Pub Date : 2022-07-19DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000305
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Pub Date : 2022-07-19DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000317
{"title":"LIN volume 58 issue 3 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0022226722000317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226722000317","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"58 1","pages":"b1 - b3"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47296692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-13DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000299
Nicole Dehé, Daniela Wochner, Marieke Einfeldt
Recent research has shown that rhetorical questions (RQs) have certain prosodic characteristics in terms of voice quality, tempo, and intonation, which distinguish them from genuine, information-seeking questions (ISQs). This paper focuses on the interaction between prosodic cues to rhetorical meaning on the one hand, and lexical and morpho-syntactic means, on the other, in German. The production experiment reported on here addresses three research questions, in short: (i) do speakers prefer a specific syntactic construction for an RQ, (ii) do they make use of specific lexical and morpho-syntactic means to signal rhetorical meaning, and (iii) what is the interaction between those means and prosodic cues. The answers are: (i) yes (wh-questions), (ii) yes (especially discourse markers (DiPs)), and (iii) we find an additive effect enforcing the rhetorical message. When lexical (or morpho-syntactic) cues to rhetorical meaning are used, we do not observe a reduction in or lack of prosodic means at the same time. For example, when a DiP is present, an RQ will still have a typical nuclear accent and edge tone, i.e., cues are used in an additive, rather than an exclusive way. There are, however, RQs that are marked only in the prosody, without any lexical or morpho-syntactic cues present.
{"title":"The interaction of discourse markers and prosody in rhetorical questions in German","authors":"Nicole Dehé, Daniela Wochner, Marieke Einfeldt","doi":"10.1017/s0022226722000299","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226722000299","url":null,"abstract":"Recent research has shown that rhetorical questions (RQs) have certain prosodic characteristics in terms of voice quality, tempo, and intonation, which distinguish them from genuine, information-seeking questions (ISQs). This paper focuses on the interaction between prosodic cues to rhetorical meaning on the one hand, and lexical and morpho-syntactic means, on the other, in German. The production experiment reported on here addresses three research questions, in short: (i) do speakers prefer a specific syntactic construction for an RQ, (ii) do they make use of specific lexical and morpho-syntactic means to signal rhetorical meaning, and (iii) what is the interaction between those means and prosodic cues. The answers are: (i) yes (wh-questions), (ii) yes (especially discourse markers (DiPs)), and (iii) we find an additive effect enforcing the rhetorical message. When lexical (or morpho-syntactic) cues to rhetorical meaning are used, we do not observe a reduction in or lack of prosodic means at the same time. For example, when a DiP is present, an RQ will still have a typical nuclear accent and edge tone, i.e., cues are used in an additive, rather than an exclusive way. There are, however, RQs that are marked only in the prosody, without any lexical or morpho-syntactic cues present.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47263405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-17DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000263
Matthew Pearson
Douglas A. Kibbee (eds.), New analyses in Romance linguistics: Selected papers from the XVIII Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, 143–170. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Bossong, Georg. 1998. Le marquage différentiel de l’objet dans les langues d’Europe. In Jack Feuillet (ed.), Actance et valence dans les langues de l’Europe, 193–258. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Comrie, Bernard. 1989. Language universals and linguistic typology, 2nd edn. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Jaeggli, Osvaldo. 1982. Topics in Romance syntax. Dordrecht: Foris. Onea, Edgar&AlexandruMardale. 2020. From topic to object: Grammaticalization of differential object marking in Romanian. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 65.3, 350–392. Seržant, Ilja A. & Alena Witzlack-Makarevich (eds.). 2018. Diachrony of differential argument marking. Berlin: Language Science Press.
道格拉斯A.基比(编)，新的分析在罗曼语语言学:选自第十八届罗曼语语言学研讨会论文，143-170。阿姆斯特丹:约翰·本杰明。乔治亚州博松，1998。Le marquage diffsamrentiel de l ' object dans les languages d 'Europe。见Jack Feuillet(编)，《欧洲语言的发展与价值》，1993 - 258。柏林:穆顿·德·格吕特。伯纳德·科姆里1989。语言共性和语言类型学，第2版。牛津:巴兹尔·布莱克威尔。1982年，奥斯瓦尔多。罗曼史语法中的主题。多德雷赫特:市中心。Onea Edgar&AlexandruMardale。2020. 从主题到对象:罗马尼亚语中不同对象标记的语法化。中国语言学杂志(6)，35 - 39。Seržant, Ilja A. & Alena Witzlack-Makarevich(编)。2018. 微分参数标记的历时性。柏林:语言科学出版社。
{"title":"Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Dennis Ott (eds.), Parameters of predicate fronting (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. Pp. vii + 225.","authors":"Matthew Pearson","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000263","url":null,"abstract":"Douglas A. Kibbee (eds.), New analyses in Romance linguistics: Selected papers from the XVIII Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, 143–170. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Bossong, Georg. 1998. Le marquage différentiel de l’objet dans les langues d’Europe. In Jack Feuillet (ed.), Actance et valence dans les langues de l’Europe, 193–258. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Comrie, Bernard. 1989. Language universals and linguistic typology, 2nd edn. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Jaeggli, Osvaldo. 1982. Topics in Romance syntax. Dordrecht: Foris. Onea, Edgar&AlexandruMardale. 2020. From topic to object: Grammaticalization of differential object marking in Romanian. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 65.3, 350–392. Seržant, Ilja A. & Alena Witzlack-Makarevich (eds.). 2018. Diachrony of differential argument marking. Berlin: Language Science Press.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"58 1","pages":"690 - 695"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47298716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-15DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000238
Eman Al Khalaf
Negative sensitive items (NSIs) have been the subject of much discussion in the syntactic as well as semantic literature for at least the last forty years since the publication of Ladusaw’s (1980) seminal work. The subject particularly is of great significance as it has consequences on topics including the syntactic and semantic composition of indefinites, the nature and locus of negation, how semantic domains are further restricted by syntactic constraints (i.e. the division of labor between syntax and semantics in licensing), and the domain of application of Agree and Merge as primitive syntactic operations, to mention a few. This book contributes to the growing body of literature on the issue by presenting interesting and new empirical facts from an understudied language, namely Arabic. One of the challenges to any researcher working on the topic of NSIs in Arabic is the scarcity of data, especially because Arabic encompasses many varieties so different that they are often described as different languages. Although there is much work on NSIs in Romance and other Indo-European languages, one can hardly find any serious work that presents the landscape of NSIs in (the major varieties of) Arabic. Chapter 2, ‘Classification of PSIs and their lexical categories’, walks the reader through all categories of NSIs from different varieties of Arabic, including Egyptian, Moroccan, Jordanian, Qatari, and Standard. As with other languages, Arabic has two major classes of NSIs: negative polarity items (NPIs) and negative indefinites (NIs). The latter can also include elements that can be construed as negative concord items (NCIs). Perhaps of great interest is the fact that Arabic exhibits elements that contribute a negative interpretation in absence of overt negation, such as NCIs in preverbal position (Wala ħada idʒa ‘No one came.’) and NCIs in fragment answers (A:Miin idʒa? ‘Who came?’ B:Wala ħada! ‘No one!’). These elements pose a challenge to previous work and motivate a new analysis that departs from restricting licensing to c-command in the domain of a negative marker (NM). A point of strength of the empirical part of this monograph is the richness of data sources. In particular, Alqassas hinges on introspection for the data drawn from his own dialect (Jordanian), cited examples from the other colloquial varieties, and corpus data for the standard variety (Qur’an corpus). The issue of reliability of data
{"title":"Alqassas Ahmad, A unified theory of polarity sensitivity: Comparative syntax of Arabic. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. Pp. x + 246.","authors":"Eman Al Khalaf","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000238","url":null,"abstract":"Negative sensitive items (NSIs) have been the subject of much discussion in the syntactic as well as semantic literature for at least the last forty years since the publication of Ladusaw’s (1980) seminal work. The subject particularly is of great significance as it has consequences on topics including the syntactic and semantic composition of indefinites, the nature and locus of negation, how semantic domains are further restricted by syntactic constraints (i.e. the division of labor between syntax and semantics in licensing), and the domain of application of Agree and Merge as primitive syntactic operations, to mention a few. This book contributes to the growing body of literature on the issue by presenting interesting and new empirical facts from an understudied language, namely Arabic. One of the challenges to any researcher working on the topic of NSIs in Arabic is the scarcity of data, especially because Arabic encompasses many varieties so different that they are often described as different languages. Although there is much work on NSIs in Romance and other Indo-European languages, one can hardly find any serious work that presents the landscape of NSIs in (the major varieties of) Arabic. Chapter 2, ‘Classification of PSIs and their lexical categories’, walks the reader through all categories of NSIs from different varieties of Arabic, including Egyptian, Moroccan, Jordanian, Qatari, and Standard. As with other languages, Arabic has two major classes of NSIs: negative polarity items (NPIs) and negative indefinites (NIs). The latter can also include elements that can be construed as negative concord items (NCIs). Perhaps of great interest is the fact that Arabic exhibits elements that contribute a negative interpretation in absence of overt negation, such as NCIs in preverbal position (Wala ħada idʒa ‘No one came.’) and NCIs in fragment answers (A:Miin idʒa? ‘Who came?’ B:Wala ħada! ‘No one!’). These elements pose a challenge to previous work and motivate a new analysis that departs from restricting licensing to c-command in the domain of a negative marker (NM). A point of strength of the empirical part of this monograph is the richness of data sources. In particular, Alqassas hinges on introspection for the data drawn from his own dialect (Jordanian), cited examples from the other colloquial varieties, and corpus data for the standard variety (Qur’an corpus). The issue of reliability of data","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"58 1","pages":"677 - 681"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41457880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-13DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000287
Elliot Murphy
In Reflections on Language Evolution (ROLE), Cedric Boeckx targets ‘Darwin’s problem’, or the problem of how language evolved. He claims natural language syntax evolved gradually, not suddenly. ROLE continues Boeckx’s transition away from generative grammar and toward what he considers ‘pluralism’, implying that the minimalist program is incompatible with inter-disciplinary perspectives. To address Darwin’s problem, Boeckx argues that we need to boil down the bare essentials of linguistics into a format interpretable and usable by other fields. Otherwise, concepts from linguistics ‘won’t get past customs’ (3). The program that ROLE seems most sympathetic to appears to be the work of Simon Kirby and collaborators. The iterated learning paradigm examines artificial grammar processing to unearth generic biases that drive the learning process. Boeckx notes that ‘critics are quick to point out that this line of work implements the cognitive biases by brute force, and does not show how these evolve organically’ (28). He deems this line of criticism ‘unfair’ – yet not inaccurate. Boeckx’s preference is to think of language as ‘a collection of (generic) cognitive biases’ (29). He does not provide much discussion of what these biases are, however: ‘I suspect there are likely to be very many, associated with general notions like memory, attention, salience, etc.’ (29). Boeckx argues that components of language ‘that don’t manipulate (parts of) sentences’ and are fundamentally lower-level computations seem ‘ideally suited for fruitful comparisons’ with other species (3). Boeckx’s previous book was entitled Elementary Syntactic Structures (Boeckx 2014), a reference to Chomsky (1957). His new book is a reference to Chomsky (1975), Reflections on Language. We might expect that his next book will explore ‘Paleoanthropological Aspects of the Theory of Syntax’, although Boeckx never explicitly renounces his earlier minimalist work – but it seems implicit. ROLE provides no motivations for why any specificminimalist analysis of linguistic phenomena should be rejected, which until recently he appears to have endorsed (Murphy 2015). Boeckx seems to agree with generativists on the uniqueness of the core trait (unbounded hierarchical recursion)
{"title":"Cedric Boeckx, Reflections on language evolution: From minimalism to pluralism (Conceptual Foundations of Language Science 6). Berlin: Language Science Press, 2021. Pp. 76.","authors":"Elliot Murphy","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000287","url":null,"abstract":"In Reflections on Language Evolution (ROLE), Cedric Boeckx targets ‘Darwin’s problem’, or the problem of how language evolved. He claims natural language syntax evolved gradually, not suddenly. ROLE continues Boeckx’s transition away from generative grammar and toward what he considers ‘pluralism’, implying that the minimalist program is incompatible with inter-disciplinary perspectives. To address Darwin’s problem, Boeckx argues that we need to boil down the bare essentials of linguistics into a format interpretable and usable by other fields. Otherwise, concepts from linguistics ‘won’t get past customs’ (3). The program that ROLE seems most sympathetic to appears to be the work of Simon Kirby and collaborators. The iterated learning paradigm examines artificial grammar processing to unearth generic biases that drive the learning process. Boeckx notes that ‘critics are quick to point out that this line of work implements the cognitive biases by brute force, and does not show how these evolve organically’ (28). He deems this line of criticism ‘unfair’ – yet not inaccurate. Boeckx’s preference is to think of language as ‘a collection of (generic) cognitive biases’ (29). He does not provide much discussion of what these biases are, however: ‘I suspect there are likely to be very many, associated with general notions like memory, attention, salience, etc.’ (29). Boeckx argues that components of language ‘that don’t manipulate (parts of) sentences’ and are fundamentally lower-level computations seem ‘ideally suited for fruitful comparisons’ with other species (3). Boeckx’s previous book was entitled Elementary Syntactic Structures (Boeckx 2014), a reference to Chomsky (1957). His new book is a reference to Chomsky (1975), Reflections on Language. We might expect that his next book will explore ‘Paleoanthropological Aspects of the Theory of Syntax’, although Boeckx never explicitly renounces his earlier minimalist work – but it seems implicit. ROLE provides no motivations for why any specificminimalist analysis of linguistic phenomena should be rejected, which until recently he appears to have endorsed (Murphy 2015). Boeckx seems to agree with generativists on the uniqueness of the core trait (unbounded hierarchical recursion)","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"58 1","pages":"907 - 911"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46370141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-09DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000214
Martin Salzmann, Marta Wierzba, Doreen Georgi
In recent experimental work, arguments for or against Condition C reconstruction in A′-movement have been based on low/high availability of coreference in sentences with and without A′-movement. We argue that this reasoning is problematic: It involves arbitrary thresholds, and the results are potentially confounded by the different surface orders of the compared structures and non-syntactic factors. We present three experiments with designs that do not require defining thresholds of ‘low’ or ‘high’ coreference values. Instead, we focus on grammatical contrasts (wh-movement vs. relativization, subject vs. object wh-movement) and aim to identify and reduce confounds. The results show that reconstruction for A′-movement of DPs is not very robust in German, contra previous findings. Our results are compatible with the view that the surface order and non-syntactic factors (e.g. plausibility, referential accessibility of an R-expression) heavily influence coreference possibilities. Thus, the data argue against a theory that includes both reconstruction and a hard Condition C constraint. There is a residual contrast between sentences with subject/object movement, which is compatible with an account without reconstruction (and an additional non-syntactic factor) or an account with reconstruction (and a soft Condition C constraint).
{"title":"Condition C in German A′-movement: Tackling challenges in experimental research on reconstruction","authors":"Martin Salzmann, Marta Wierzba, Doreen Georgi","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000214","url":null,"abstract":"In recent experimental work, arguments for or against Condition C reconstruction in A′-movement have been based on low/high availability of coreference in sentences with and without A′-movement. We argue that this reasoning is problematic: It involves arbitrary thresholds, and the results are potentially confounded by the different surface orders of the compared structures and non-syntactic factors. We present three experiments with designs that do not require defining thresholds of ‘low’ or ‘high’ coreference values. Instead, we focus on grammatical contrasts (wh-movement vs. relativization, subject vs. object wh-movement) and aim to identify and reduce confounds. The results show that reconstruction for A′-movement of DPs is not very robust in German, contra previous findings. Our results are compatible with the view that the surface order and non-syntactic factors (e.g. plausibility, referential accessibility of an R-expression) heavily influence coreference possibilities. Thus, the data argue against a theory that includes both reconstruction and a hard Condition C constraint. There is a residual contrast between sentences with subject/object movement, which is compatible with an account without reconstruction (and an additional non-syntactic factor) or an account with reconstruction (and a soft Condition C constraint).","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"577 - 622"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47613182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-08DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000275
G. Schwartz
This paper describes a perception experiment with L1 Polish and L1 English listeners on the affrication of initial English /tr/ and /dr/ (TR) consonant clusters. The goal was to test phonological predictions formulated within the Onset Prominence (OP) framework. OP offers two distinct structural configurations for representing rising sonority onset clusters. One predicts synchronous cluster articulation in English, giving rise to affrication, while the other predicts asynchronous cluster articulation in Polish. Two groups of listeners performed a two-alternative forced choice identification task on stimuli that included affricated clusters, unaffricated clusters, affricates, and CəC-initial words. For L1 English listeners, the unaffricated cluster-initial items induced the slowest responses. For L1 Polish listeners, the lack of affrication facilitated cluster identification, while the CəC-initial words induced the slowed responses. The results suggest cross-language interaction by which Polish listeners equate L1 unaffricated clusters with L2 CəC-initial words, in accordance with the OP proposal.
{"title":"All TRs are not created equal: L1 and L2 perception of English cluster affrication","authors":"G. Schwartz","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000275","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes a perception experiment with L1 Polish and L1 English listeners on the affrication of initial English /tr/ and /dr/ (TR) consonant clusters. The goal was to test phonological predictions formulated within the Onset Prominence (OP) framework. OP offers two distinct structural configurations for representing rising sonority onset clusters. One predicts synchronous cluster articulation in English, giving rise to affrication, while the other predicts asynchronous cluster articulation in Polish. Two groups of listeners performed a two-alternative forced choice identification task on stimuli that included affricated clusters, unaffricated clusters, affricates, and CəC-initial words. For L1 English listeners, the unaffricated cluster-initial items induced the slowest responses. For L1 Polish listeners, the lack of affrication facilitated cluster identification, while the CəC-initial words induced the slowed responses. The results suggest cross-language interaction by which Polish listeners equate L1 unaffricated clusters with L2 CəC-initial words, in accordance with the OP proposal.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"623 - 654"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43001487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-03DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000226
Jungsoo Kim, Jong-Bok Kim
The so-called aggressively non-D-linked construction (ANDC) involving wh-the-hell phrases like what the hell is of empirical and theoretical interest due to its complex morphosyntactic and semantic/pragmatic properties. This paper focuses on the construction in general as well as in ellipsis phenomena. We first explore its grammatical properties on the basis of attested corpus data and show that the construction can occur more widely in elliptical constructions than suggested by previous literature. We then suggest that the licensing conditions of the ANDC in ellipsis are not solely syntax-based but due to tight interactions among a variety of grammatical components such as morphosyntax, semantics, and discourse/pragmatics. We also argue that the authentic uses of the construction favor a Direct Interpretation (DI) approach that can account for its uses in a variety of environments.
{"title":"Aggressively non-D-linked construction and ellipsis: A Direct Interpretation approach","authors":"Jungsoo Kim, Jong-Bok Kim","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000226","url":null,"abstract":"The so-called aggressively non-D-linked construction (ANDC) involving wh-the-hell phrases like what the hell is of empirical and theoretical interest due to its complex morphosyntactic and semantic/pragmatic properties. This paper focuses on the construction in general as well as in ellipsis phenomena. We first explore its grammatical properties on the basis of attested corpus data and show that the construction can occur more widely in elliptical constructions than suggested by previous literature. We then suggest that the licensing conditions of the ANDC in ellipsis are not solely syntax-based but due to tight interactions among a variety of grammatical components such as morphosyntax, semantics, and discourse/pragmatics. We also argue that the authentic uses of the construction favor a Direct Interpretation (DI) approach that can account for its uses in a variety of environments.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"257 - 291"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49284907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1017/S002222672200024X
Gaetano Fiorin
Benjamins. Giannakidou, Anastasia. 2011. Negative and positive polarity items. In Klaus von Heusinger, Claudia Maienborn & Paul Portner (eds.), Semantics: An international handbook of natural language meaning, vol. 2, 1660–1712. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Ladusaw, William A. 1980. Polarity sensitivity as inherent scope relations. New York: Garland Pub. Penka, Doris. 2011. Negative indefinites. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Spencer, Andrew. 2012. Clitics: An introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Zeijlstra, Hedde. 2004. Sentential negation and negative concord. Dissertation, University of Amsterdam. http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/000181 (accessed 1 June 2022).
本杰明一起珍藏的东西。安娜斯塔西娅·詹纳基杜，2011。负极性和正极性项目。克劳斯·冯·休辛格，克劳迪娅·迈恩伯恩和保罗·波特纳(编)，语义学:自然语言意义的国际手册，第2卷，1660-1712。柏林:De Gruyter Mouton。William A. Ladusaw, 1980。极性敏感性作为固有的范围关系。纽约:Garland酒吧。多丽丝·彭卡，2011。消极的不确定。牛津:牛津大学出版社。安德鲁·斯宾塞，2012。评论:介绍。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社。泽伊尔斯特拉，海德。2004。句子否定与否定协调。毕业论文，阿姆斯特丹大学。http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/000181(2022年6月1日访问)。
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