Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2022.2081892
Gabrielle G. Gonzales
Abstract In March 2020, the United States began the process of quarantine and isolation due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In May 2020, widespread Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests occurred as a result of the publicized police murder of George Floyd. This article analyzes Instagram posts of popular food bloggers responding to COVID-19 and BLM protests. I find that food bloggers tend to discuss these issues on their Instagram accounts from an individualized perspective, reflecting US ideology toward individualism and failure to act on structural racism. I frame food blogs as a modern form of self-help models and literature which impede the ability to see structural problems and find structural solutions. The individualized approaches taken by food bloggers tend to reflect their privilege as white, middle-class women while also demonstrating continued gendered pressures to work, maintain the household, and raise a healthy family. Overall findings demonstrate the tension between individual level approaches to racism and structural reform needed to combat racism, resulting in depoliticization of issues stemming from systemic racism, impeding effort to create a conversation regarding impactful institutional change.
{"title":"COVID-19, Black Lives Matter, and healthy food blogs: individualized approaches to racial health inequalities","authors":"Gabrielle G. Gonzales","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2022.2081892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2081892","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In March 2020, the United States began the process of quarantine and isolation due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In May 2020, widespread Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests occurred as a result of the publicized police murder of George Floyd. This article analyzes Instagram posts of popular food bloggers responding to COVID-19 and BLM protests. I find that food bloggers tend to discuss these issues on their Instagram accounts from an individualized perspective, reflecting US ideology toward individualism and failure to act on structural racism. I frame food blogs as a modern form of self-help models and literature which impede the ability to see structural problems and find structural solutions. The individualized approaches taken by food bloggers tend to reflect their privilege as white, middle-class women while also demonstrating continued gendered pressures to work, maintain the household, and raise a healthy family. Overall findings demonstrate the tension between individual level approaches to racism and structural reform needed to combat racism, resulting in depoliticization of issues stemming from systemic racism, impeding effort to create a conversation regarding impactful institutional change.","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48157462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2022.2081894
A. Farrell, Raul S Casarez, Xiaorui Zhang, Sharan Kaur Mehta
Abstract Many different external factors shape Asian American identity. However, the effect of political elections on racial, ethnic, and national identities has been understudied. This research explores whether political elections represent moments of exogenous shock that can shape the importance of three different dimensions of identities for Asian Americans. This study uses data from the 2016 National Asian American Survey (n = 3,643) to test for a relationship between the racialized rhetoric surrounding the 2016 U.S. presidential election and the aforementioned aspects of Asian American identity. Regression analyses suggest that the election shaped patterns of centrality of racial, national and ethnic identity among Asian Americans, albeit differently across ethnic groups. Specifically, American identity centrality increased for Chinese respondents post-election relative to pre-election, but did not shift significantly for any other group. On the other hand, racial identity centrality significantly decreased for Filipino and Vietnamese respondents post-election, while other groups did not experience a significant change in their racial identity centrality. Finally, ethnic identity centrality only decreased significantly among Korean respondents post-election. This research suggests that these identities among Asian Americans are sensitive to external events, such as political elections, and that the effects of racialized political rhetoric vary across ethnicity.
{"title":"Message received: Asian Americans’ racial, ethnic, and national identity centrality before and after the 2016 election","authors":"A. Farrell, Raul S Casarez, Xiaorui Zhang, Sharan Kaur Mehta","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2022.2081894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2081894","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Many different external factors shape Asian American identity. However, the effect of political elections on racial, ethnic, and national identities has been understudied. This research explores whether political elections represent moments of exogenous shock that can shape the importance of three different dimensions of identities for Asian Americans. This study uses data from the 2016 National Asian American Survey (n = 3,643) to test for a relationship between the racialized rhetoric surrounding the 2016 U.S. presidential election and the aforementioned aspects of Asian American identity. Regression analyses suggest that the election shaped patterns of centrality of racial, national and ethnic identity among Asian Americans, albeit differently across ethnic groups. Specifically, American identity centrality increased for Chinese respondents post-election relative to pre-election, but did not shift significantly for any other group. On the other hand, racial identity centrality significantly decreased for Filipino and Vietnamese respondents post-election, while other groups did not experience a significant change in their racial identity centrality. Finally, ethnic identity centrality only decreased significantly among Korean respondents post-election. This research suggests that these identities among Asian Americans are sensitive to external events, such as political elections, and that the effects of racialized political rhetoric vary across ethnicity.","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46134432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2022.2081639
Sk. Faijan Bin Halim, Sojal Mridha, Nishad Nasrin, Md. Karimul Islam, M. Hossain
Abstract Following the spread of COVID-19, the prolonged lockdown has adversely affected not only the mental health but also the socioeconomic well-being of people, particularly the underprivileged population, across the world. This study was designed to assess the mental health of middle-income people and its association with the socioeconomic crises that emerged from the COVID-19 pandemic in Bangladesh. A semi-structured interview schedule in Bangla was administered to conveniently collect the data from 150 participants based on certain specifications. Findings suggest that COVID-19 status, household debt, and depression were significantly associated with mental stress among middle-income people. Depression, on the other hand, was substantially affected by socio-demographic and socioeconomic status as well as their hygiene and government support during the COVID-19 pandemic. Likewise, an individual’s anxiety was determined by income during the COVID-19 pandemic, quarantine status, personal hygiene, and socio-demographic factors. To reduce the pandemic-induced stress, depression, and anxiety, the government should provide financial assistance through social safety net and create alternative livelihood opportunities using existing resources. Besides, policymakers should implement community awareness programs about the risk of COVID-19 to minimize both risk of infection and mental health stress.
{"title":"Socioeconomic crisis and mental health stress among the middle-income group during the covid-19 pandemic","authors":"Sk. Faijan Bin Halim, Sojal Mridha, Nishad Nasrin, Md. Karimul Islam, M. Hossain","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2022.2081639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2081639","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Following the spread of COVID-19, the prolonged lockdown has adversely affected not only the mental health but also the socioeconomic well-being of people, particularly the underprivileged population, across the world. This study was designed to assess the mental health of middle-income people and its association with the socioeconomic crises that emerged from the COVID-19 pandemic in Bangladesh. A semi-structured interview schedule in Bangla was administered to conveniently collect the data from 150 participants based on certain specifications. Findings suggest that COVID-19 status, household debt, and depression were significantly associated with mental stress among middle-income people. Depression, on the other hand, was substantially affected by socio-demographic and socioeconomic status as well as their hygiene and government support during the COVID-19 pandemic. Likewise, an individual’s anxiety was determined by income during the COVID-19 pandemic, quarantine status, personal hygiene, and socio-demographic factors. To reduce the pandemic-induced stress, depression, and anxiety, the government should provide financial assistance through social safety net and create alternative livelihood opportunities using existing resources. Besides, policymakers should implement community awareness programs about the risk of COVID-19 to minimize both risk of infection and mental health stress.","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44664479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2022.2068101
A. Crowell
Abstract This purpose of this study is to understand the nature of rent exploitation, or the cost burden that marginalized renters bear in an unequal housing market. I ask how rent exploitation is related to neighborhood characteristics and facilitated by residential segregation, and is further associated with housing problems including rent burden and eviction. Using the American Community Survey, I analyze rent exploitation and rent burden in neighborhoods by how they relate to neighborhood characteristics and residential segregation. I also use eviction records for a case study of Harris County, TX to analyze how rent exploitation impacts eviction rates. I find that neighborhoods with higher percentages of racially minoritized households and households below the poverty line experience higher levels of rent exploitation. Furthermore I find residential segregation is associated with more unequal levels of rent exploitation. Regression and GIS analysis together reveal that Black, Latinx, and poorer neighborhoods experience the highest levels of rent exploitation and eviction in Harris County. These findings reveal the conditions under which renters are more vulnerable to rent exploitation. Residential segregation is a mechanism of racial capitalism that makes inequality durable at the expense of Black and Latinx renters and renters below the poverty line.
{"title":"Renting under racial capitalism: residential segregation and rent exploitation in the United States","authors":"A. Crowell","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2022.2068101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2068101","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This purpose of this study is to understand the nature of rent exploitation, or the cost burden that marginalized renters bear in an unequal housing market. I ask how rent exploitation is related to neighborhood characteristics and facilitated by residential segregation, and is further associated with housing problems including rent burden and eviction. Using the American Community Survey, I analyze rent exploitation and rent burden in neighborhoods by how they relate to neighborhood characteristics and residential segregation. I also use eviction records for a case study of Harris County, TX to analyze how rent exploitation impacts eviction rates. I find that neighborhoods with higher percentages of racially minoritized households and households below the poverty line experience higher levels of rent exploitation. Furthermore I find residential segregation is associated with more unequal levels of rent exploitation. Regression and GIS analysis together reveal that Black, Latinx, and poorer neighborhoods experience the highest levels of rent exploitation and eviction in Harris County. These findings reveal the conditions under which renters are more vulnerable to rent exploitation. Residential segregation is a mechanism of racial capitalism that makes inequality durable at the expense of Black and Latinx renters and renters below the poverty line.","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45743259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2022.2068100
D. Rosenberg
Abstract This study examined the factors shaping immigrants' intention to stay in the host country. The data were attained from the immigrant survey conducted in Israel (N = 3,611) and analyzed using logistic regression models. The results show that labor market occupation, satisfaction with financial condition, belonging to 1.5 generation, number of years since migration, feeling at home in Israel, life satisfaction, immigration due to idealistic pull factors, and transnational ties maintenance relate to immigrants’ intention to stay in the host country. Analysis by groups (Ethiopia, Former USSR, and Europe-America) revealed that 1.5-generation immigrants were less likely to intend to stay in the country than first-generation immigrants in all three groups. Albeit in different directions, the number of years since migration related to the outcome variable in all three groups. Other significantly associated factors predicted the studied phenomenon in any one or two studied groups. The results imply that immigration-related phenomena are better understood when relating not only to the entire immigrant population but also to its separate groups. They also imply that the migration research conducted in the assimilation paradigm should examine the factors the relation of which to the studied phenomena may be explained using various theoretical frameworks.
{"title":"Factors associated with the intention to stay in Israel among post-1990 immigrants","authors":"D. Rosenberg","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2022.2068100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2068100","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study examined the factors shaping immigrants' intention to stay in the host country. The data were attained from the immigrant survey conducted in Israel (N = 3,611) and analyzed using logistic regression models. The results show that labor market occupation, satisfaction with financial condition, belonging to 1.5 generation, number of years since migration, feeling at home in Israel, life satisfaction, immigration due to idealistic pull factors, and transnational ties maintenance relate to immigrants’ intention to stay in the host country. Analysis by groups (Ethiopia, Former USSR, and Europe-America) revealed that 1.5-generation immigrants were less likely to intend to stay in the country than first-generation immigrants in all three groups. Albeit in different directions, the number of years since migration related to the outcome variable in all three groups. Other significantly associated factors predicted the studied phenomenon in any one or two studied groups. The results imply that immigration-related phenomena are better understood when relating not only to the entire immigrant population but also to its separate groups. They also imply that the migration research conducted in the assimilation paradigm should examine the factors the relation of which to the studied phenomena may be explained using various theoretical frameworks.","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41518621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-04DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2022.2030647
T. Deshotels, Shelly A. McGrath
Selected Abstracts from the 47th Annual Mid-South Sociological Association meetings in Charlotte, NC, October 21–23, 2021 Tina Deshotels and Shelly A. McGrath Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, Alabama, USA; University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, Alabama, USA UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH (1) Examining the digital divide during the pandemic: a snapshot of the Southeastern United States Ryan Jackson Howard and Justin McPherson Troy University The COVID-19 pandemic necessitated an unprecedented shift to online educational instruction for American youth over the past 18 months. Given consistent documentation of a digital divide, which broadly refers to unequal access to both internet and internet-enabled devices across demographic groups, limited access to the tools necessary to support online learning presents a clear problem for households unable to support a student learning in a virtual format. To explore and examine the associations between the pandemic on the digital divide in the Southeast, we relied on 27 weeks of combined data from the Household Pulse Survey. We found notable differences in access to both computers and internet among respondents. Specifically, data indicate children in lower income households are less likely to always or usually have access to a computer or digital device for educational purposes, as well as internet access, than are those from higher income households. We also found evidence of a digital divide by race, although the differences were smaller than differences by household income. Although our data preclude associations with indicators of educational achievement, existing literature suggests the coinciding digital divide and shift to online instruction might exacerbate existing educational disparities for youth in the southeast. Afraid of what: predictors of fear of being victimized Stanley Henderson Samford University Fear has more power and influence over our lives than we may realize. People who are fearful of airplanes tend to drive when they travel. People that are afraid of drowning don’t go into deep waters. Fear shapes what policies we have distributed through government and impacts the extent people will go to make themselves feel safe. Using the 2018 General Social Survey I aimed to predict what leads people to be fearful in their own neighborhood. My hypothesis is that people with higher amounts of fear are also people who are white and live in more racially diverse areas. My dependent variable to measure respondents fear was if someone felt safe walking in their neighborhood at night. My independent variables are owning a gun, favor or opposing the death penalty, the amount of diversity in their neighborhood, and region. I controlled for race, gender, and family income. I will discuss key findings and implications of this research. 2022 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC SOCIOLOGICAL SPECTRUM 2022, VOL. 42, NO. S1, S1–S49 https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2030647 Correctional officer per
{"title":"Selected Abstracts from the 47th Annual Mid-South Sociological Association meetings in Charlotte, NC, October 21–23, 2021","authors":"T. Deshotels, Shelly A. McGrath","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2022.2030647","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2030647","url":null,"abstract":"Selected Abstracts from the 47th Annual Mid-South Sociological Association meetings in Charlotte, NC, October 21–23, 2021 Tina Deshotels and Shelly A. McGrath Jacksonville State University, Jacksonville, Alabama, USA; University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, Alabama, USA UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH (1) Examining the digital divide during the pandemic: a snapshot of the Southeastern United States Ryan Jackson Howard and Justin McPherson Troy University The COVID-19 pandemic necessitated an unprecedented shift to online educational instruction for American youth over the past 18 months. Given consistent documentation of a digital divide, which broadly refers to unequal access to both internet and internet-enabled devices across demographic groups, limited access to the tools necessary to support online learning presents a clear problem for households unable to support a student learning in a virtual format. To explore and examine the associations between the pandemic on the digital divide in the Southeast, we relied on 27 weeks of combined data from the Household Pulse Survey. We found notable differences in access to both computers and internet among respondents. Specifically, data indicate children in lower income households are less likely to always or usually have access to a computer or digital device for educational purposes, as well as internet access, than are those from higher income households. We also found evidence of a digital divide by race, although the differences were smaller than differences by household income. Although our data preclude associations with indicators of educational achievement, existing literature suggests the coinciding digital divide and shift to online instruction might exacerbate existing educational disparities for youth in the southeast. Afraid of what: predictors of fear of being victimized Stanley Henderson Samford University Fear has more power and influence over our lives than we may realize. People who are fearful of airplanes tend to drive when they travel. People that are afraid of drowning don’t go into deep waters. Fear shapes what policies we have distributed through government and impacts the extent people will go to make themselves feel safe. Using the 2018 General Social Survey I aimed to predict what leads people to be fearful in their own neighborhood. My hypothesis is that people with higher amounts of fear are also people who are white and live in more racially diverse areas. My dependent variable to measure respondents fear was if someone felt safe walking in their neighborhood at night. My independent variables are owning a gun, favor or opposing the death penalty, the amount of diversity in their neighborhood, and region. I controlled for race, gender, and family income. I will discuss key findings and implications of this research. 2022 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC SOCIOLOGICAL SPECTRUM 2022, VOL. 42, NO. S1, S1–S49 https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2030647 Correctional officer per","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47047461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2021.2024467
Farinaz Basmechi, D. Barnes, M. Heydari
Abstract This article focuses on the My Stealthy Freedom movement, an anti-mandatory hijab movement in Iran that is organized as an online movement. We explore the utility of a tactical approach for explaining the movement’s pace of insurgency. We employ a conceptual repertoire focused upon the political process model’s core concepts of tactical innovation and tactical adaptations. We supplement these older concepts with the recently proposed concept of tactical freeze and propose an additional concept of tactical hashtags. We gather as a dataset through text-mining techniques the Instagram posts of the movement’s founder and the reactions of people to those posts. The data include the number of posts, “likes,” and comments in response to movement hashtags created between 2015 and 2019. We conclude that the movement’s emergence and early growth were enhanced by its tactical innovations, which heavily relied on hashtag activism. We discover that a specific type of hashtag—tactical hashtags—was of particular importance. The movement was unsuccessful, however, in changing the government’s pro-hijab policy. In its tactical adaptations, the government passed more hijab regulations and stiffened penalties for resistance. The movement was undercut by these tactical adaptations and by a tactical freeze wherein it failed to develop tactical innovations capable of surmounting government repression.
{"title":"Hashtag activism: tactical maneuvering in an online anti-mandatory hijab movement","authors":"Farinaz Basmechi, D. Barnes, M. Heydari","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2021.2024467","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2021.2024467","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article focuses on the My Stealthy Freedom movement, an anti-mandatory hijab movement in Iran that is organized as an online movement. We explore the utility of a tactical approach for explaining the movement’s pace of insurgency. We employ a conceptual repertoire focused upon the political process model’s core concepts of tactical innovation and tactical adaptations. We supplement these older concepts with the recently proposed concept of tactical freeze and propose an additional concept of tactical hashtags. We gather as a dataset through text-mining techniques the Instagram posts of the movement’s founder and the reactions of people to those posts. The data include the number of posts, “likes,” and comments in response to movement hashtags created between 2015 and 2019. We conclude that the movement’s emergence and early growth were enhanced by its tactical innovations, which heavily relied on hashtag activism. We discover that a specific type of hashtag—tactical hashtags—was of particular importance. The movement was unsuccessful, however, in changing the government’s pro-hijab policy. In its tactical adaptations, the government passed more hijab regulations and stiffened penalties for resistance. The movement was undercut by these tactical adaptations and by a tactical freeze wherein it failed to develop tactical innovations capable of surmounting government repression.","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47446419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2022.2068099
Katelynn Towne
Abstract This study explores retrospective social media experiences of college students from the St. Louis area and their level of engagement with content on police use of force, using qualitative semi-structured interviews (N = 32). Participants were asked about their online experiences with content showing the police use of force, the extent of their engagement with the content, and the types of police force they approve of. The study revealed that most participants who use social media experienced emotions of sadness, anger, and frustration when they observed the police use of force online, making them question police legitimacy. Although a majority of participants acknowledged police use of force news on social media helped them form opinions about law enforcement, only a small portion chose to share this content on their social media platforms. This is possibly due to the fear of negative backlash and/or employment and other opportunities they may be denied. Use of force approval rationales also varied by race when participants imagined hypothetical instances. The findings have implications for theories of media and race relations.
{"title":"“My friends keep me woke about these things”: how college students experience and engage with police use of force content on social media","authors":"Katelynn Towne","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2022.2068099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2068099","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study explores retrospective social media experiences of college students from the St. Louis area and their level of engagement with content on police use of force, using qualitative semi-structured interviews (N = 32). Participants were asked about their online experiences with content showing the police use of force, the extent of their engagement with the content, and the types of police force they approve of. The study revealed that most participants who use social media experienced emotions of sadness, anger, and frustration when they observed the police use of force online, making them question police legitimacy. Although a majority of participants acknowledged police use of force news on social media helped them form opinions about law enforcement, only a small portion chose to share this content on their social media platforms. This is possibly due to the fear of negative backlash and/or employment and other opportunities they may be denied. Use of force approval rationales also varied by race when participants imagined hypothetical instances. The findings have implications for theories of media and race relations.","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42821853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2022.2059037
Ryan D. Talbert
Abstract This study uses insights from the white racial frame perspective to examine associations among race-ethnicity, region, and reactions to viewing the Confederate flag using public opinion data from 2011 and 2015. Data come from pooled nationally representative cross-sectional surveys collected by the Pew Research Center (n = 3,092). Results from adjusted multinomial logit models showed that U.S. adults were on average more likely to react positively to seeing the Confederate flag in 2015 than in 2011. Increased positive responses were driven largely by whites whose odds of reacting positively in 2015 increased 2-fold relative to 2011. Compared with black Americans, whites were more likely to react positively to viewing the Confederate flag, and Latinx respondents were less likely to react negatively to the flag. Further inquiry into intragroup differences showed that the adjusted probability of reacting positively in 2015 increased by 14% for whites in former Confederate states and by 8% for whites outside the former Confederacy. Reliance on the dominant white racial frame typically invokes positive reactions to the Confederate flag because of its symbolism of white supremacy, antiblackness, and an ahistorical and romanticized Lost Cause of the civil war.
{"title":"How do you react to seeing the confederate flag? Examining public reactions by race-ethnicity and region","authors":"Ryan D. Talbert","doi":"10.1080/02732173.2022.2059037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2022.2059037","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study uses insights from the white racial frame perspective to examine associations among race-ethnicity, region, and reactions to viewing the Confederate flag using public opinion data from 2011 and 2015. Data come from pooled nationally representative cross-sectional surveys collected by the Pew Research Center (n = 3,092). Results from adjusted multinomial logit models showed that U.S. adults were on average more likely to react positively to seeing the Confederate flag in 2015 than in 2011. Increased positive responses were driven largely by whites whose odds of reacting positively in 2015 increased 2-fold relative to 2011. Compared with black Americans, whites were more likely to react positively to viewing the Confederate flag, and Latinx respondents were less likely to react negatively to the flag. Further inquiry into intragroup differences showed that the adjusted probability of reacting positively in 2015 increased by 14% for whites in former Confederate states and by 8% for whites outside the former Confederacy. Reliance on the dominant white racial frame typically invokes positive reactions to the Confederate flag because of its symbolism of white supremacy, antiblackness, and an ahistorical and romanticized Lost Cause of the civil war.","PeriodicalId":47106,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Spectrum","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43334776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-28DOI: 10.1080/02732173.2021.2019151
Harvey L. Nicholson
Abstract Using data from a national sample, I examine Blacks’ feelings of closeness toward Asians in the United States. More specifically, I explore the following: (1) perceived closeness toward Asians, (2) correlates of perceived closeness, and (3) ethnic and national/cultural origin differences in perceived closeness. Results show that feelings of closeness toward Asians are rather similar between African Americans, Jamaicans, Haitians, Spanish-speaking Caribbeans, Trinidadians, and other English-speaking Caribbeans. Ethnic subgroup regression analyses reveal several interesting findings. Only among African Americans, everyday discrimination was negatively associated with feelings of closeness toward Asians. Living in the Northeast was positively correlated with perceived closeness toward Asians. Living in the Midwest, being married, financial strain, and higher educational attainment were correlates of closeness toward Asians only among Black Caribbeans. For Blacks overall, having immigrated to the United States more than 20 years ago was positively correlated with feelings of closeness toward Asians compared to native-born Blacks. While being female and everyday discrimination decreased feelings of closeness, positive Black group evaluation and higher religiosity levels increased feelings of closeness. Considering the growing diversity within the Black population in the United States to assess Black-Asian relations, these findings identify several correlates of their felt closeness toward Asians. These results can improve our understanding of Black-Asian relations more broadly, which is especially crucial given the unique dynamic between these two racial groups and ongoing perception of Black-Asian conflict.
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