Pub Date : 2022-09-13DOI: 10.1177/03063968221117950
F. Webber
The history of British citizenship is a history of state racism – from the differential treatment of ‘non-patrial’ citizens who acquired citizenship through a colony rather than through British ancestry, which led to the ‘East African Asians’ scandal of 1968, and the quiet withdrawal of British citizenship from former colonial citizens when their countries became independent, which led to the Windrush scandal, through the dilution of the right of citizenship by birth in the UK (ius soli) in 1981, to current laws which apply the logic of deportation and exclusion to black and brown citizens. British citizens are divided into those claiming only British citizenship, who can never lose it whatever they do, and those who, although they may have been born here, have another citizenship and can lose British citizenship on the say-so of a minister. The latter group, with a second-class, disposable, contingent citizenship, are mostly from ethnic minorities – and the changes to citizenship law which have created these classes of citizenship were brought in to target British Muslims of South Asian and Middle Eastern heritage. While the government claims that only those whose actions pose grave threats to national security, or who have committed abhorrent crimes, will lose their citizenship, the division of citizens into those with secure and insecure status affects vastly more people.
{"title":"The racialisation of British citizenship","authors":"F. Webber","doi":"10.1177/03063968221117950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221117950","url":null,"abstract":"The history of British citizenship is a history of state racism – from the differential treatment of ‘non-patrial’ citizens who acquired citizenship through a colony rather than through British ancestry, which led to the ‘East African Asians’ scandal of 1968, and the quiet withdrawal of British citizenship from former colonial citizens when their countries became independent, which led to the Windrush scandal, through the dilution of the right of citizenship by birth in the UK (ius soli) in 1981, to current laws which apply the logic of deportation and exclusion to black and brown citizens. British citizens are divided into those claiming only British citizenship, who can never lose it whatever they do, and those who, although they may have been born here, have another citizenship and can lose British citizenship on the say-so of a minister. The latter group, with a second-class, disposable, contingent citizenship, are mostly from ethnic minorities – and the changes to citizenship law which have created these classes of citizenship were brought in to target British Muslims of South Asian and Middle Eastern heritage. While the government claims that only those whose actions pose grave threats to national security, or who have committed abhorrent crimes, will lose their citizenship, the division of citizens into those with secure and insecure status affects vastly more people.","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"75 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45271964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-09DOI: 10.1177/03063968221115336
B. Gowland
This article details the extensive security regimes deployed against Black Power in the Caribbean that were operated by regional governments and the (neo)colonial British state. These regimes of securitisation targeted radical Black political groups and actors whose Black Power ideology placed them in an antagonistic relation to independent West Indian states and Britain. The author argues that the British state’s involvement in the suppression of Black Power in the Caribbean is inseparable from the domestic repression of the British Black Power movement. But also, shared opposition to British (neo)imperialism and the personal ties of West Indian migrants to Britain connected Black Power resistance on both sides of the Atlantic. By drawing on British Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Ministry of Defence and Cabinet Office files, as well as political newspapers and publications produced at the time, the author traces the British state’s involvement in the transnational repression of Black Power in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
{"title":"Britain and the repression of Black Power in the 1960s and ‘70s","authors":"B. Gowland","doi":"10.1177/03063968221115336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221115336","url":null,"abstract":"This article details the extensive security regimes deployed against Black Power in the Caribbean that were operated by regional governments and the (neo)colonial British state. These regimes of securitisation targeted radical Black political groups and actors whose Black Power ideology placed them in an antagonistic relation to independent West Indian states and Britain. The author argues that the British state’s involvement in the suppression of Black Power in the Caribbean is inseparable from the domestic repression of the British Black Power movement. But also, shared opposition to British (neo)imperialism and the personal ties of West Indian migrants to Britain connected Black Power resistance on both sides of the Atlantic. By drawing on British Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Ministry of Defence and Cabinet Office files, as well as political newspapers and publications produced at the time, the author traces the British state’s involvement in the transnational repression of Black Power in the late 1960s and early 1970s.","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"20 - 37"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42011971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R Heremans, T Van Den Bosch, L Valentin, L Wynants, M A Pascual, R Fruscio, A C Testa, F Buonomo, S Guerriero, E Epstein, T Bourne, D Timmerman, F P G Leone
<p><strong>Objectives: </strong>The primary aim of this study was to describe the ultrasound features of various endometrial and other intracavitary pathologies in women without abnormal uterine bleeding (AUB) using the International Endometrial Tumor Analysis (IETA) terminology. The secondary aim was to compare our findings with published data on women with AUB.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>This was a prospective observational study of women presenting at one of seven centers specialized in gynecological ultrasonography, from 2011 until 2018, for indications unrelated to AUB. All patients underwent transvaginal ultrasound using the IETA examination and measurement techniques. Ultrasonography was performed as part of routine gynecological examination or follow-up of non-endometrial pathology, or as part of the work-up before undergoing treatment for infertility, uterine prolapse or ovarian pathology. Ultrasound findings were described using the IETA terminology. Endometrial sampling was performed after the ultrasound scan. The histological endpoints were endometrial atrophy, proliferative or secretory endometrium, endometrial hyperplasia without atypia, endometrial polyp, intracavitary leiomyoma, endometrial intraepithelial neoplasia (EIN), endometrial cancer (EC) and insufficient tissue. The findings in our cohort of women without AUB were compared with those in a published cohort of women with AUB who were examined with transvaginal ultrasound between 2012 and 2015 using the same IETA examination technique and terminology.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>In this study (IETA3), we included 1745 women without AUB who underwent a standardized transvaginal ultrasound examination followed by either endometrial sampling with histological diagnosis (n = 1537) or at least 1 year of clinical and ultrasound follow-up (n = 208). Of these, 858 (49.2%) women were premenopausal and 887 (50.8%) were postmenopausal. Histology showed the presence of EC and/or EIN in 29 (1.7%) women, endometrial polyps in 1028 (58.9%), intracavitary myomas in 66 (3.8%), proliferative or secretory changes or hyperplasia without atypia in 144 (8.3%), endometrial atrophy in 265 (15.2%) and insufficient tissue in five (0.3%). Most cases of EC or EIN (25/29 (86.2%)) were diagnosed after menopause. The mean endometrial thickness in women with EC or EIN was 11.2 mm (95% CI, 8.9-13.6 mm), being on average 2.4 mm (95% CI, 0.3-4.6 mm) thicker than their benign counterparts. Women with malignant endometrial pathology manifested more frequently non-uniform echogenicity (22/29 (75.9%)) than did those with benign endometrial pathology (929/1716 (54.1%)) (difference, +21.8% (95% CI, +4.2% to +39.2%)). Moderate to abundant vascularization (color score 3-4) was seen in 31.0% (9/29) of cases with EC or EIN compared with 12.8% (220/1716) of those with a benign outcome (difference, +18.2% (95% CI, -0.5% to +36.9%)). Multiple multifocal vessels were recorded in 24.1% (7/29) women with EC or EIN v
{"title":"Ultrasound features of endometrial pathology in women without abnormal uterine bleeding: results from the International Endometrial Tumor Analysis study (IETA3).","authors":"R Heremans, T Van Den Bosch, L Valentin, L Wynants, M A Pascual, R Fruscio, A C Testa, F Buonomo, S Guerriero, E Epstein, T Bourne, D Timmerman, F P G Leone","doi":"10.1002/uog.24910","DOIUrl":"10.1002/uog.24910","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Objectives: </strong>The primary aim of this study was to describe the ultrasound features of various endometrial and other intracavitary pathologies in women without abnormal uterine bleeding (AUB) using the International Endometrial Tumor Analysis (IETA) terminology. The secondary aim was to compare our findings with published data on women with AUB.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>This was a prospective observational study of women presenting at one of seven centers specialized in gynecological ultrasonography, from 2011 until 2018, for indications unrelated to AUB. All patients underwent transvaginal ultrasound using the IETA examination and measurement techniques. Ultrasonography was performed as part of routine gynecological examination or follow-up of non-endometrial pathology, or as part of the work-up before undergoing treatment for infertility, uterine prolapse or ovarian pathology. Ultrasound findings were described using the IETA terminology. Endometrial sampling was performed after the ultrasound scan. The histological endpoints were endometrial atrophy, proliferative or secretory endometrium, endometrial hyperplasia without atypia, endometrial polyp, intracavitary leiomyoma, endometrial intraepithelial neoplasia (EIN), endometrial cancer (EC) and insufficient tissue. The findings in our cohort of women without AUB were compared with those in a published cohort of women with AUB who were examined with transvaginal ultrasound between 2012 and 2015 using the same IETA examination technique and terminology.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>In this study (IETA3), we included 1745 women without AUB who underwent a standardized transvaginal ultrasound examination followed by either endometrial sampling with histological diagnosis (n = 1537) or at least 1 year of clinical and ultrasound follow-up (n = 208). Of these, 858 (49.2%) women were premenopausal and 887 (50.8%) were postmenopausal. Histology showed the presence of EC and/or EIN in 29 (1.7%) women, endometrial polyps in 1028 (58.9%), intracavitary myomas in 66 (3.8%), proliferative or secretory changes or hyperplasia without atypia in 144 (8.3%), endometrial atrophy in 265 (15.2%) and insufficient tissue in five (0.3%). Most cases of EC or EIN (25/29 (86.2%)) were diagnosed after menopause. The mean endometrial thickness in women with EC or EIN was 11.2 mm (95% CI, 8.9-13.6 mm), being on average 2.4 mm (95% CI, 0.3-4.6 mm) thicker than their benign counterparts. Women with malignant endometrial pathology manifested more frequently non-uniform echogenicity (22/29 (75.9%)) than did those with benign endometrial pathology (929/1716 (54.1%)) (difference, +21.8% (95% CI, +4.2% to +39.2%)). Moderate to abundant vascularization (color score 3-4) was seen in 31.0% (9/29) of cases with EC or EIN compared with 12.8% (220/1716) of those with a benign outcome (difference, +18.2% (95% CI, -0.5% to +36.9%)). Multiple multifocal vessels were recorded in 24.1% (7/29) women with EC or EIN v","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"36 1","pages":"243-255"},"PeriodicalIF":6.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87109516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-04DOI: 10.1177/03063968221103073
Judith A. Teichman
This article challenges the notion that populist rhetoric in Latin America primarily and consistently arose in response to recent social dislocations and involves, from the onset, a Manichean struggle of the good people against an evil enemy. Instead, this work seeks the origins of polarisation, so often associated with populism, deep in history: in colonial conquest, in highly unequal economic, social and political relations in the post-independence period, and in nation-building myths that denied the existence of exclusions involving race/culture. Through an analysis of speeches given by former president of Argentina Juan Perón and former president of Venezuela Hugo Chávez, the author demonstrates a strong early conciliatory strain in populist rhetoric that calls for the respect and inclusion of racially and culturally distinct lower-class populist followers and acceptance of their importance to the nation. Initially, this rhetoric does not exclude the opposition in the populist leader’s concept of the nation. The Manichean aspect of populist rhetoric emerges later, when populist leaders come to believe that their pleas for material and cultural/racial inclusion have been and will always be rejected by anti-populists. In this interpretation, populism is a symptom of long-standing exclusion and latent pre-existing polarisation, not its cause.
{"title":"Class and race in Latin America’s left populist politics","authors":"Judith A. Teichman","doi":"10.1177/03063968221103073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221103073","url":null,"abstract":"This article challenges the notion that populist rhetoric in Latin America primarily and consistently arose in response to recent social dislocations and involves, from the onset, a Manichean struggle of the good people against an evil enemy. Instead, this work seeks the origins of polarisation, so often associated with populism, deep in history: in colonial conquest, in highly unequal economic, social and political relations in the post-independence period, and in nation-building myths that denied the existence of exclusions involving race/culture. Through an analysis of speeches given by former president of Argentina Juan Perón and former president of Venezuela Hugo Chávez, the author demonstrates a strong early conciliatory strain in populist rhetoric that calls for the respect and inclusion of racially and culturally distinct lower-class populist followers and acceptance of their importance to the nation. Initially, this rhetoric does not exclude the opposition in the populist leader’s concept of the nation. The Manichean aspect of populist rhetoric emerges later, when populist leaders come to believe that their pleas for material and cultural/racial inclusion have been and will always be rejected by anti-populists. In this interpretation, populism is a symptom of long-standing exclusion and latent pre-existing polarisation, not its cause.","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"55 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43484746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-28DOI: 10.1177/03063968221095733
Joe Greener
This article examines the moral politics of state organised social control in bolstering racialisation in Singapore after the 2013 disturbances in ‘Little India’, when agencies mobilised morally charged discourses regarding alcohol consumption amongst low-income South Asian migrants. Appealing to moral constructions of the ‘riots’ discredited socio-political analyses of the events, after which the state developed a mass architecture of alcohol-related ‘governing through crime’, placing migrant lives under permanent and constant surveillance. The piece contributes to debates about moral economy approaches by connecting the strategic deployment and justification of crime control underpinning racial regimes and reveals inadequacies in critical thinking around ‘race’ in Singapore, most notably a preoccupation with interactional accounts of racism rather than institutional state power.
{"title":"Moralising racial regimes: surveillance and control after Singapore’s ‘Little India riots’","authors":"Joe Greener","doi":"10.1177/03063968221095733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221095733","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the moral politics of state organised social control in bolstering racialisation in Singapore after the 2013 disturbances in ‘Little India’, when agencies mobilised morally charged discourses regarding alcohol consumption amongst low-income South Asian migrants. Appealing to moral constructions of the ‘riots’ discredited socio-political analyses of the events, after which the state developed a mass architecture of alcohol-related ‘governing through crime’, placing migrant lives under permanent and constant surveillance. The piece contributes to debates about moral economy approaches by connecting the strategic deployment and justification of crime control underpinning racial regimes and reveals inadequacies in critical thinking around ‘race’ in Singapore, most notably a preoccupation with interactional accounts of racism rather than institutional state power.","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"46 - 62"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47487214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-28DOI: 10.1177/03063968221103063
Liz Fekete
Following analyses in the US of the reaction to Black Lives Matter in the Blue Lives Matter movement and the recasting of the police as victims, the author explores similar tendencies in Europe, in the context of changes in territorial policing, new technology and enhanced police powers under neoliberalism. She examines how racism has become entrenched in policing as the rank and file are resituating themselves as society’s victims and organising on an ever more extremist agenda. Police excesses are explained away and impunity extended to officers. At the same time, police are assuming the right to a special role and status in society that is not allowed to other agencies or public servants. In some instances, this has spilled over into collusion and collaboration with militarised far-right groups. The penetration of the far Right into policing is compounded by the dehumanisation within policing culture which stigmatises the ‘undeserving poor’ and emphasises threats to social order and governance as arising from marginalised black and ethnic minority communities.
{"title":"Racism, radicalisation and Europe’s ‘Thin Blue Line’","authors":"Liz Fekete","doi":"10.1177/03063968221103063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221103063","url":null,"abstract":"Following analyses in the US of the reaction to Black Lives Matter in the Blue Lives Matter movement and the recasting of the police as victims, the author explores similar tendencies in Europe, in the context of changes in territorial policing, new technology and enhanced police powers under neoliberalism. She examines how racism has become entrenched in policing as the rank and file are resituating themselves as society’s victims and organising on an ever more extremist agenda. Police excesses are explained away and impunity extended to officers. At the same time, police are assuming the right to a special role and status in society that is not allowed to other agencies or public servants. In some instances, this has spilled over into collusion and collaboration with militarised far-right groups. The penetration of the far Right into policing is compounded by the dehumanisation within policing culture which stigmatises the ‘undeserving poor’ and emphasises threats to social order and governance as arising from marginalised black and ethnic minority communities.","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"3 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42177147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-28DOI: 10.1177/03063968221089157
N. Murray
{"title":"Unsilencing Gaza: reflections on resistance by Sara Roy","authors":"N. Murray","doi":"10.1177/03063968221089157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221089157","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"95 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42449077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-28DOI: 10.1177/03063968221099784
J. Newsinger
{"title":"Legacy of Violence: a history of the British Empire by Caroline Elkins","authors":"J. Newsinger","doi":"10.1177/03063968221099784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221099784","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"99 - 102"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48637625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-19DOI: 10.1177/03063968221105740
Jerry Harris
The Russian invasion of Ukraine is a powerful assertion of geopolitical power and conflict. But Russia’s nationalist and expansionary drive takes place within the context of transnational economic ties. Such ties help define the nature of the war, and both the Russian and western response. The contradictory pressures of nationalist desires conflicting with transnational integration is an underappreciated complexity of the war that this article will explore.
{"title":"The conflict between national and transnational power: the Russian trap","authors":"Jerry Harris","doi":"10.1177/03063968221105740","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221105740","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian invasion of Ukraine is a powerful assertion of geopolitical power and conflict. But Russia’s nationalist and expansionary drive takes place within the context of transnational economic ties. Such ties help define the nature of the war, and both the Russian and western response. The contradictory pressures of nationalist desires conflicting with transnational integration is an underappreciated complexity of the war that this article will explore.","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"3 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43046255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-09DOI: 10.1177/03063968221098623
Andrew Brooks, A. Lorange
This article argues that property law can be understood as a key infrastructure of settler-colonial sovereignty. Rather than a simple importation of British law, the frontier mentality of the colonial outpost allowed for the implementation of a new legal framework for the allocation and registration of land. Taking the example of Torrens Title allows for an analysis of the ‘structures of feeling’ that are generated by, and that naturalise in turn, the possessive claim to property. We consider how the history of property as fungible commodity is entangled with the history of racialisation, and how Torrens Title shows the material and affective dimensions of settler law and of the long struggle to resist its illegal claim to sovereignty. We analyse the 2018 video essay Drawing Rights by Rachel O’Reilly, considering the troubled relationship between white possession and the unbroken sovereignty it denies, yet which remains a constant threat to the settler state. Her work articulates what Ruth Wilson Gilmore calls ‘infrastructures of feeling’, which, we argue, describes the way anti-colonial consciousness can materialise against structures and attachments of settlement.
{"title":"Torrens Title: property, race and (infra)structures of feeling in the settler colony","authors":"Andrew Brooks, A. Lorange","doi":"10.1177/03063968221098623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968221098623","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that property law can be understood as a key infrastructure of settler-colonial sovereignty. Rather than a simple importation of British law, the frontier mentality of the colonial outpost allowed for the implementation of a new legal framework for the allocation and registration of land. Taking the example of Torrens Title allows for an analysis of the ‘structures of feeling’ that are generated by, and that naturalise in turn, the possessive claim to property. We consider how the history of property as fungible commodity is entangled with the history of racialisation, and how Torrens Title shows the material and affective dimensions of settler law and of the long struggle to resist its illegal claim to sovereignty. We analyse the 2018 video essay Drawing Rights by Rachel O’Reilly, considering the troubled relationship between white possession and the unbroken sovereignty it denies, yet which remains a constant threat to the settler state. Her work articulates what Ruth Wilson Gilmore calls ‘infrastructures of feeling’, which, we argue, describes the way anti-colonial consciousness can materialise against structures and attachments of settlement.","PeriodicalId":47028,"journal":{"name":"Race & Class","volume":"64 1","pages":"63 - 83"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45036250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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