of diagnosis, should be followed up. Based on a consensus of Austrian rheumatologists, pneumologists and radiologists it is recommended that for asymptomatic patients with a negative CT at the time of initial diagnosis, a transthoracic ultrasound examination should be carried out annually and a lung function examination every 6-12 months. In the presence of a positive lung ultrasound finding a supplementary CT for further clarification is recommended. Based on the data situation, annual CT follow-up controls are recommended for patients with a high risk as defined by appropriate risk factors.

肺部受累是系统性硬化症（SSc）患者最常见的死亡原因。由于肺部受累常常没有症状，目前的建议是对所有新确诊的 SSc 患者进行胸部计算机断层扫描（CT）。对于诊断时未发现肺部受累的 SSc 患者应如何进行随访，目前还存在分歧。根据奥地利风湿病学家、肺病学家和放射学家达成的共识，建议对初次诊断时 CT 为阴性的无症状患者每年进行一次经胸超声波检查，每 6-12 个月进行一次肺功能检查。如果肺部超声检查结果呈阳性，建议补充 CT 以进一步明确诊断。根据数据情况，建议根据适当的风险因素对高危患者进行每年一次的 CT 随访控制。

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引用次数: 0

Getting straight to the source: who evaluates the leadership skills of premiers in Canada and Australia? 直击本源:谁来评估加拿大和澳大利亚总理的领导能力?

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2114873

Meagan Auer, Linda Trimble, Jennifer Curtin, Rissa Reist, Angelia Wagner, V. Woodman

ABSTRACT Journalists have the power to shape the public’s perception of new premiers. They also share that power with the sources they interview. Sourcing is therefore important when making claims about the news media’s role in reproducing gender biases in representations of political leaders. We examine the question of sourcing through an analysis of newspaper coverage of 22 newly elected women and men subnational government leaders in Australia and Canada to answer the following questions. How do news writers rely on sources in evaluations of new premiers? To what extent do they employ different patterns of sourcing and are these sourcing patterns gendered? We focus on two pairs of leadership traits that dominate news coverage of premiers in the first week: strength/weakness and competence/incompetence. We find that journalists use unattributed assessments rather than sources when evaluating premiers’ skills and abilities, but when sources are cited, these are usually elite men.

摘要记者有能力塑造公众对新总理的看法。他们也与他们采访的消息来源分享这种权力。因此，在声称新闻媒体在再现政治领导人代表中的性别偏见方面所起的作用时，来源很重要。我们通过分析澳大利亚和加拿大22名新当选的男女国家以下政府领导人的报纸报道来研究来源问题，以回答以下问题。新闻作家如何在评价新首播时依赖消息来源？他们在多大程度上采用了不同的采购模式？这些采购模式是否具有性别特征？我们关注的是第一周主导总理新闻报道的两对领导特质：优势/弱点和能力/无能。我们发现，记者在评估总理的技能和能力时，使用的是未经赞扬的评估，而不是来源，但当引用来源时，这些人通常是精英。

引用次数: 0

Does the Australian Labor Party care about climate change? A content analysis of ALP attitudes towards the environment from 2007 to 2013 澳大利亚工党关心气候变化吗?2007 - 2013年ALP对环境态度的内容分析

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2107485

Babet de Groot

ABSTRACT Australia is increasingly regarded as out of step in the global effort to combat climate change. Even the Australian Labor Party (ALP) Government, considered the climate-friendly alternative to the conservative Coalition, failed to deliver robust climate action from 2007 to 2013. This paper aims to validate the promising progressive rhetoric of the ALP Government from 2007 to 2013 to understand whether its commitment to climate action was genuine. It incorporates mixed methods to verify ALP attitudes to the environment and demonstrate the incidence of changing attitudes. This paper finds that the ALP deviated from ecocentrism in its framing of environment priorities towards a weak ecological modernisation approach to mitigation. This inconsistency suggests that climate change mitigation was an arbitrary priority for the ALP, rather than a cornerstone of its party platform.

摘要：在全球应对气候变化的努力中，澳大利亚越来越被认为是不合拍的。即使是澳大利亚工党（ALP）政府，被认为是保守联盟的气候友好替代方案，在2007年至2013年也未能采取强有力的气候行动。本文旨在验证ALP政府在2007年至2013年期间充满希望的进步言论，以了解其对气候行动的承诺是否真实。它结合了混合方法来验证ALP对环境的态度，并证明态度变化的发生率。本文发现，ALP在环境优先事项的框架中偏离了生态中心主义，转而采用了一种脆弱的生态现代化缓解方法。这种不一致性表明，缓解气候变化是ALP的一个武断的优先事项，而不是其政党纲领的基石。

引用次数: 0

Australia’s DIGI Code: what can we learn from the EU experience? 澳大利亚的DIGI代码:我们可以从欧盟的经验中学到什么?

IF 1.2 3区社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Australian Journal of Political Science

Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2122774

Edward Hurcombe, J. Meese

ABSTRACT Disinformation and misinformation on social media platforms are growing regulatory concerns for governments. In this paper, we examine Australia’s DIGI Code of Practice (CoP). The CoP is a voluntary set of commitments to address false content on platforms that is overseen by Australia’s digital media industry. It was established in response to a federal government directive. We evaluate the DIGI CoP by comparing it to the code it was partially based on: the EU’s Code of Practice on Disinformation (EU CPD). The EU CPD also attempted voluntary regulation, and yet the EU is now moving towards a strengthened CPD. While the DIGI CoP improves upon the original EU CPD, the original version had limited accountability measures and notable content exclusions. We conclude by discussing a recent review of the CoP, suggesting that Australia will also strengthen regulation in this area. Lastly, we address ongoing tensions around media freedom and accountability.

社交媒体平台上的虚假信息和错误信息日益引起政府的监管担忧。在本文中，我们研究了澳大利亚的DIGI业务守则(CoP)。CoP是一套自愿承诺，旨在解决由澳大利亚数字媒体行业监管的平台上的虚假内容。它是根据联邦政府的指令建立的。我们通过将其与部分基于的代码进行比较来评估DIGI CoP:欧盟的虚假信息实践代码(EU CPD)。欧盟CPD也尝试过自愿监管，但欧盟现在正朝着加强CPD的方向发展。虽然DIGI CoP在原始EU CPD的基础上有所改进，但原始版本的问责措施有限，并且明显排除了内容。最后，我们讨论了最近对缔约方会议的审查，建议澳大利亚也将加强这一领域的监管。最后，我们要解决围绕媒体自由和问责制的持续紧张局势。

引用次数: 0

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