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Refusing post-truth with Butler and Honig 拒绝后真相与巴特勒和霍尼格
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221147845
Clare Woodford
This article argues that although post-truth is understood to pose a particular misogynistic threat to feminism, we cannot assume that feminists should simply oppose post-truth. The way the post-truth debate is constructed is problematic for feminism in three ways: it misconceives the relationship between democracy and truth; utilizes a questionable binary between reason and emotion; and propagates elitist assumptions about protecting democracy from the people. Recognizing the insufficiency of our understanding of post-truth, feminists have called for greater understanding of the roles of language, affect and truth in the post-truth debate. In response, I suggest that the theories of Judith Butler and Bonnie Honig can help. However, I seek to emphasise that if feminists are to intervene meaningfully in the inequalities and intensified affective flows that structure the post-truth paradigm they would benefit from a deintensifying, confrontational but nonaggressive, approach.
本文认为,尽管后真相被认为对女权主义构成了特别的厌女威胁,但我们不能认为女权主义者应该简单地反对后真相。后真相辩论的构建方式对女权主义来说有三个方面的问题:它误解了民主与真相之间的关系;利用了理性和情感之间有问题的二元关系;并传播关于保护民主不受人民伤害的精英主义假设。女权主义者认识到我们对后真相理解的不足,呼吁更好地理解语言、情感和真相在后真相辩论中的作用。作为回应,我建议朱迪斯·巴特勒和邦妮·霍尼格的理论可以有所帮助。然而,我试图强调的是,如果女权主义者要有意义地干预构成后真相范式的不平等和强化的情感流动,他们将受益于一种去紧张、对抗但不具攻击性的方法。
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引用次数: 0
The shadow of the eco: Denial and climate change 生态的阴影:否认和气候变化
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221150455
Elissa Marder
This article argues that climate change puts excessive demands on the psyche. The omnipresent specter of climate change and global warming cannot be processed by individual psyches because there is little – if anything – that individual people can do to stop the devastation that hovers on the horizon. Unlike other disasters and calamities that have affected humans (war, genocide, nuclear destruction, pandemics, despotism) climate change presents unique challenges to the human psyche as it engages traumatic temporality on a global scale. The inexorably real threat of climate change threatens the psyche’s ability to establish a rational relation to reality. The scale and speed of the catastrophic destruction underway calls for a reconsideration of the force and quality of the denial that accompanies it. Some of the most ‘wellmeaning’ forms of denial may turn out to be the most insidious as they attempt to rationalize, humanize and normalize actions and events that ought to force us to reckon with what we cannot bear to know.
这篇文章认为,气候变化对心理提出了过高的要求。气候变化和全球变暖这一无处不在的幽灵无法由个人的心理来处理,因为个人几乎无法阻止即将到来的破坏。与影响人类的其他灾难和灾难(战争、种族灭绝、核破坏、流行病、专制主义)不同,气候变化在全球范围内对人类心理提出了独特的挑战。气候变化这一无情的现实威胁威胁着人类心理与现实建立理性关系的能力。正在进行的灾难性破坏的规模和速度需要重新考虑随之而来的否认的力量和质量。一些最“善意”的否认形式可能是最阴险的,因为它们试图使行动和事件合理化、人性化和正常化,而这些行动和事件本应迫使我们考虑我们无法忍受的事情。
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引用次数: 2
Fact versus feeling: What post-truth scholarship can learn from the feminist phenomenology of affect 事实与感觉:后真相学术可以从女性主义情感现象学中学到什么
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221147931
Erica Harris
Although it is a relatively new phenomenon, the most popular descriptions of post-truth operate within the boundaries of the classical dichotomy between emotion and reason that dates back to Plato’s Phaedrus: both, to some extent, view emotions as impediments to knowledge and our ability to live morally upstanding lives (248a-b). Post-truth, which is seen as a threat to reason, social cohesion, and fact-based knowledge claims, is either viewed as the outcome of the failure of our cognitive apparatus, or a consequence of our unchecked thirst for stories that provoke dramatic feelings. From a feminist point of view, this should give us pause, since the arguments used to dismiss post-truth resemble those that dismissed women’s experiences and emotions as idiosyncratic or irrational. Have post-truth scholars been too hasty in their judgment of emotion-based knowledge claims? In this essay, I explore the transcendental role of emotion in its relationship to epistemic knowledge claims and argue that emotion should be given a more primordial status in the analysis of post-factuality. I do this by exploring the psychoanalytic and phenomenological analysis of affect, especially Sara Ahmed’s feminist phenomenology of embodiment.
尽管这是一个相对较新的现象,但对后真相的最流行描述是在柏拉图的《费德鲁斯篇》(Phaedrus)中提出的情感与理性的经典两分法范围内进行的:在某种程度上,两者都将情感视为知识和我们过上道德高尚生活能力的障碍(248a-b)。后真相被视为对理性、社会凝聚力和基于事实的知识主张的威胁,它要么被视为我们认知机制失败的结果,要么被视为我们对激发戏剧性情感的故事的无节制渴望的结果。从女权主义者的角度来看,这应该让我们停下来,因为用来驳斥后真相的论点类似于那些将女性的经历和情感视为特殊或非理性的论点。后真相学者在判断基于情感的知识主张时是否过于草率?在这篇文章中,我探讨了情感在其与认识论知识主张的关系中的先验作用,并认为情感在分析后事实性时应该被赋予更原始的地位。为此,我探索了情感的精神分析和现象学分析,尤其是萨拉·艾哈迈德的女性主义现象学体现。
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引用次数: 0
The world in a Geranium pot: Female paranoia and love of detail in Schor, Beauvoir and Arendt 天竺葵花盆中的世界:肖尔、波伏娃和阿伦特的女性偏执狂和对细节的热爱
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221149379
Noga Rotem
Might paranoia bear some promise, not only danger, for democratic theory and politics? To suggest that we should treat paranoia with anything but disdain today, in the age of Q anon and other white-supremacist lies, seems dangerous. But three decades ago, feminist theorist Naomi Schor took the risk and defended female paranoia, arguing that paranoia is an appropriate affect for feminist theory and critique. This essay follows Schor’s invitation to risk proximity to paranoia. I argue that the political importance of Schor’s essay lies in one particular attribute of female paranoia that she celebrates: its love of detail. To explore the promise and limitations of the paranoid love of detail I pair Schor with two 20th-century theorists – Hannah Arendt and Simone de Beauvoir. Each studies a paranoid woman who clings to details: Arendt’s Rahel Varnhagen counts the number of teacups that she serves in her German salon. Beauvoir’s housewife collects tufts of dust. With Schor, Arendt and Beauvoir, the article argues that love of detail is a critical component not only of paranoid indictments of the world, but also of any project that desires to repair the world in the wake of paranoia.
偏执狂可能对民主理论和政治带来一些希望,而不仅仅是危险吗?在Q anon和其他白人至上主义谎言盛行的时代,建议我们在今天以蔑视的态度对待偏执狂似乎是危险的。但三十年前,女权主义理论家Naomi Schor冒着风险为女性偏执狂辩护,认为偏执狂是女权主义理论和批判的恰当影响。这篇文章遵循了Schor的邀请,冒着接近偏执狂的风险。我认为,Schor文章的政治重要性在于她所推崇的女性偏执狂的一个特殊属性:对细节的热爱。为了探索偏执狂对细节的热爱的前景和局限性,我将Schor与两位20世纪的理论家——Hannah Arendt和Simone de Beauvoir配对。每一个都研究了一个执着于细节的偏执女性:阿伦特的Rahel Varnhagen统计了她在德国沙龙里供应的茶杯数量。波伏娃的家庭主妇收集一簇灰尘。这篇文章与Schor、Arendt和Beauvoir一起认为,对细节的热爱不仅是对世界的偏执控诉的关键组成部分,也是任何希望在偏执之后修复世界的项目的重要组成部分。
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引用次数: 0
(Post-)Truth, populism and the simulation of parrhesia: A feminist critique of truth-telling after Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault (后)真理、民粹主义与假话模拟——继汉娜·阿伦特和米歇尔·福柯之后的女性主义真理批判
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221147843
Mareike Gebhardt
Following tropes of light and dark in Amanda Gorman’s poem ‘The Hill We Climb’, the article explores, from a feminist perspective, who counts as a truth-teller. Against the backdrop of Hannah Arendt’s and Michel Foucault’s works on truth-telling, the article theorizes feminist modes of truth-telling. It scrutinizes truth-making in politics while unearthing the andro-centrism in truth-telling. Under the impression of post-truth rhetoric in recent populist landscapes, the article argues for a feminist and intersectional articulation of truth-telling to disclose the gendered and racialized power relations in contemporary masculinist populism.
这篇文章跟随阿曼达·戈尔曼(Amanda Gorman)的诗《我们爬的山》(The Hill We Climb)中光明与黑暗的比喻,从女权主义的角度探讨了谁算一个讲真话的人。本文以汉娜·阿伦特和米歇尔·福柯关于讲真话的著作为背景,对女性主义讲真话的模式进行了理论化。它审视了政治中的“造真”,同时揭示了“说真话”中的男性中心主义。在最近民粹主义景观中的后真相修辞的印象下,本文主张以女性主义和交叉的方式表达真相,以揭示当代男性主义民粹主义中性别和种族化的权力关系。
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引用次数: 0
Truth queens and gallows humor 真相女王与黑色幽默
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221147847
B. Honig
How can truth be used to fight disinformation without reproducing the “reveal”—oriented or secret-constituting epistemology of the closet, as Eve Sedgwick described it in the Epistemology of the Closet (1990)? and how does her reading of the Book of Esther in that text help illuminate aspects of today’s Trumpism?
正如伊芙·塞奇威克(Eve Sedgwick)在《壁橱的认识论》(1990)中所描述的那样,在不复制“揭示”导向或秘密构成的壁橱认识论的情况下,真相如何被用来对抗虚假信息?她对《以斯帖书》的解读如何有助于阐明当今特朗普主义的各个方面?
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引用次数: 0
The politics of the invisible: Post-truth’s instrumental use of transparency and Arendt’s ‘nobody’ 隐形人的政治:后真相对透明度的工具性使用与阿伦特的“无名小卒”
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221148307
Sanem Yazıcıoğlu
One of the most significant difficulties that we encounter today in the post-truth era is in constructing a reality in the gap between deceptive pre-given facts and how we experience them in our lives. This gap is mostly caused by our incapacity to see reality beyond the given frames and this very characteristic of post-truth enforces us to examine the meaning of seeing more extensively. Two particular reasons make seeing things and people even more difficult: first, the claim of transparency in politics is essentially deceptive; it suggests us a way of seeing, but what it does, is rather to determine what or whom to see and from which aspect we are allowed to see them. As a result, for politics, transparency turns into a means to a desired end. Second, instrumentalization in politics works effectively only when its administrators and its subjects become invisible ‘nobodies’ who can only act and see in the pregiven limits of reality. For an alternative political approach, this article turns to a phenomenological understanding of reality which emphasizes that reality can only be constituted in the plurality of aspects. For a reconstitution of reality and politics, first, this study offers an analysis of the strong need for such a plurality that requires the inclusion of the invisibles at all levels; second, in order to develop a genuine sense of embodied plurality, it proposes a new political category, here termed ‘the politics of the invisible’.
在后真相时代,我们今天遇到的最重大的困难之一是在欺骗性的预先给定的事实和我们在生活中如何体验这些事实之间构建一个现实。这种差距主要是由于我们无法超越给定的框架来看待现实,而后真相的这一特点迫使我们更广泛地审视看待的意义。有两个特殊的原因使看清事物和人变得更加困难:首先,政治透明的说法本质上是欺骗性的;它为我们提供了一种观看的方式,但它的作用是决定看什么或看谁,以及我们可以从哪个方面看到他们。因此,对于政治来说,透明度变成了达到预期目的的一种手段。其次,只有当政治的管理者和主体成为隐形的“无名小卒”,只能在预先设定的现实限度内行动和观察时,政治工具化才能有效发挥作用。作为另一种政治方法,本文转向对现实的现象学理解,强调现实只能在多个方面构成。为了重构现实和政治,首先,本研究分析了对这种多样性的强烈需求,这种多样性要求在各个层面都包含不可见的东西;第二,为了发展真正意义上的具体多元性,它提出了一个新的政治范畴,这里称为“无形的政治”。
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引用次数: 0
How to feminist affect: Feminist comedy and post-truth politics 如何影响女性主义:女性主义喜剧与后真相政治
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221147846
Jana McAuliffe
Under the shifting epistemic and political norms of post-truth politics, the conditions of feminist solidarity and agency are increasingly threatened. This article argues that feminist humour provides models for affective orientations that sustain feminist work and survival during such periods of political crisis. First, I explore a potential issue post-truth politics poses for feminists: That information overload can lead to truth burn-out that threatens intersectional feminist thinking and action. Next, I explain why comedy is well-suited to help maintain feminist work in the context of post-truth politics. I then present a reading of Sarah Cooper’s skit, ‘How to medical’ to explore Cooper’s work and demonstrate how it operates as parodic political critique. I conclude that the affective stance of a feminist comedian models how feminists can keep surviving in the midst of post-truth crises. Such work shows how oppressive power can be engaged closely enough that deep critiques can be developed but with sufficient affective distance that feminist engagement can be sustained over time, through a multiplicity of crises. Cooper’s engagement can thus be read to generate strategies for how to (effectively) feminist affect under post-truth conditions.
在后真相政治的认识和政治规范不断变化的情况下,女权主义团结和代理的条件越来越受到威胁。本文认为,女性主义幽默为情感取向提供了模式,这些情感取向在政治危机时期支撑着女性主义的工作和生存。首先,我探讨了后真相政治给女权主义者带来的一个潜在问题:信息过载可能导致真相燃烧,威胁到跨部门的女权主义思想和行动。接下来,我将解释为什么喜剧非常适合在后真相政治的背景下帮助维护女权主义工作。然后,我宣读了莎拉·库珀的短剧《如何医疗》,以探索库珀的作品,并展示它是如何作为戏仿的政治批判运作的。我的结论是,女权主义喜剧演员的情感立场塑造了女权主义者如何在后真相危机中继续生存。这样的工作表明,压迫性权力是如何紧密地参与进来的,可以进行深入的批评,但又有足够的情感距离,可以在多重危机中长期保持女权主义的参与。因此,库珀的参与可以解读为如何在后真相条件下(有效地)产生女权主义影响的策略。
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引用次数: 0
Self-esteem and competition 自尊和竞争
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-01-21 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221150464
Pablo Gilabert
This paper explores the relations between self-esteem and competition. Self-esteem is a very important good and competition is a widespread phenomenon. They are commonly linked, as people often seek self-esteem through success in competition. Although competition in fact generates valuable consequences and can to some extent foster self-esteem, empirical research suggests that competition has a strong tendency to undermine self-esteem. To be sure, competition is not the source of all problematic deficits in self-esteem, and it can arise for, or undercut goods other than self-esteem. But the relation between competition and access to self-esteem is still significant, and it is worth asking how we might foster a desirable distribution of the latter in the face of difficulties created by the former. That is the question addressed in this paper. The approach I propose neither recommends self-denial nor the uncritical celebration of the rat race. It charts instead a solidaristic path to support the social conditions of the self-esteem of each individual. The paper proceeds as follows. I start, in section 2, by clarifying key concepts involved in the discussion. In section 3, I identify ten mechanisms that support individuals’ self-esteem and impose limits on competition. I focus, in particular, on the challenges faced by people in their practices of work. In section 4, I outline prudential and moral arguments to justify the use of the proposed mechanisms. Section 5 concludes with remarks on the role of social criticism in the processes of change implementing the mechanisms.
本文探讨了自尊与竞争的关系。自尊是非常重要的,竞争是一种普遍现象。它们通常是联系在一起的,因为人们经常通过竞争中的成功来寻求自尊。虽然竞争实际上会产生有价值的结果,并能在某种程度上培养自尊,但实证研究表明,竞争有很强的削弱自尊的倾向。可以肯定的是,竞争并不是所有自尊缺陷的根源,它可以促进或削弱自尊以外的东西。但竞争与获得自尊之间的关系仍然很重要,值得一问的是,面对前者造成的困难,我们如何才能促进后者的合理分配。这就是本文要讨论的问题。我提出的方法既不建议自我否定,也不建议不加批判地庆祝激烈的竞争。相反,它描绘了一条团结的道路来支持每个人自尊的社会条件。本文的工作如下。在第2节中,我首先澄清讨论中涉及的关键概念。在第3节中,我确定了十种支持个人自尊并限制竞争的机制。我特别关注人们在工作实践中所面临的挑战。在第4节中,我概述了审慎和道德的论点,以证明使用拟议的机制是合理的。第五节总结了社会批评在实施机制的变革过程中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Political authority and resistance to injustice: A Confucian perspective 政治权威与反抗不公:儒家视角
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040572
Kevin K. W. Ip
Those who bear the burdens of injustice and oppression are entitled to act in ways contrary to existing laws and institutions to secure their own entitlements and those of others. This article aims to articulate a Confucian perspective on resistance against injustice. There are reasons for thinking that the notion of resistance is fundamentally at odds with Confucian political thought. In this article, I move beyond this simple conflict/compatibility model and explore the complex relationships between resistance and Confucianism. On one hand, some of Confucianism’s core commitments can be better attained in contemporary societies by allowing resistance; on the other, a Confucian perspective can offer insights into current discussions on the ethics of resistance.
那些承受不公正和压迫负担的人有权以违反现行法律和制度的方式行事,以保障自己和他人的权利。本文旨在阐明儒家对反抗不公正的观点。有理由认为抵抗的概念与儒家的政治思想根本不一致。在这篇文章中,我超越了这个简单的冲突/兼容模型,探索了抵抗与儒家之间的复杂关系。一方面,儒家的一些核心承诺可以通过允许抵抗在当代社会中更好地实现;另一方面,儒家的观点可以为当前关于反抗伦理的讨论提供见解。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
PHILOSOPHY & SOCIAL CRITICISM
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