Pub Date : 2021-06-20DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1935452
S. Ratcliff, D. Halpin
ABSTRACT The source, size and recipients of political contributions, and their influence on policy-making, has long been of interest to political scientists, journalists and citizens. There is ever present discussion of ‘dark money’ and ‘pay for play’ politics. However, these discussions are often limited by the inconsistent and sometimes incorrect coding of the Australian Electoral Commission financial disclosure data. These data make it difficult to understand who is financing Australian politics, how patterns of giving differ across donors, parties and time, and how this relates to policy outcomes. This creates a risk that the commentary shaping public understanding of the integrity of political institutions will be flawed. This paper, and the underlying data we present, addresses this gap, providing a firmer foundation for understanding its democratic institutions, helping drive a more informed discussion on the role of money in politics.
{"title":"Dark money and opaque politics: making sense of contributions to Australian political parties","authors":"S. Ratcliff, D. Halpin","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1935452","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935452","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The source, size and recipients of political contributions, and their influence on policy-making, has long been of interest to political scientists, journalists and citizens. There is ever present discussion of ‘dark money’ and ‘pay for play’ politics. However, these discussions are often limited by the inconsistent and sometimes incorrect coding of the Australian Electoral Commission financial disclosure data. These data make it difficult to understand who is financing Australian politics, how patterns of giving differ across donors, parties and time, and how this relates to policy outcomes. This creates a risk that the commentary shaping public understanding of the integrity of political institutions will be flawed. This paper, and the underlying data we present, addresses this gap, providing a firmer foundation for understanding its democratic institutions, helping drive a more informed discussion on the role of money in politics.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"335 - 357"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935452","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41700026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1935449
J. Vowles, Janine Hayward
ABSTRACT It is sometimes claimed that the use of preferential voting facilitates more effective representation of under-represented groups than that generated by the first-past-the-post (FPP) system, particularly in combination with higher district magnitude. This claim is tested using unique observational data. Local government elections in New Zealand are conducted using either the single transferable vote (STV) or first-past-the-post, providing the opportunity to compare representation of women and Indigenous Māori across the two sets of councils. When combined with higher district magnitude, STV may sometimes promote the election of women, but has no effects on the election of Māori. The advantages of high district magnitude STV in promoting descriptive representation are counteracted by lack of coordination in candidate nomination and voting because these local electoral contests are predominantly nonpartisan.
{"title":"Ballot structure, district magnitude and descriptive representation: the case of New Zealand local council elections","authors":"J. Vowles, Janine Hayward","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1935449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935449","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT It is sometimes claimed that the use of preferential voting facilitates more effective representation of under-represented groups than that generated by the first-past-the-post (FPP) system, particularly in combination with higher district magnitude. This claim is tested using unique observational data. Local government elections in New Zealand are conducted using either the single transferable vote (STV) or first-past-the-post, providing the opportunity to compare representation of women and Indigenous Māori across the two sets of councils. When combined with higher district magnitude, STV may sometimes promote the election of women, but has no effects on the election of Māori. The advantages of high district magnitude STV in promoting descriptive representation are counteracted by lack of coordination in candidate nomination and voting because these local electoral contests are predominantly nonpartisan.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"225 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935449","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42511512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1935451
V. Coram
ABSTRACT Inheritance drives wealth concentration and economic inequality, meaning there is a strong case for wealth transfer taxation as an important element of government redistributive policy. In contrast to many OECD countries, Australia has not had estate or inheritance taxes for 40 years and little is known about contemporary public attitudes towards wealth transfer taxation. This paper draws on qualitative interviews investigating the attitudes of young adult and senior Australians towards wealth transfer taxation. Both groups supported the idea of reintroducing wealth transfer taxation in Australia, largely due to an almost universal absence of expectation that people would or should leave bequests to their descendants. These findings raise the possibility that considering the reintroduction of appropriately targeted wealth transfer taxation in Australia at a time when the Commonwealth Government is experiencing acute fiscal pressures may not generate as much public resistance as might have been assumed.
{"title":"A qualitative exploration of attitudes towards wealth transfer taxation in Australia","authors":"V. Coram","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1935451","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935451","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Inheritance drives wealth concentration and economic inequality, meaning there is a strong case for wealth transfer taxation as an important element of government redistributive policy. In contrast to many OECD countries, Australia has not had estate or inheritance taxes for 40 years and little is known about contemporary public attitudes towards wealth transfer taxation. This paper draws on qualitative interviews investigating the attitudes of young adult and senior Australians towards wealth transfer taxation. Both groups supported the idea of reintroducing wealth transfer taxation in Australia, largely due to an almost universal absence of expectation that people would or should leave bequests to their descendants. These findings raise the possibility that considering the reintroduction of appropriately targeted wealth transfer taxation in Australia at a time when the Commonwealth Government is experiencing acute fiscal pressures may not generate as much public resistance as might have been assumed.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"245 - 260"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935451","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44440103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-05DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1998346
P. Leslie, Zoe Robinson, R. Smyth
ABSTRACT We examine whether Justices appointed to the High Court of Australia are more likely to find in favour of the Federal Government when the Prime Minister who appointed them is in office than when subsequent Prime Ministers are in office, over the period 1995 to 2019. We find evidence of a loyalty effect, even when subsequent Prime Ministers are of the same political party as the Prime Minister who appointed them. We distinguish between Justices appointed by Labor and Liberal Prime Ministers and show that the loyalty effect holds for Justices appointed by the Howard and Turnbull governments. These findings are important because they are central to the understanding of judicial independence and the rule of law.
{"title":"Personal or political patronage? Judicial appointments and justice loyalty in the High Court of Australia","authors":"P. Leslie, Zoe Robinson, R. Smyth","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1998346","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1998346","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We examine whether Justices appointed to the High Court of Australia are more likely to find in favour of the Federal Government when the Prime Minister who appointed them is in office than when subsequent Prime Ministers are in office, over the period 1995 to 2019. We find evidence of a loyalty effect, even when subsequent Prime Ministers are of the same political party as the Prime Minister who appointed them. We distinguish between Justices appointed by Labor and Liberal Prime Ministers and show that the loyalty effect holds for Justices appointed by the Howard and Turnbull governments. These findings are important because they are central to the understanding of judicial independence and the rule of law.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"445 - 463"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49284506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1935448
M. Peucker, P. Lentini, Debra Smith, Muhammad Iqbal
ABSTRACT Commemorating wars plays an important role in reinforcing a sense of national identity in many countries. Bellah’s (1967) work on civil religion argues that such commemorations have a quasi-sacred character and can have cohesive-inclusive and coercive-exclusive effects. This article examines how references to the Australian New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) are incorporated into far-right messaging online where the Anzac legend is typically discussed with the purpose of conveying a nostalgic image of a narrowly defined, exclusionary national identity. Unconditional glorification of Anzac is used as a benchmark of acceptance, often linked to anti-Muslim messaging and sometimes embedded in a White supremacy agenda. The official Anzac commemorations remain mute to far-right attempts to use Anzac for their own political mobilisation.
{"title":"‘Our diggers would turn in their graves’: nostalgia and civil religion in Australia’s far-right","authors":"M. Peucker, P. Lentini, Debra Smith, Muhammad Iqbal","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1935448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935448","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Commemorating wars plays an important role in reinforcing a sense of national identity in many countries. Bellah’s (1967) work on civil religion argues that such commemorations have a quasi-sacred character and can have cohesive-inclusive and coercive-exclusive effects. This article examines how references to the Australian New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) are incorporated into far-right messaging online where the Anzac legend is typically discussed with the purpose of conveying a nostalgic image of a narrowly defined, exclusionary national identity. Unconditional glorification of Anzac is used as a benchmark of acceptance, often linked to anti-Muslim messaging and sometimes embedded in a White supremacy agenda. The official Anzac commemorations remain mute to far-right attempts to use Anzac for their own political mobilisation.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"189 - 205"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935448","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47601056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1935450
H. Hobbs, G. Williams
ABSTRACT The Principality of Hutt River was founded in 1970. Led by a committed and eccentric family, the Principality was Australia’s most famous micronation. Micronations assert their claims to sovereignty in myriad ways. In this article, we explore what it means to be a micronation by contrasting this phenomenon with Indigenous peoples and communities who also assert a right to sovereignty. As we explain, Indigenous nations are not micronations because they possess a historical claim to legitimacy. We also explore Australia’s approach to micronations. Australia has a disproportionately high representation of micronations relative to its population. We consider three reasons why this may be the case.
{"title":"The demise of the ‘second largest country in Australia’: micronations and Australian exceptionalism","authors":"H. Hobbs, G. Williams","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1935450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935450","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Principality of Hutt River was founded in 1970. Led by a committed and eccentric family, the Principality was Australia’s most famous micronation. Micronations assert their claims to sovereignty in myriad ways. In this article, we explore what it means to be a micronation by contrasting this phenomenon with Indigenous peoples and communities who also assert a right to sovereignty. As we explain, Indigenous nations are not micronations because they possess a historical claim to legitimacy. We also explore Australia’s approach to micronations. Australia has a disproportionately high representation of micronations relative to its population. We consider three reasons why this may be the case.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"206 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1935450","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46496220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-22DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1899131
I. Chowdhury
ABSTRACT In most advanced democracies, the decline in electoral turnout has been disproportionately concentrated amongst young people. This study investigates whether young Australians are turning away from the principles and processes of democracy. If so, it further enquires which of the three highly collinear time effects – age, period and cohort (APC) – best explains youth disengagement. Existing works, which focus mostly on generational effects, fail to control for the confounding age and period effects. Using survey data from 2001 to 2019 in the Australian Election Study (AES) and applying multilevel models, this study disentangles the three-time effects. The findings suggest that young Australians are no different from older people and older cohorts in their commitment to principles and both traditional and contemporary (online) processes of democracy. Instead, period effects – that is, short-term political, economic and social context – best explain democratic attitudes and behaviours in Australia.
{"title":"Are young Australians turning away from democracy?","authors":"I. Chowdhury","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1899131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1899131","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In most advanced democracies, the decline in electoral turnout has been disproportionately concentrated amongst young people. This study investigates whether young Australians are turning away from the principles and processes of democracy. If so, it further enquires which of the three highly collinear time effects – age, period and cohort (APC) – best explains youth disengagement. Existing works, which focus mostly on generational effects, fail to control for the confounding age and period effects. Using survey data from 2001 to 2019 in the Australian Election Study (AES) and applying multilevel models, this study disentangles the three-time effects. The findings suggest that young Australians are no different from older people and older cohorts in their commitment to principles and both traditional and contemporary (online) processes of democracy. Instead, period effects – that is, short-term political, economic and social context – best explain democratic attitudes and behaviours in Australia.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"171 - 188"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1899131","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46971257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-08DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1884644
K. McMillan, F. Barker
ABSTRACT This article provides the first systematic study of the political content of New Zealand’s Chinese and Indian print and online news media during an election campaign period. We assess the comprehensiveness and political balance of election coverage provided by a sample of high-circulation New Zealand-based Chinese and Indian news publications during New Zealand’s 2017 campaign. Overall, we find all the publications in our sample under-reported minor parties and, in some cases, the quantity and tone of their reporting demonstrated strong bias towards the National Party. These findings are significant in a context where such media play an important role in informing ethnic and immigrant minorities during campaigns, and where such minorities form a growing proportion of the New Zealand electorate.
{"title":"‘Ethnic’ media and election campaigns: Chinese and Indian media in New Zealand’s 2017 election","authors":"K. McMillan, F. Barker","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1884644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1884644","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article provides the first systematic study of the political content of New Zealand’s Chinese and Indian print and online news media during an election campaign period. We assess the comprehensiveness and political balance of election coverage provided by a sample of high-circulation New Zealand-based Chinese and Indian news publications during New Zealand’s 2017 campaign. Overall, we find all the publications in our sample under-reported minor parties and, in some cases, the quantity and tone of their reporting demonstrated strong bias towards the National Party. These findings are significant in a context where such media play an important role in informing ethnic and immigrant minorities during campaigns, and where such minorities form a growing proportion of the New Zealand electorate.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"113 - 131"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1884644","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48371612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-22DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1884646
Philip Mendes, Steven Roche, G. Marston, S. Bielefeld, M. Peterie, Zoe Staines, L. Humpage
ABSTRACT Conditional welfare has become a prominent policy tool in recent years. One of the harshest forms of conditional welfare in Australia is arguably compulsory income management (CIM) which involves the quarantining of between 50 and 90 per cent of a participant’s benefit payment for spending on food, rent and other essential items. A leading aim of all Australian income management (IM) programs since 2007 has been the reduction of alcohol and other drug (AOD) abuse by participants, which is expected to reduce associated social and community harms. Building on the mixed findings of official evaluations of IM, this qualitative study examines the views of both compulsory and voluntary IM participants and community stakeholders concerning AOD abuse in four IM sites. It concludes that there is little evidence to support the view that IM per se contributes to a significant reduction in AOD abuse.
{"title":"Is conditional welfare an effective means for reducing alcohol and drug abuse? An exploration of compulsory income management across four Australian trial sites","authors":"Philip Mendes, Steven Roche, G. Marston, S. Bielefeld, M. Peterie, Zoe Staines, L. Humpage","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1884646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1884646","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Conditional welfare has become a prominent policy tool in recent years. One of the harshest forms of conditional welfare in Australia is arguably compulsory income management (CIM) which involves the quarantining of between 50 and 90 per cent of a participant’s benefit payment for spending on food, rent and other essential items. A leading aim of all Australian income management (IM) programs since 2007 has been the reduction of alcohol and other drug (AOD) abuse by participants, which is expected to reduce associated social and community harms. Building on the mixed findings of official evaluations of IM, this qualitative study examines the views of both compulsory and voluntary IM participants and community stakeholders concerning AOD abuse in four IM sites. It concludes that there is little evidence to support the view that IM per se contributes to a significant reduction in AOD abuse.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"153 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1884646","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44193987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-17DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2021.1884645
Timothy B. Gravelle
ABSTRACT Recent events have placed a spotlight on Muslim-majority relations in Australia, yet research on majority-group Australians’ attitudes toward Muslims is scarce. Drawing on recent survey data augmented with local census data and a web-scraped listing of Australian mosques, and using the tools of multi-group confirmatory factor analysis (MGCFA) and multi-group structural equation modelling (MGSEM), this article seeks to explain Islamophobia in Australia. It finds that political party identification, contact with Muslims, and the local prevalence of Muslims all shape Islamophobic attitudes among majority-group Australians. Notably, the effects of intergroup contact and local context vary across different segments of the Australian electorate, with contact and context exerting greater effects among supporters of the Australian Labor Party compared to the Liberal Party–National Party coalition.
{"title":"Explaining Islamophobia in Australia: partisanship, intergroup contact, and local context","authors":"Timothy B. Gravelle","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2021.1884645","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1884645","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Recent events have placed a spotlight on Muslim-majority relations in Australia, yet research on majority-group Australians’ attitudes toward Muslims is scarce. Drawing on recent survey data augmented with local census data and a web-scraped listing of Australian mosques, and using the tools of multi-group confirmatory factor analysis (MGCFA) and multi-group structural equation modelling (MGSEM), this article seeks to explain Islamophobia in Australia. It finds that political party identification, contact with Muslims, and the local prevalence of Muslims all shape Islamophobic attitudes among majority-group Australians. Notably, the effects of intergroup contact and local context vary across different segments of the Australian electorate, with contact and context exerting greater effects among supporters of the Australian Labor Party compared to the Liberal Party–National Party coalition.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"132 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10361146.2021.1884645","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59588699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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