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Political representation of Asian Australians in liberal nationalist multiculturalism 自由民族主义多元文化中亚裔澳大利亚人的政治代表
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-10 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2166810
Jay Song
ABSTRACT This article examines the political representation of Asian minorities in Australia. Utilising the case studies of the 2018 Victorian State Election and the 2019 Federal Election, it analyses how Asian candidates’ migratory, ethnic and politico-economic backgrounds shaped their pathways to politics. Based on publicly available data on Asian-heritage politicians and interviews with Asian Australians involving in party politics, the study finds both underlying challenges and emerging opportunities that Asian candidates continue to experience within Australia’s liberal nationalist multiculturalism. The study finds that institutional barriers, cultural fitness and Australia’s relations with Asian neighbours are key factors that contribute to the changing nature of Asian Australian political representation. Finally, it argues that while Australia’s migration programs have invited the skilled youth from Asia, the country’s historical White Australia policy and modern suspicion of ‘silent invasion’ still present challenges for Asian candidates in politics.
摘要本文探讨了亚洲少数民族在澳大利亚的政治代表性。利用2018年维多利亚州选举和2019年联邦选举的案例研究,它分析了亚洲候选人的移民、种族和政治经济背景如何塑造了他们的政治道路。根据有关亚裔政治家的公开数据,以及对参与政党政治的亚裔澳大利亚人的采访,这项研究发现,在澳大利亚的自由民族主义多元文化中,亚裔候选人继续面临着潜在的挑战和新出现的机遇。研究发现,制度障碍、文化适应性以及澳大利亚与亚洲邻国的关系是导致澳大利亚亚裔政治代表性不断变化的关键因素。最后,报告认为,虽然澳大利亚的移民计划邀请了亚洲的技术青年,但该国历史上的白澳政策和现代对“无声入侵”的怀疑仍然对亚洲候选人的政治构成挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Finding meaning and political strategy in narratives about Australia’s carbon price: a reply to Newman 在澳大利亚碳价格叙事中寻找意义和政治策略——对纽曼的回应
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-07 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2166814
R. Pearse
ABSTRACT This commentary replies to Joshua Newman's article and ‘counter narrative’ about the Rudd government's proposed Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (CPRS), shelved in 2010. Newman argues that other analyses of the CPRS amount to a ‘prevailing narrative’ that Labor should have pursued an alliance with the Greens and independents for stronger climate mitigation policy rather than bipartisan Coalition support in parliament. His narrower empirical focus on parliamentary norms and practices is not sufficient for establishing a compelling explanation of the events surrounding the CPRS. Newman’s analysis is valuable, but it gives us a weak grip on the key issues of interpretation and explanation we’re all facing with regard to that political moment. I reflect on the methodological challenges when establishing meaning and causation in political analysis of the CPRS because it involves evaluating party-political strategy amid a deepening crisis for the state as it (mis)manages climate change with ad hoc market solutions.
摘要:这篇评论回应了乔舒亚·纽曼关于陆克文政府2010年搁置的碳污染减排计划的文章和“反叙事”。纽曼认为,对CPRS的其他分析相当于一种“主流叙事”,即工党本应与绿党和独立人士结盟,以制定更强有力的气候缓解政策,而不是在议会中获得两党联盟的支持。他对议会规范和实践的实证关注范围较窄,不足以对围绕CPRS的事件做出令人信服的解释。纽曼的分析很有价值,但它让我们对我们在那个政治时刻所面临的解释和解释的关键问题把握不足。我反思了在建立CPRS政治分析的意义和因果关系时所面临的方法上的挑战,因为它涉及到在国家危机不断加深的情况下评估政党的政治战略,因为它(错误地)通过临时市场解决方案来管理气候变化。
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引用次数: 1
How should we interpret narratives of political strategy for climate policy? A response to Pearse and Jackson 我们应该如何解读气候政策的政治策略?对皮尔斯和杰克逊的回应
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-07 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2166815
J. Newman
ABSTRACT In my article in this journal entitled ‘Narratives and counter-narratives of political strategy: revisiting Australia's carbon pollution reduction scheme’, I offered an alternative interpretation of the failure of the Rudd government's Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, one in which the government's strategy of pursuing bipartisan agreement was not a miscalculation, but rather a reasonable course of action based on institutional norms and precedent. Here, I respond to two replies to that original article. I attempt to set my argument in the context of the current (2022) political environment, in which Labor has returned to government with a narrow majority, flanked by an increasingly popular Green Party.
在《政治战略的叙述与反叙述:重新审视澳大利亚的碳减排计划》这篇文章中,我对陆克文政府碳减排计划的失败提出了另一种解释,其中政府追求两党协议的战略不是错误的估计,而是基于制度规范和先例的合理行动。在这里,我对原文的两个回复做出回应。我试图在当前(2022年)的政治环境中提出我的论点,在这种环境中,工党以微弱多数重返政府,同时受到越来越受欢迎的绿党的支持。
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引用次数: 0
A response to narratives and counter-narratives 对叙事和反叙事的回应
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-07 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2166812
S. Jackson
ABSTRACT Existing narratives surrounding the failure of the CPRS in 2009 have particularly centred on the nature of ALP negotiations with other parties. The article discusses reasonably effectively the strong bipartisan nature of many of the votes taken within the Senate, and when dissecting the events leading to the defeat of the CPRS Bill seeks to suggest that the often-bipartisan nature of voting is indicative of the normality of negotiations over the CPRS. However, this requires some unpacking, and does not take into account the reality of the vote on the day and the structure of bipartisanship. It also leaves aside the at-times virulent campaign by leading members within the Australian Labor Party and the reality of parliamentary negotiations. I will consider those issues here.
围绕2009年CPRS失败的现有叙述尤其集中在工党与其他政党谈判的性质上。本文合理有效地讨论了参议院内许多投票的强烈两党性质,并在剖析导致CPRS法案失败的事件时,试图表明投票的两党性质通常表明了CPRS谈判的常态。然而,这需要一些拆解,并且没有考虑到当天投票的现实和两党合作的结构。它还不考虑澳大利亚工党(Australian Labor Party)内部领导成员时而激烈的竞选活动,也不考虑议会谈判的现实。我将在这里考虑这些问题。
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引用次数: 0
Political investorism in Australia: unnatural insiders and the insider/outsider dynamics of market lobbying 澳大利亚的政治投资者主义:不自然的内部人士和市场游说的内部/外部动态
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2166813
Erin O’Brien, Ainsley Elbra, M. Boersma, Justine Coneybeer
ABSTRACT Political lobbying in the marketplace in Australia has risen sharply in the last decade, with increased instances of shareholder activism and other forms of investment-based political participation, or ‘political investorism’. This article provides the first analysis of political investorism in the Australian context, utilising process-tracing and interviews to examine six case studies on issues including modern slavery, climate change, and human rights. We consider the insider and outsider dynamics of political investorism, and the factors that shape the manifestation of this tactic in Australia. We argue that political investorism in Australia is shaped primarily by structural factors including corporate governance rules and the power of superannuation (pension) funds. We demonstrate that some forms of political investorism defy neat categorisation as insider or outsider strategies, identifying a new category of ‘unnatural insider’ to describe the acquisition of insider status for the explicit purpose of pursuing political goals.
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引用次数: 3
What did a ‘fair go’ originally mean to Australians? 对澳大利亚人来说,“公平竞争”最初是什么意思?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2170211
Cosmo Howard
ABSTRACT ‘Fair go’ is one of the most pervasive and enduring expressions in Australian cultural and political discourse. While the phrase is routinely used by politicians, commentators and scholars, no one has systematically studied what a fair go originally meant to Australians. A mixed-method textual analysis of all Australian newspaper mentions of ‘fair go’ before Federation was conducted to determine the dominant values associated with the expression and the contexts in which it was used. The data show the fair go phrase mainly referred to striving for success in sporting competition, the pursuit of power in politics and civil society, and conformity to norms and rules in sport and legal matters. This historical analysis contributes knowledge about the social and political values associated with Australia’s ‘fair go tradition’ and provides a framework and methodology for further research to trace the evolution of a key component of Australian political discourse.
“公平”是澳大利亚文化和政治话语中最普遍和最持久的表达之一。虽然政治家、评论家和学者经常使用这个短语,但没有人系统地研究过公平竞争对澳大利亚人的最初含义。在联邦之前,对所有澳大利亚报纸提到的“公平竞争”进行了混合方法文本分析,以确定与该表达及其使用背景相关的主导价值观。数据显示,“公平竞争”一词主要指在体育比赛中争取成功,在政治和公民社会中追求权力,以及在体育和法律事务中遵守规范和规则。这一历史分析有助于了解与澳大利亚“公平竞争传统”相关的社会和政治价值观,并为进一步研究提供框架和方法,以追踪澳大利亚政治话语的关键组成部分的演变。
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引用次数: 0
In recognition of councillors: the (in)adequacy of remuneration (during the COVID pandemic) in New South Wales, Australia 表彰议员:澳大利亚新南威尔士州(在新冠肺炎疫情期间)薪酬充足
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-16 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2023.2166811
Tanya Jakimow
ABSTRACT Fair and equal pay are basic principles determining appropriate remuneration. Yet expectations that locally elected representatives are motivated by community service justify token compensation. This article presents data from a survey of councillors in New South Wales about the adequacy of current remuneration against the expectations and time commitment of the role. It finds: the majority of councillors feel under-compensated for the time they devote to the role; some councillors had unmanageable workloads during the COVID-19 pandemic, and; variations in pay scales across local government areas only partially correspond with differences in volume and complexity of work. Most critically, low pay directly impacts the quality of representation by curtailing the hours councillors can commit to council work. The article argues that ‘recognition’ needs to be a core principle in determining councillor pay. Current levels both under-recognise what local elected representatives do, and the importance of local government for democracy.
摘要公平和同工同酬是决定适当薪酬的基本原则。然而,人们期望地方选举产生的代表受到社区服务的激励,这证明象征性的补偿是合理的。本文提供了一项针对新南威尔士州议员的调查数据,该调查涉及当前薪酬相对于该职位的期望和时间承诺的充分性。调查发现:大多数议员对他们投入到这个角色上的时间感到补偿不足;在新冠肺炎大流行期间,一些议员的工作量难以控制;地方政府各地区薪酬水平的差异仅部分与工作数量和复杂性的差异相对应。最关键的是,低工资直接影响了议员参与议会工作的时间,从而影响了代表性的质量。文章认为,“承认”需要成为决定议员薪酬的核心原则。目前的级别既没有充分认识到地方民选代表的所作所为,也没有认识到地方政府对民主的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Singing from the same song sheet: paradiplomacy and federalism in an era of weaponised interdependence 异口同声:在一个相互依赖的武器化时代,副外交和联邦制
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-04 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2152309
Andrew Ossie Carr
ABSTRACT Australian State governments have maintained overseas trade and diplomatic engagements, a practice known as ‘paradiplomacy’ for well over a century. In 2020 the Federal Government abruptly moved to restrict the practice, establishing oversight and creating a Ministerial veto power. Why did this sudden shift occur? This article reviews the under-studied history and contemporary practice of paradiplomacy in Australia. It explains and analyses the 2020 shift as a response to fears of weaponised interdependence within an evolving strategic environment. The article shows the legislation has advantages yet is insufficient to resolve the political challenges and reflects an unprecedented desire for control. The article then argues the lack of scholarship on paradiplomacy reflects a prevailing ‘methodological nationalism’ and argues this should be re-considered to help think through how the new strategic environment is shaping Australia’s national institutions and policies.
摘要:一个多世纪以来,澳大利亚各州政府一直保持着海外贸易和外交交往,这种做法被称为“准外交”。2020年,联邦政府突然采取行动限制这种做法,建立了监督机制,并设立了部长否决权。为什么会发生这种突然的转变?本文回顾了研究不足的澳大利亚准外交的历史和当代实践。它解释并分析了2020年的转变,作为对不断演变的战略环境中武器化相互依存的担忧的回应。这篇文章表明,这项立法具有优势,但不足以解决政治挑战,并反映出前所未有的控制欲。文章接着认为,缺乏对准外交的研究反映了一种普遍存在的“方法论民族主义”,并认为应该重新考虑这一点,以帮助思考新的战略环境是如何塑造澳大利亚的国家机构和政策的。
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引用次数: 1
Reopening to the world: how safety, normality and trust in government shape young adults’ COVID-19 vaccine intentions 重新向世界开放:政府的安全、正常和信任如何影响年轻人接种新冠肺炎疫苗的意图
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-19 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2142516
L. Roberts, L. McKenzie, Samantha J. Carlson, Sian Tomkinson, K. Attwell
ABSTRACT During the COVID-19 pandemic, and particularly 2020-2021, young adults were often significant transmitters of the virus. Prior to the availability of vaccines for young adults, we sought to understand what would contribute to their uptake of a COVID-19 vaccine and how government policy might intervene. We undertook qualitative interviews between February and April 2021 with 19 participants (aged 18-29) in Perth, Western Australia. Despite Western Australians’ lives changing little during the pandemic, almost all wanted to receive a vaccine. Motivating factors included protecting themselves and others and having life return to normal. Participants’ significant levels of trust in the state government response to the pandemic did not extend to the Federal government. This research uncovers what influences young people to receive new vaccinations, how trust in governments develops, and how ideas of normality and safety influence vaccine demand.
摘要在新冠肺炎大流行期间,特别是2020-2021年,年轻人往往是病毒的重要传播者。在为年轻人提供疫苗之前,我们试图了解什么有助于他们接种新冠肺炎疫苗,以及政府政策如何干预。2021年2月至4月,我们在西澳大利亚州珀斯对19名参与者(18-29岁)进行了定性访谈。尽管西澳大利亚州的生活在疫情期间几乎没有变化,但几乎所有人都想接种疫苗。激励因素包括保护自己和他人以及让生活恢复正常。参与者对州政府应对疫情的高度信任并没有延伸到联邦政府。这项研究揭示了是什么影响年轻人接种新疫苗,对政府的信任是如何发展的,以及正常和安全的观念是如何影响疫苗需求的。
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引用次数: 3
Large firms in Australian politics: the institutional dynamics of the government relations function 澳大利亚政治中的大公司:政府关系功能的制度动态
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2022.2142517
S. Bell
ABSTRACT Corporate political activity by large firms has increased in a range of western countries and in Australia. There has also been an increased tendency for large firms to lobby individually on firm-centred agendas. Both trends have seen large firms engaging in institutional adaptation, primarily through developing dedicated government relations functions (GRF). The last research on this topic in Australia was thirty years ago (Bell and Warhurst [1993]. “Business Political Activism and Government Relations in Large Companies in Australia.” Australian Journal of Political Science 28: 201–220.) and this paper updates this earlier research. It also frames the relevant developments as an important set of institutional challenges, not only for government relations (GR) managers within corporate hierarchies, but also in interacting with and influencing other key institutional interlocutors, especially government policy makers. The way in which GR managers deal with such challenges through building supportive relations with key internal and external interlocutors, and especially how this shapes the business-government relationship more broadly, is a key focus of the paper.
在一些西方国家和澳大利亚,大公司的企业政治活动有所增加。大公司在以公司为中心的议程上进行单独游说的趋势也在增加。这两种趋势都表明,大公司主要通过发展专门的政府关系职能(GRF)来进行制度适应。澳大利亚对这一主题的最后一次研究是在30年前(Bell and Warhurst[1993])。“澳大利亚大公司的商业政治激进主义和政府关系”。《澳大利亚政治科学杂志》28:201-220),本文更新了这一早期研究。它还将相关的发展作为一套重要的制度挑战,不仅对公司等级制度中的政府关系经理,而且对与其他主要机构对话者,特别是政府决策者的互动和影响也是如此。GR经理通过与关键的内部和外部对话者建立支持性关系来应对这些挑战的方式,特别是如何更广泛地塑造企业与政府的关系,是本文的一个重点。
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引用次数: 1
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Australian Journal of Political Science
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