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Reconsidering Reparations By Olúfẹmi O. Táíwò Olúfẹmi O.Theo重新考虑赔偿
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221142214
F. Obeng-Odoom
enable the pulling together of scholars engaged in social justice-oriented research, whether motivated by class politics or radical cultural work? The World in a Grain of Sand forcefully reminds us of the need for radical universalism and I strongly affiliate with its motivations and its insistence that postcolonial literature far exceeds postcolonial theory. I question, however, whether yesterday’s battlelines against postmodernist theory are helpful in building solidarity – especially when history is pushing people together, regardless of the theories to which they may subscribe.
使从事以社会正义为导向的研究的学者能够团结起来,无论是出于阶级政治还是激进的文化工作?《一粒沙子里的世界》有力地提醒了我们激进普遍主义的必要性,我强烈赞同它的动机,以及它坚持后殖民文学远远超过后殖民理论。然而,我质疑昨天反对后现代主义理论的战线是否有助于建立团结——尤其是当历史将人们团结在一起时,无论他们可能赞同什么理论。
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引用次数: 1
Cedric J. Robinson, Black radicalism and the abolition of Europe 塞德里克·j·罗宾逊,黑人激进主义与废除欧洲
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221136788
D. Bjelić
A militant critique of ‘Europe’ as the civilisation of racialism singles out the work of Cedric J. Robinson from other critical scholarship on Europe. Even though his concept of ‘racial capitalism’ is increasingly cited, on the whole, Robinson’s works are largely unknown in European studies. Perhaps they are too threatening to Europe’s self-centred and self-embellishing narratives on racism, which would explain European studies scholars’ silent treatment of Robinson’s critique of ‘Europe’ as foundational to the West’s culture of racialism. Unlike the proponents of postcolonial and decolonial studies, Robinson does not challenge Eurocentrism from a non-European perspective, but rather from the erased history of European slavery as the material variant of Western civilisation. To this end, he dives deeply into European medieval and early medieval history with a series of interventions that aim to abolish the notion that European culture was universalist in its trajectory, rather than racialist ab initio. And from that understanding derives the imperative for the abolition of the Western racialist order of civilisation.
对“欧洲”作为种族主义文明的激进批判,使塞德里克·j·罗宾逊的作品从其他批判欧洲的学术著作中脱颖而出。尽管他的“种族资本主义”概念被越来越多地引用,但总的来说,罗宾逊的作品在欧洲研究中基本上是未知的。也许它们对欧洲以自我为中心和自我美化的种族主义叙事构成了太大的威胁,这可以解释为什么欧洲研究学者对罗宾逊对“欧洲”的批评沉默地对待,认为这是西方种族主义文化的基础。与后殖民和去殖民研究的支持者不同,罗宾逊并没有从非欧洲的角度挑战欧洲中心主义,而是从欧洲奴隶制被抹去的历史作为西方文明的物质变体来挑战欧洲中心主义。为此,他深入研究了欧洲中世纪和中世纪早期的历史,并进行了一系列干预,旨在废除欧洲文化在其轨迹上是普遍主义的观念,而不是从头开始的种族主义。从这种理解出发,我们必须废除西方的种族主义文明秩序。
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引用次数: 0
Can Global Capitalism Endure? By William I. Robinson 全球资本主义能持久吗?威廉·I·罗宾逊
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221141026
Jerry Harris
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引用次数: 0
Violent Order: essays on the nature of police By David Correia and Tyler Wall 《暴力秩序:论警察的本质》作者:大卫·科雷亚和泰勒·沃尔
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221142217
Micah Herskind
focus on symptoms as Táíwò alleges (for example, on page 126 of Reconsidering Reparations). Again, Táíwò confuses income and wealth, accusing Darity of being all about income (e.g., p. 143) when, in fact, Darity is all about wealth. Finally, Táíwò’s focus on climate crisis, a ‘green new deal’ (p. 190), and climate reparations fundamentally misunderstands the wider problem of ecological imperialism. That includes but, is not reducible to, climate change. So, what is required is ecological, not just climate, reparations. Yet, Táíwò’s Reconsidering Reparations excels in many more aspects. By building on his insightful critique of Rawlsian approaches to reparations, his powerful reconstruction of reparations and emphasis on how we need to take the remaking of the future into account in reconsidering reparations, it is possible to move past the shoots to the roots of ecological imperialism. Alternatives are clearly needed for a just ecological political economy.
关注Táíwå声称的症状(例如,《重新考虑赔偿》第126页)。同样,Táíwå混淆了收入和财富,指责Darity完全与收入有关(例如,第143页),而事实上,Darity完全是与财富有关。最后,Táíwå对气候危机、“绿色新政”(第190页)和气候赔偿的关注从根本上误解了更广泛的生态帝国主义问题。这包括但不可归结为气候变化。因此,需要的是生态补偿,而不仅仅是气候补偿。然而,Táíwå的《重新考虑赔偿》在许多方面都很出色。通过他对罗尔斯式赔偿方法的深刻批判,他对赔偿的有力重建,以及强调我们在重新考虑赔偿时需要如何考虑对未来的重塑,我们有可能越过萌芽,找到生态帝国主义的根源。一个公正的生态政治经济显然需要替代方案。
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引用次数: 2
Legacy, truth and collusion in the North of Ireland 北爱尔兰的遗产,真相和勾结
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221134026
M. McGovern
The British state is currently taking forward deeply contentious legislation that would essentially end all legacy investigations and court cases relating to the conflict in the North of Ireland (1968–1998). Shaped by a long-term rightwing campaign to prevent any further investigation or prosecution of former British soldiers, and a wider culture of denial of the role of state collusion in the conflict, the legacy proposals are ostensibly defended on the grounds that current mechanisms do not work for victims’ families. This article seeks to both challenge that narrative and to build on earlier analyses of collusion (Race & Class 57, no. 2; 58, no. 3) to demonstrate how recently published reports of official investigations into collusion between state agents and loyalist paramilitaries have provided important information for victims’ families and insights into the patterns of collusion. Such patterns can be identified in terms of state actions and omissions taking place before, during and after lethal loyalist attacks. They include providing weapons and targeting intelligence while failing to provide warnings to those being targeted; the direct involvement of serving and former members of the security forces in loyalist killings; blocking investigations, destroying records and employing (and protecting) state agents and informers involved in mass murder.
英国政府目前正在推进一项极具争议的立法,该立法将从根本上结束与北爱尔兰冲突(1968-1998)有关的所有遗留调查和法庭案件。长期以来,右翼一直在努力阻止对前英国士兵进行进一步调查或起诉,而更广泛的文化是否认国家在冲突中扮演的角色。这些提议的形成,表面上是基于现有机制对受害者家属不起作用的理由进行辩护。本文试图挑战这种叙述,并建立在先前对共谋的分析(种族与阶级57,no。2;58岁的没有。3)证明最近公布的官方调查报告如何为受害者家属提供了重要的信息,并为了解勾结的模式提供了见解。这种模式可以通过在忠诚分子致命袭击之前、期间和之后发生的国家行动和不作为来确定。这些行为包括提供武器和瞄准情报,但没有向目标提供警告;安全部队的现役和前成员直接参与杀害效忠者;阻挠调查,销毁记录,雇佣(并保护)与大屠杀有关的国家特工和告密者。
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引用次数: 1
Seeing off Empire: the life of Pearl Prescod 送别帝国:珀尔·普雷斯科特的一生
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221131260
J. Bourne, Anya Edmond-Pettitt, C. Searle
This article retrieves the life and cultural contributions to Britain of Trinidadian Pearl Prescod, singer, campaigner and the first Black female actor at the National Theatre. She is one of a generation of artists, performers, singers and intellectuals whose contribution to the creation of a Black and anti-colonial strand in British culture in the 1950s and ‘60s has been neglected. By tracking her life from her colonial origins through her migration to Britain and struggles to find work in the 1950s, to her brief break-out professional success in the 1960s and early death in 1966, she is pulled from the historical margins. Her life story, which touches on movements of so many hues – Negritude, Pan-Africanism, Black Power, Communism, campaigns for colonial freedom, the March on Washington, the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination − reveals the strong community connections and internationalism of the time. Pearl, the piece argues, was typical of a whole overlooked ‘West Indian generation’ (of educated and politically militant artists, writers, dramatists and actors) whose anti-colonial consciousness and creative activities challenge the popular accepted narrative of an undifferentiated ‘Windrush generation’. The piece contains an account of witnessing Pearl and her fellow actors perform at the National Theatre.
本文回顾了歌手、活动家、国家剧院首位黑人女演员特里尼达人珀尔·普雷斯科特对英国的生活和文化贡献。她是一代艺术家、表演者、歌手和知识分子中的一员,他们在20世纪50年代和60年代对英国文化中黑人和反殖民文化的创造所做的贡献被忽视了。通过追踪她的生活,从殖民地出身到20世纪50年代移民英国并努力寻找工作,再到20世纪60年代短暂的职业成功和1966年的早逝,她被拉离了历史的边缘。她的人生故事涉及多种色彩的运动——黑人主义、泛非主义、黑人力量、共产主义、争取殖民自由运动、向华盛顿进军、反对种族歧视运动——揭示了当时强大的社区联系和国际主义。文章认为,珀尔是整个被忽视的“西印度一代”(受过教育、政治激进的艺术家、作家、剧作家和演员)的典型代表,他们的反殖民意识和创作活动挑战了人们普遍接受的无差别“风信一代”的叙事。该片讲述了珀尔和她的演员同伴在国家剧院的表演。
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引用次数: 0
Who is behind the ‘war on woke’: an interview with Ralph Wilson and Isaac Kamola 谁是“对觉醒的战争”的幕后推手:采访拉尔夫·威尔逊和艾萨克·卡莫拉
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221127591
Liz Fekete
Manufactured, divisive and destructive outrage over supposed ‘woke’ issues has long been building in the UK, fomented by think-tanks, media and politicians. To understand the relationship between culture wars in the US and the UK, the interests that lie behind them, and what can be learnt from US resistances to corporate donor influence, Liz Fekete interviews Ralph Wilson and Isaac Kamola, authors of Free Speech and Koch Money: manufacturing a campus culture war (Pluto Press, 2021). Wilson and Kamola analyse the situation in terms of a plutocratic class’s counter-revolution against progressive gains in labour, civil rights and consumer and environmental protections. Though corporate leaders do not hesitate to make use of figures on the alt-Right and those who promote racial science, the authors argue that culture wars are ultimately related to the need to unchain wealth from any regulatory or other constraints.
在智库、媒体和政客的煽动下,英国长期以来一直在对所谓的“觉醒”问题制造、分裂和破坏性的愤怒。为了了解美国和英国文化战争之间的关系,背后的利益,以及从美国对企业捐赠影响的抵制中可以学到什么,Liz Fekete采访了Ralph Wilson和Isaac Kamola,他们是《言论自由》和《Koch金钱:制造校园文化战争》(Pluto Press, 2021)的作者。威尔逊和卡莫拉分析了财阀阶级在劳工、公民权利、消费者和环境保护方面的反革命成果。虽然企业领导人会毫不犹豫地利用另类右翼人士和那些提倡种族科学的人,但作者认为,文化战争最终与将财富从任何监管或其他限制中解放出来的需求有关。
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引用次数: 2
Carceral islands: the rise of the Danish deportation archipelago 尸体岛:丹麦驱逐群岛的兴起
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221125346
Sigrid Corry
This article investigates recent plans for the offshoring and externalisation of the Danish border. It traces a series of proposals launched by the Danish government to establish deportation centres on Danish islands for ‘rejected asylum seekers’ facing criminal charges, as well as the Danish People’s Party’s call for their relocation to Greenland. It reads these plans in conjunction with recent legislation enabling the full externalisation of asylum processing to Rwanda (and/or elsewhere), launched with the stated goal of ‘zero asylum-seeking’ in Denmark. These plans, to expel an unwanted population as far as possible and prevent new arrivals, extend an increasingly carceral and exclusionary border regime.
本文调查了丹麦边境离岸外包和外部化的近期计划。它追溯了丹麦政府提出的一系列建议,即在丹麦岛屿上为面临刑事指控的“被拒绝的寻求庇护者”建立驱逐中心,以及丹麦人民党呼吁将他们转移到格陵兰岛。它将这些计划与最近的立法结合起来阅读,这些立法允许将庇护处理完全外部化到卢旺达(和/或其他地方),该立法旨在实现丹麦“零庇护”的既定目标。这些计划旨在尽可能驱逐不受欢迎的人口,防止新移民,扩大了日益严重的尸体和排斥性边境制度。
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引用次数: 1
Return of a Native: learning from the land by Vron Ware 《回归故土:向土地学习》作者:Vron Ware
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-09-16 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221122304
Kate Bernstock
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引用次数: 0
‘The half I keep’: John Berger’s Booker Prize speech fifty years later “我留下一半”:50年后约翰·伯杰的布克奖获奖感言
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1177/03063968221123260
M. Hudson
Fifty years after John Berger’s controversial acceptance speech for the Booker Prize in 1972, in which he highlighted Booker McConnell’s involvement in the colonial exploitation of the Caribbean and announced that he would donate half of the prize money to the British Black Panthers and use the other half to research the situation of European migrant workers, the author reflects on the implications of the speech for anti-racist struggle in the 1970s and today, as well as the direction of Berger’s work after this pivotal intervention.
1972年,约翰·伯杰发表了备受争议的布克奖获奖感言,强调布克·麦康奈尔参与了对加勒比地区的殖民剥削,并宣布将把奖金的一半捐给英国黑豹队,另一半用于研究欧洲移民工人的情况,作者反思了这篇演讲对20世纪70年代和今天反种族主义斗争的影响,以及在这一关键干预之后,伯格的工作方向。
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引用次数: 0
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Race & Class
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