Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2223520
Helena Zeweri, T. Gregory
ABSTRACT This article investigates two registers of dehumanization in the Brereton Report. It begins with the dehumanization of Afghan civilians that is reflected in the Brereton Report, which alleges that SOTG personnel adopted a liberal interpretation of the rules of engagement to justify using lethal force against Afghan civilians. Drawing on the work of Judith Butler and Sara Ahmed, we draw attention to the gendered and racialized assumptions that constituted the Afghan people as a potential threat, which worked to enable and excuse the violence inflicted upon them. At the same time, we argue that the Brereton Report reproduces and reinforces these dehumanizing assumptions in its decision not to investigate split second decisions made in the ‘heat of battle’. We argue that the language used to justify this omission reinforces orientalist tropes about Afghanistan as an dangerous, perilous and ungovernable space, which helped to normalize the violence inflicted upon the Afghan people.
{"title":"‘Outside the wire’: Brereton and the dehumanization of Afghan civilians","authors":"Helena Zeweri, T. Gregory","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2223520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2223520","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates two registers of dehumanization in the Brereton Report. It begins with the dehumanization of Afghan civilians that is reflected in the Brereton Report, which alleges that SOTG personnel adopted a liberal interpretation of the rules of engagement to justify using lethal force against Afghan civilians. Drawing on the work of Judith Butler and Sara Ahmed, we draw attention to the gendered and racialized assumptions that constituted the Afghan people as a potential threat, which worked to enable and excuse the violence inflicted upon them. At the same time, we argue that the Brereton Report reproduces and reinforces these dehumanizing assumptions in its decision not to investigate split second decisions made in the ‘heat of battle’. We argue that the language used to justify this omission reinforces orientalist tropes about Afghanistan as an dangerous, perilous and ungovernable space, which helped to normalize the violence inflicted upon the Afghan people.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"58 1","pages":"256 - 271"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48369632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2223515
Megan MacKenzie, T. Gregory, Bilal Sarwary, Sherene H. Razack
ABSTRACT This is article introduces the special issue focused on allegations of war crimes committed by Australian Defence Forces (ADF) in Afghanistan. Submissions focus on these specific allegation and also offer broader context in terms of both the history of war crimes committed by ADF forces internationally, and the global context of Western military war crimes and illicit activities in foreign countries, military culture and military masculinities. The authors focus on gender, race, colonial logics, and power in their analysis these allegations and draw out the international implications of the Australian case.
{"title":"Australian war crimes in Afghanistan: race, gender and responsibility","authors":"Megan MacKenzie, T. Gregory, Bilal Sarwary, Sherene H. Razack","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2223515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2223515","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This is article introduces the special issue focused on allegations of war crimes committed by Australian Defence Forces (ADF) in Afghanistan. Submissions focus on these specific allegation and also offer broader context in terms of both the history of war crimes committed by ADF forces internationally, and the global context of Western military war crimes and illicit activities in foreign countries, military culture and military masculinities. The authors focus on gender, race, colonial logics, and power in their analysis these allegations and draw out the international implications of the Australian case.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"58 1","pages":"247 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41790490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2223552
Fiona Nelson
ABSTRACT The Brereton Report focuses on the unlawful killings of prisoners and others who were hors de combat. Buried in the 530-page report, however, are indications of other violations of international humanitarian law such as cruel treatment. This paper looks at the other kinds of potential war crimes hinted at in the report and examines Australia’s obligation to include these in its responses to the Inquiry. It shows how criminal investigations, redress programmes and Defence reform will be incomplete unless the focus is broadened to include the full spectrum of wrongs that have been uncovered.
{"title":"What Brereton obscures: why the killing of prisoners is not the only kind of war crime to be addressed","authors":"Fiona Nelson","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2223552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2223552","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Brereton Report focuses on the unlawful killings of prisoners and others who were hors de combat. Buried in the 530-page report, however, are indications of other violations of international humanitarian law such as cruel treatment. This paper looks at the other kinds of potential war crimes hinted at in the report and examines Australia’s obligation to include these in its responses to the Inquiry. It shows how criminal investigations, redress programmes and Defence reform will be incomplete unless the focus is broadened to include the full spectrum of wrongs that have been uncovered.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"58 1","pages":"287 - 297"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44307420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2223502
Megan MacKenzie, Ben Wadham
ABSTRACT This article examines the historic and current role of ‘culture’ in Australian Defence Forces’ responses to scandals, war crimes, and illicit behaviours. It makes the case that the ADF has moved from arguing that illicit activities are the product of isolated soldiers, to arguing that illicit activities are the result of ‘rogue’ groups of soldiers. We call this a shift from the ‘bad apples’’ to the ‘bad orchard’ thesis. Drawing on the concepts of camouflage and building a theoretical understanding of military exceptionalism, we argue we argue ‘military culture’ provides covering fire and camouflage for the institution to protect it from public scrutiny and to hide systemic dysfunction. We also engage with our understanding of institutional gaslighting, to argue that strategies to dismiss and legitimize dysfunction serve to gaslight civilians raising concerns about military conduct by rendering their concerns inexpert, illegitimate, unfounded, or hostile.
{"title":"Is the problem with military culture one of bad apples or bad orchards?: war crimes, scandals, and persistent dysfunction","authors":"Megan MacKenzie, Ben Wadham","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2223502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2223502","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the historic and current role of ‘culture’ in Australian Defence Forces’ responses to scandals, war crimes, and illicit behaviours. It makes the case that the ADF has moved from arguing that illicit activities are the product of isolated soldiers, to arguing that illicit activities are the result of ‘rogue’ groups of soldiers. We call this a shift from the ‘bad apples’’ to the ‘bad orchard’ thesis. Drawing on the concepts of camouflage and building a theoretical understanding of military exceptionalism, we argue we argue ‘military culture’ provides covering fire and camouflage for the institution to protect it from public scrutiny and to hide systemic dysfunction. We also engage with our understanding of institutional gaslighting, to argue that strategies to dismiss and legitimize dysfunction serve to gaslight civilians raising concerns about military conduct by rendering their concerns inexpert, illegitimate, unfounded, or hostile.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"58 1","pages":"298 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41629736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2223492
David Duriesmith
ABSTRACT This article focuses on what role masculinities might be playing in Australian war crimes in Afghanistan, and whether it is possible to shift such masculinities after the revelation of scandals. It makes the argument that although masculinities have been central to these war crimes, attempting reform at the moment of scandal is unlikely to lead to necessary structural reform. Rather, this article argues that responses focused on masculinity at the moment of scandal are likely to constitute what Jamie Johnson (2016, 705) refers to as ‘line-drawing manoeuvres’, thereby singling out extreme acts of excessive violence to re-legitimise the institution which produced such violence. Therefore, the Brereton Report demonstrates the need for structural changes addressing the foundations of violent masculinities within the Australian Defence Force and not ad hoc efforts to remedy its most extreme excesses.
{"title":"Transforming masculinities after scandal: the response to Australia’s war crimes in Afghanistan and the possibility of change in military masculinities","authors":"David Duriesmith","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2223492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2223492","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on what role masculinities might be playing in Australian war crimes in Afghanistan, and whether it is possible to shift such masculinities after the revelation of scandals. It makes the argument that although masculinities have been central to these war crimes, attempting reform at the moment of scandal is unlikely to lead to necessary structural reform. Rather, this article argues that responses focused on masculinity at the moment of scandal are likely to constitute what Jamie Johnson (2016, 705) refers to as ‘line-drawing manoeuvres’, thereby singling out extreme acts of excessive violence to re-legitimise the institution which produced such violence. Therefore, the Brereton Report demonstrates the need for structural changes addressing the foundations of violent masculinities within the Australian Defence Force and not ad hoc efforts to remedy its most extreme excesses.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"58 1","pages":"272 - 286"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47658202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-21DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2224229
Nicholas Hebden, Diana Perche
ABSTRACT Question Time is one of the most visible aspects of parliament and a key mechanism of government accountability. It has been much maligned, both for its ineffectiveness and its poor standard of behaviour, but there is limited evidence upon which we can test this. Considering growing dissatisfaction with Australian democracy, this article presents a longitudinal analysis of Question Time. The 30-year timescale represents a unique contribution to the literature – allowing an assessment of how Question Time has changed, rather than being a point in time assessment. We find that the quality of Question Time is highly variable, but we do not find evidence that Question Time has declined in quality. While this may reinforce the idea that Question Time is a robust institution, we conclude that the variability suggests a fragility, and that vigilance is required to ensure that its effectiveness is not allowed to be undermined.
{"title":"Looking through the ‘Window on the House’: assessing the standard of Question Time in the Australian House of Representatives, 1991–2020","authors":"Nicholas Hebden, Diana Perche","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2224229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2224229","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Question Time is one of the most visible aspects of parliament and a key mechanism of government accountability. It has been much maligned, both for its ineffectiveness and its poor standard of behaviour, but there is limited evidence upon which we can test this. Considering growing dissatisfaction with Australian democracy, this article presents a longitudinal analysis of Question Time. The 30-year timescale represents a unique contribution to the literature – allowing an assessment of how Question Time has changed, rather than being a point in time assessment. We find that the quality of Question Time is highly variable, but we do not find evidence that Question Time has declined in quality. While this may reinforce the idea that Question Time is a robust institution, we conclude that the variability suggests a fragility, and that vigilance is required to ensure that its effectiveness is not allowed to be undermined.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47224786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-18DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2224239
J. Bessant, Philippa Collin, R. Watts
ABSTRACT Girls and young women have played leading roles in Australian climate politics since 2018. The distinctive age-cohort and gendered characteristics of this movement and the implications of this for contemporary politics and democracy are not well documented. Focusing on School Strike 4 Climate movement, we ask how to best understand this development? Is their appearance as leaders and speakers in political forums politically significant, and if so, how? We use 41 speeches to examine what ‘being political’ means for them. We identify the reflexively gendered ways these young women are experiencing – and remaking – contemporary politics. This is consonant with a tradition of political theory developed by Arendt, Wolin and Rancière’s idea of ‘the political’ as what reveals the exclusion of people who aren’t normally allowed to take part.
{"title":"‘Blah, Blah, Blah … [not] business as usual’: politics through the lens of young female climate leaders","authors":"J. Bessant, Philippa Collin, R. Watts","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2224239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2224239","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Girls and young women have played leading roles in Australian climate politics since 2018. The distinctive age-cohort and gendered characteristics of this movement and the implications of this for contemporary politics and democracy are not well documented. Focusing on School Strike 4 Climate movement, we ask how to best understand this development? Is their appearance as leaders and speakers in political forums politically significant, and if so, how? We use 41 speeches to examine what ‘being political’ means for them. We identify the reflexively gendered ways these young women are experiencing – and remaking – contemporary politics. This is consonant with a tradition of political theory developed by Arendt, Wolin and Rancière’s idea of ‘the political’ as what reveals the exclusion of people who aren’t normally allowed to take part.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59588808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-23DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2213215
R. Phillips, I. Murray
ABSTRACT Pluralism is a key component of liberal democracy, ensuring that diverse groups of citizens have opportunities to contribute to the governance of their society. Third sector organisations (TSOs) are central to pluralist democracy, representing diverse interests through advocacy. Advocacy has many forms but the most visible are protests or public demonstrations aimed at widespread public engagement. However, curtailing advocacy capacity for TSOs has been a political objective of conservative governments for several decades, with the Morrison-led Liberal/National Party government re-engaging in this behaviour. The article illuminates this behaviour through a case study of a recent legislative proposal (2021) to limit TSO advocacy. A qualitative discourse analysis of government and parliamentary materials shows how the state masked proposed changes through an illiberal and populist tactic that narrowed the focus to a narrative of ‘trust’ and uncertainty lacking an evidentiary basis and despite recognition of the potential impact on Australian democracy.
{"title":"The third sector and democracy in Australia: neoliberal governance and the repression of advocacy","authors":"R. Phillips, I. Murray","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2213215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2213215","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Pluralism is a key component of liberal democracy, ensuring that diverse groups of citizens have opportunities to contribute to the governance of their society. Third sector organisations (TSOs) are central to pluralist democracy, representing diverse interests through advocacy. Advocacy has many forms but the most visible are protests or public demonstrations aimed at widespread public engagement. However, curtailing advocacy capacity for TSOs has been a political objective of conservative governments for several decades, with the Morrison-led Liberal/National Party government re-engaging in this behaviour. The article illuminates this behaviour through a case study of a recent legislative proposal (2021) to limit TSO advocacy. A qualitative discourse analysis of government and parliamentary materials shows how the state masked proposed changes through an illiberal and populist tactic that narrowed the focus to a narrative of ‘trust’ and uncertainty lacking an evidentiary basis and despite recognition of the potential impact on Australian democracy.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49390068","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-28DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2199915
D. Hayward
ABSTRACT On 26 November 2022 the Andrews Labor Government was re-elected for a third term in the State of Victoria. The starting point for this paper is its decision during the pandemic to seemingly break with neoliberal political orthodoxy, by boldly and deliberately leveraging the state’s balance sheet to avoid recession, using debt-funded record levels of spending, particularly on infrastructure, as a means of doing so. The paper argues that in decisively embracing a neo-Keynesian budget strategy, the Andrews government did not actually break with the recent neoliberal past. It turbo charged it, with the dramatical increase in debt-funded spending being used to finance a massive expansion of an intricate network of private monopoly contractors operating everything from ports, tollways and public transport, to policy advice, jails and road maintenance. The paper concludes that over the last four decades of policy reform, Victoria has been transformed into a ‘Rentier State’.
{"title":"The Andrews government and the rise of Rentier capitalism in Victoria","authors":"D. Hayward","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2199915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2199915","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT On 26 November 2022 the Andrews Labor Government was re-elected for a third term in the State of Victoria. The starting point for this paper is its decision during the pandemic to seemingly break with neoliberal political orthodoxy, by boldly and deliberately leveraging the state’s balance sheet to avoid recession, using debt-funded record levels of spending, particularly on infrastructure, as a means of doing so. The paper argues that in decisively embracing a neo-Keynesian budget strategy, the Andrews government did not actually break with the recent neoliberal past. It turbo charged it, with the dramatical increase in debt-funded spending being used to finance a massive expansion of an intricate network of private monopoly contractors operating everything from ports, tollways and public transport, to policy advice, jails and road maintenance. The paper concludes that over the last four decades of policy reform, Victoria has been transformed into a ‘Rentier State’.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46666110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2209592
L. Marriott, M. Rashbrooke
ABSTRACT This article explores tax credits for political party funding in Aotearoa New Zealand (NZ). Participation in the democratic process is low and declining in NZ, as political party membership drops and parties increasingly focus their attention on small numbers of large donors. Advantages of tax credits include incentivising parties to engage with society to attract donations, encouraging individuals to participate in the democratic process and potentially providing greater financial support to parties. The primary disadvantage is that tax credits require at least a small financial contribution from a donor, which will not be possible for everyone. For a relatively low cost of approximately NZ$2.35 per voter, large donations could be eliminated from the NZ political funding system, along with the concomitant potential for undue influence. Using the Canadian model for comparison, a similar system in NZ may result in greater public political engagement and better funded political parties.
{"title":"Tax credits as a mechanism for political party funding in Aotearoa New Zealand: an exploratory study","authors":"L. Marriott, M. Rashbrooke","doi":"10.1080/10361146.2023.2209592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2023.2209592","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores tax credits for political party funding in Aotearoa New Zealand (NZ). Participation in the democratic process is low and declining in NZ, as political party membership drops and parties increasingly focus their attention on small numbers of large donors. Advantages of tax credits include incentivising parties to engage with society to attract donations, encouraging individuals to participate in the democratic process and potentially providing greater financial support to parties. The primary disadvantage is that tax credits require at least a small financial contribution from a donor, which will not be possible for everyone. For a relatively low cost of approximately NZ$2.35 per voter, large donations could be eliminated from the NZ political funding system, along with the concomitant potential for undue influence. Using the Canadian model for comparison, a similar system in NZ may result in greater public political engagement and better funded political parties.","PeriodicalId":46913,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Political Science","volume":"58 1","pages":"192 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46033308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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