Journal of Social History最新文献_第10页

How White Men Won The Culture Wars: A History of Veteran America by Joseph Darda (review) Joseph Darda的《白人如何赢得文化战争：美国退伍军人史》（综述）

IF 0.8 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-07-30 DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shac037

David Kieran

Two decades into the twenty-first century, the celebration of military personnel and veterans continues unabated. One can hardly attend a sporting event, board an airplane, or drive through a small town without either witnessing or being asked to participate in some celebration of military service. As scholars such as Andrew Bacevich have noted, these uncritical celebrations have made it easier for the United States to engage in perpetual warfare. Appeals to veterans’ exceptionality have also, Joseph Darda explains in his important book How White Men Won The Culture Wars: A History of Veteran America, become “an unassailable method for undercutting black activism in sports” (186). This phenomenon, Darda argues, is the product of a half century or cultural work, undertaken by liberals and conservatives, that has imagined veterans as an aggrieved and, notably, white population whose needs must be privileged. In response to “the civil rights, feminist, and antiwar movements,” he argues, “White men discovered that they could reclaim [their] standing [by] alleging that the government had neglected them to meet the demands of people of color and women while leaving them for dead in Vietnam. . . . The legitimate suffering of some vets gave them a figure through whom they could articulate a racial grievance without acknowledging it as racial” (34). Darda’s work is indebted to a generation of scholars of Vietnam’s legacy who precede him, including Marita Sturken, H. Bruce Franklin, Susan Jeffords, and Kathleen Belew. As a result, on first glance some of the texts he chooses to analyze and some of his specific points about them will be familiar to readers conversant with this literature. This is to be expected, to some degree; there is only so much one can say about Rambo, First Blood: Part II. Where Darda excels, though, is in his ability to locate these texts within the larger assertion of an aggrieved white identity. He begins by illustrating how the Vietnam War was constructed as a traumatic site for white veterans, eliding the experiences of servicemembers of color (43-44, 47, 52). In his strongest chapters, Darda provides compelling readings of a range of cultural products while also attending to their production and reception. Noting that Larry Heineman’s Paco’s Story beat out Toni Morrison’s Beloved for the National Book Award in 1987, for example, he argues that Heineman nonetheless “maintained that the war novelist had no home in American literature, that critics looked down on him . . . . for reminding them of a war that they wished to forget” (65). Through such analyses,

进入二十一世纪二十年，对军事人员和退伍军人的庆祝活动有增无减。一个人很难在不见证或被要求参加兵役庆典的情况下参加体育赛事、登机或开车穿过小镇。正如安德鲁·巴切维奇等学者所指出的，这些不加批判的庆祝活动使美国更容易陷入永久战争。Joseph Darda在其重要著作《白人如何赢得文化战争：美国退伍军人史》中解释说，对退伍军人例外性的呼吁也成为“削弱黑人体育激进主义的无懈可击的方法”（186）。Darda认为，这种现象是自由派和保守派半个世纪或文化工作的产物，他们将退伍军人想象成一个愤愤不平的人，尤其是白人，他们的需求必须得到特权。他认为，为了回应“民权、女权主义和反战运动”，“白人男性发现，他们可以通过声称政府忽视了他们来满足有色人种和女性的要求，而把他们留在越南等死……一些兽医的合法痛苦给了他们一个形象，他们可以在不承认种族的情况下表达种族不满”（34）。Darda的工作归功于他之前的一代越南遗产学者，包括Marita Sturken、H.Bruce Franklin、Susan Jeffords和Kathleen Belew。因此，乍一看，他选择分析的一些文本以及他对这些文本的一些具体观点，熟悉这些文献的读者会很熟悉。这在某种程度上是意料之中的；关于兰博，《第一滴血：第二部分》，我们只能说这么多。然而，达的长处在于，他能够在一个愤愤不平的白人身份的更大断言中定位这些文本。他首先阐述了越南战争是如何被建造成白人退伍军人的创伤场所的，忽略了有色人种服役人员的经历（43-44，47，52）。在他最精彩的章节中，达对一系列文化产品进行了引人入胜的解读，同时也参与了它们的制作和接待。例如，注意到拉里·海涅曼的《帕科的故事》在1987年击败托尼·莫里森的《宠儿》获得国家图书奖，他认为海涅曼仍然“坚持认为这位战争小说家在美国文学中没有家，评论家们看不起他……因为他提醒了他们一场他们希望忘记的战争”（65）。通过这样的分析，

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引用次数: 0

Immigration: An American History by Carl J. Bon Tempo and Hasia R. Diner (review) 《移民：美国历史》，卡尔·J·邦·坦波和哈西娅·R·迪纳著（评论）

IF 0.8 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-07-26 DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shac038

Brenda Shanahan

In co-authoring Immigration: An American History, two of the nation’s leading experts on the subject—Carl Bon Tempo and Hasia Diner—have taken on possibly their greatest challenge yet: surveying four centuries of U.S. immigration history in a captivating yet concise narrative that engages general interest, student, and academic readers alike. Their adroit organization of the book, incorporation of classic and recent works of scholarship covering a wide array of subfields and subjects, and crisp narration of major immigration policy developments alongside concrete demonstrations of representative migrant experiences combine to produce an excellent and original work of synthesis. At a succinct 364 pages of main text, the book proceeds briskly. After a short introduction, the authors divide their work into thirteen chapters, each about twenty-five pages in length. While the chapters largely cover distinct historical eras and advance in chronological order, lengthier time periods—especially those which witnessed high rates of immigration—often receive two chapters split along thematic lines. Though the book prudently eschews broad theorizations in favor of a narrative synthesis, the authors do offer three bigpicture conclusions in their epilogue: that “Immigrants came . . . in search of a better life,” that “the state . . . shaped immigration,” and that “Immigrants are like us” (italics in original; 362, 363). The paired chapters stand out among the book’s many strengths as especially efficacious. They afford the authors enough space to dive into social, cultural, and economic histories of immigrants in one chapter while describing contemporaneous immigration politics and policy developments in the other. This organization, in turn, allows the authors to lean into their respective areas of expertise and past publications (such as Diner’s socioeconomic and cultural explorations of Jewish, Irish, and/or women’s immigration history and Bon Tempo’s work on the development of post-World War II U.S. refugee law) while interweaving older and newer examples of immigration scholarship (on subjects ranging from the evolution of the federal immigration apparatus to various immigrant rights movements). While this structure does produce occasional complications (with content about the Dillingham Commission split among back-to-back chapters, for instance), its benefits far outweigh these slight costs.

在共同撰写《移民：美国历史》一书时，美国在这一主题上的两位顶尖专家Carl Bon Tempo和Hasia Diner承担了可能是他们迄今为止最大的挑战：以引人入胜但简洁的叙述方式调查美国四个世纪的移民史，吸引了广大学生和学术读者的兴趣。他们巧妙地组织了这本书，融合了涵盖广泛子领域和主题的经典和最新学术著作，对主要移民政策发展的清晰叙述，以及对具有代表性的移民经历的具体展示，共同创作了一部优秀而原创的综合作品。这本书的正文长达364页，简明扼要。在简短的介绍之后，作者将他们的作品分为十三章，每章大约二十五页。虽然这些章节主要涵盖不同的历史时代，并按时间顺序排列，但较长的时间段——尤其是那些移民率较高的时期——通常会分为两章，按主题划分。尽管这本书谨慎地避开了广泛的理论，而倾向于叙事综合，但作者在后记中确实给出了三个宏观结论：“移民来了……是为了寻求更好的生活”，“国家……塑造了移民”，以及“移民和我们一样”（原文斜体；362363）。成对的章节在这本书的许多优点中脱颖而出，特别有效。它们为作者提供了足够的空间，在一章中深入研究移民的社会、文化和经济历史，而在另一章中描述同期的移民政治和政策发展。这个组织反过来，允许作者深入研究他们各自的专业领域和过去的出版物（如Diner对犹太、爱尔兰和/或妇女移民史的社会经济和文化探索，以及Bon Tempo关于二战后美国难民法发展的工作），同时将移民奖学金的新旧例子交织在一起（主题从联邦移民机构的演变到各种移民权利运动）。虽然这种结构偶尔会产生复杂的情况（例如，关于迪林厄姆委员会的内容被分成背靠背的章节），但它的好处远远超过这些微小的成本。

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引用次数: 0

The Deportation Express: A History of America Through Forced Removal. By Ethan Blue 驱逐快车:美国历史上的强制迁移。伊森·布鲁

IF 0.8 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-07-23 DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shac040

Adam Goodman

引用次数: 0

Sustainable Utopias: The Art and Politics of Hope in Germany by Jennifer Allen (review) 《可持续乌托邦:德国希望的艺术与政治》詹妮弗·艾伦著(书评)

IF 0.8 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-07-23 DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shac039

Jake P. Smith

Rather than interpreting the 1980s in the Federal Republic of Germany as a time of fear, neoliberal retrenchment, resurgent nationalism, collapsing leftist futures, or no-future nihilism, Jennifer Allen encourages us to view these years as a period of democratic awakenings and new utopian imaginaries, an era that witnessed “a reconceptualization of the idea of utopia itself” (28). No longer was utopia singular, totalizing, or abstracted from the present; rather, over the course of the 1980s, it became something towards which one could work, a set of sustainable, everyday strategies for building a better world. In making the case for this transformation and renaissance of utopian thought, Allen focuses on three different groups: site-specific performance artists, amateur historians associated with the Berlin History Workshop, and the political activists of the nascent Green Party, all of whom engaged in practices that democratized, decentralized, and normalized utopian practices, thus making utopia sustainable. Over the course of six chapters, Allen traces how these different groups imagined and actualized their sustainable utopian visions. She begins with an analysis of experimental artists such as Joseph Beuys and Gunter Demnig, who designed projects intended to actively intervene in and transform public space. With ventures such as Beuys’s “7000 Oaks,” in which thousands of oak trees were planted throughout the city of Kassel, these artists sought to decentralize and democratize the production of art and, in so doing, to encourage citizens to participate in the critical reconstitution of their everyday environments. The historians associated with the Berlin History Workshop sought to initiate similar changes in how people engaged with the past. Instead of simply producing written studies that challenged dominant and exclusionary interpretations of history, Workshop participants designed exhibits that allowed citizens to encounter the past in their everyday lives. For example, they organized walking tours that highlighted local resistance to Nazism, they worked to change street names, and they created the “Mobile Museum,” a bus that took historical exhibits (such as the T-4 exhibit on the Nazi euthanasia program) to neighborhoods throughout the city. By changing how people interacted with traces of the past in their everyday environments, members of the Workshop believed they could cultivate critical counter publics that would actively work towards creating utopian futures. Allen’s last example comes from the activists of the German Green Party, which emerged in the early 1980s as an

与其将德意志联邦共和国的20世纪80年代解释为恐惧、新自由主义紧缩、民族主义复兴、左翼未来崩溃或无未来虚无主义的时代，詹妮弗·艾伦鼓励我们将这些年视为民主觉醒和新乌托邦想象的时期，一个见证“乌托邦概念本身重新概念化”的时代(28)。乌托邦不再是单一的、总体化的，也不再是从现在抽象出来的;相反，在20世纪80年代的过程中，它变成了一种人们可以为之努力的东西，一套可持续的、建设一个更美好世界的日常策略。在阐释乌托邦思想的转型和复兴时，艾伦关注了三个不同的群体:特定地点的行为艺术家、与柏林历史工作坊相关的业余历史学家，以及新生的绿党的政治活动家，他们都参与了使乌托邦实践民主化、去中心化和正常化的实践，从而使乌托邦可持续发展。在六章的课程中，艾伦追溯了这些不同的群体是如何想象和实现他们的可持续乌托邦愿景的。她首先分析了Joseph Beuys和Gunter Demnig等实验艺术家，他们设计的项目旨在积极干预和改造公共空间。通过博伊斯的“7000棵橡树”(7000 Oaks)等项目，这些艺术家在卡塞尔市种植了数千棵橡树，试图将艺术生产分散和民主化，并以此鼓励公民参与对日常环境的关键重建。与柏林历史研讨会有关的历史学家们试图在人们与过去的交往方式上发起类似的变化。工作坊的参与者并没有简单地进行书面研究，挑战对历史的主流和排他的解释，而是设计了展览，让市民在日常生活中接触到过去。例如，他们组织徒步旅行，突出当地对纳粹主义的抵抗，他们努力改变街道名称，他们创建了“移动博物馆”，一辆公共汽车，将历史展品(如关于纳粹安乐死计划的T-4展览)带到城市的各个社区。通过改变人们在日常环境中与过去的痕迹互动的方式，工作坊的成员相信他们可以培养出批判性的反公众，他们将积极地为创造乌托邦的未来而努力。艾伦的最后一个例子来自德国绿党的激进分子，该党在20世纪80年代初作为一个政党出现

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引用次数: 1

The World That Latin America Created: The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America in the Development Era. By Margarita Fajardo 拉丁美洲创造的世界：发展时代的联合国拉丁美洲经济委员会。Margarita Fajardo

IF 0.8 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shac035

Christy Thornton

引用次数: 0

Unintended Lessons of Revolution: Student Teachers and Political Radicalism in Twentieth-Century Mexico. By Tanalís Padilla 《革命的意外教训：二十世纪墨西哥的师生与政治激进主义》。作者：Tanalís Padilla

IF 0.8 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shac034

K. A. Aguilar

引用次数: 0

Hidden Caliphate: Sufi Saints beyond the Oxus and Indus by Waleed Ziad (review) 《隐藏的哈里发:奥古斯河和印度河之外的苏菲圣徒》作者:瓦利德·齐亚德(Waleed Ziad)

IF 0.8 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shac036

S. Haroon

This book explores the teachings and activities of the Mujaddidi Sufi Fazl Ahmad and his spiritual and familial descendants to construct a cultural landscape stretching from Peshawar and Dera Ismail Khan in late precolonial India to Bukhara and Khoqand under imperial Russia. Mujaddidis took their identity from their training in the teachings of Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1624). Ziad argues that Mujaddidi sainthood constituted a “hidden caliphate” in the form of a Persianate sacro-cultural sphere; this study of Fazl Ahmad’s lineage maps out a domain of exchange and circulation of Mujaddidi “scholarly, sacred, and diplomatic goods and services.” Chapter 3 and the associated Appendix B track the reproduction of two manuals in print and manuscript form (thirteen of one and nine of the other) presenting a model for understanding the transmission of spiritual knowledge and the extension of the Mujaddidi Sufi order. These manuals served as a Mujaddidi curriculum and, repackaged with texts produced by other lineages, constitute a continuous Mujaddidi tradition from Sindh to Khoqand. Ziad tells us that these texts were demanded by disciples who carried them back to remote villages to serve as teaching aids. Commissions reveal a literate reading class, rulers, and courtiers among the audience for these texts. Ziad’s presentation of this material is highly instructive in proposing a model for understanding the regional dispersal of a spiritual tradition and undergirds his treatment of the Mujaddidi Sufi order as a unified tradition by providing evidence of Mujaddidi teachers providing spiritual services demanded by their students and other social elites. In chapters 4–9, Ziad examines the lives and careers of Fazl Ahmad and some members of his family and lineage “beyond the Oxus and the Indus.” Chapters 4 and 5 present Fazl Ahmad’s teaching and activities in Peshawar, a node of activity in which Fazl Ahmad’s personnel managed caravan trade routes, correspondence and land grants from the 1760s until his death in 1816, and in Bukhara where he established a second khanqah. Ziad makes good use of twentieth century Urdu language hagiographies and waqf documentation located in the Uzbekistan national archives to situate Fazl Ahmad. Chapter 7 examines Fazl Ahmad’s adaptation to a non-sedentary environment through his deputization of the illiterate Faqir Sahib who was already a spiritual leader in his own right, and the latter’s base of operations in Zakori and in the Powindah tribal

本书探讨了穆贾迪迪·苏菲·法兹尔·艾哈迈德及其精神和家族后代的教义和活动，以构建一个从殖民前印度晚期的白沙瓦和德拉伊斯梅尔汗到俄罗斯帝国统治下的布哈拉和霍坎德的文化景观。圣战者的身份来源于他们在Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi（公元1624年）的教导中接受的训练。齐亚德认为穆贾迪迪圣徒以波斯人神圣文化领域的形式构成了一个“隐藏的哈里发国”；这项对法兹尔·艾哈迈德血统的研究描绘了穆贾迪“学术、神圣和外交商品和服务”的交流和流通领域。“第3章和相关的附录B追踪了两本印刷版和手稿形式的手册（其中十三本和另九本）的复制，为理解精神知识的传播和穆贾迪迪·苏菲教团的扩展提供了一个模型。这些手册作为圣战者的课程，并与其他谱系产生的文本重新包装，构成了从信德省到Khoqand的持续圣战者传统。齐亚德告诉我们，这些经文是由门徒要求的，他们把它们带回偏远的村庄作为教具。委员会揭示了这些文本的读者中有一个识字的阅读阶层、统治者和朝臣。齐亚德对这些材料的介绍具有很强的指导意义，提出了一个理解精神传统区域分散的模型，并通过提供穆贾迪教师提供学生和其他社会精英所要求的精神服务的证据，巩固了他将穆贾迪-苏菲秩序视为一个统一传统的处理方式。在第4章至第9章中，齐亚德考察了法兹尔·艾哈迈德和他的一些家庭成员和血统“在奥克斯河和印度河之外”的生活和职业生涯。第4章和第5章介绍了法兹勒·艾哈迈德在白沙瓦的教学和活动，从1760年代到1816年去世，法兹尔·Ahmad的人员在白沙瓦管理商队贸易路线、通信和土地赠与，在布哈拉建立了第二个汗国。齐亚德很好地利用了乌兹别克斯坦国家档案馆中的二十世纪乌尔都语圣徒传记和宗教基金会文件来定位法兹尔·艾哈迈德。第7章考察了法兹尔·艾哈迈德通过代表文盲法奇尔·萨希布（Faqir Sahib），以及后者在扎科里和波温达部落的行动基地，对非定居环境的适应

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引用次数: 0

Of Two-Tailed Lizards: Spells, Folk-Knowledge, and Navigating Manila, 1620–1650 《双尾蜥蜴:咒语、民间知识和在马尼拉航行》，1620-1650

IF 0.8 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-06-03 DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shac032

D. M. Findley

Abstract:Although seventeenth-century Manila has been anointed the birthplace of global trade and its diversity is well-established, how individuals navigated that milieu is only recently coming to light. To elucidate how various persons experienced Manila, this article assembles and analyzes nearly one hundred denunciations of sorcery (hechicería) made to the Philippine branch of the Inquisition between ca. 1620 and 1650. The hexes and spells sold in this period promised material and physical benefits. Individuals purchased or learned about spells primarily from Indigenous Philippine peoples, but also from Manila's Moluccan, Indian, and Japanese residents who either imitated Philippine hexes or marketed their own, distinct spells. This exchange took place outside Manila's city walls, in the sprawling city of Extramuros, where frequent interactions between diverse peoples facilitated exchange and even contributed to the emergence of novel, hybridized hexes mixing Catholic invocations and Philippine rituals. Cumulatively, what these denunciations of a minor crime capture is the everyday interactions between diverse peoples that defined Manila. In the process, they establish how residents experienced and navigated the world's first global city.

摘要:尽管17世纪的马尼拉被认为是全球贸易的发源地，其多样性也得到了公认，但人们是如何驾驭这种环境的，直到最近才开始为人所知。为了阐明不同的人是如何经历马尼拉的，这篇文章收集并分析了大约1620年至1650年间向宗教裁判所菲律宾分部提出的近一百份巫术谴责(hechicería)。在这一时期出售的巫术和咒语承诺物质和身体上的好处。人们主要从菲律宾土著居民那里购买或学习咒语，但也从马尼拉的摩鹿加人、印度人和日本人那里购买或学习咒语，这些人要么模仿菲律宾的六边形，要么推销他们自己独特的咒语。这种交流发生在马尼拉的城墙外，在庞大的城市Extramuros，不同民族之间的频繁互动促进了交流，甚至促成了新的，混合了天主教祈祷和菲律宾仪式的混合六边形的出现。累积起来，这些对轻微犯罪的谴责捕捉到的是不同民族之间的日常互动，这些互动定义了马尼拉。在这个过程中，他们建立了居民如何体验和驾驭世界上第一个全球化城市。

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引用次数: 0

Emotionally Based School Avoidance (EBSA): Students' Views of What Works in a Specialist Setting. 基于情绪的学校回避（EBSA）：学生对专家环境中有效措施的看法。

2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-05-18 eCollection Date: 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5334/cie.38

Cathleen Halligan, Sarah Cryer

"Emotionally based school avoidance" (EBSA) is a term used to describe young people who have difficulty attending school due to emotional needs. In comparison to previously favoured terms such as "school refuser", EBSA highlights the impact of unmet emotional needs over school non-attendance, which then informs the intervention offered for students struggling to attend school. This paper presents an exploratory single-case study undertaken at a specialist GCSE setting (School X) for students experiencing EBSA. The work was commissioned by the programme following three consecutive years in which all students completing their GCSEs (national curriculum) showed improvement in attendance and 85% achieved above their predicted grade. In addition, 95% of students were still in post-16 study after leaving the school. The study, therefore, aimed to explore students' views of protective factors in a setting where they have previously made progress in terms of attendance and achievement. Qualitative data were gathered using semi-structured questions with students in a group setting, delivered online using an anonymised computer software system. Quantitative data were gathered with students in a one-to-one situation using an adaption of the Q-sort technique, a self-contained "qualiquantilogical" methodology that aims to explore human subjectivity. Findings were collectively analysed using thematic analysis, which produced two over-arching themes: interconnectivity and psychological safety. Findings from this study are considered alongside research about interventions suggested to be effective for supporting students experiencing EBSA to re-engage with school and education.

"情绪性厌学"（EBSA）是用来描述因情绪需要而难以上学的青少年的一个术语。与 "学校拒绝者 "等以前常用的术语相比，"情绪性厌学 "突出强调了未满足的情绪需求对不上学的影响，并以此为依据为难以上学的学生提供干预措施。本文介绍了在一所专门从事 GCSE 考试的学校（X 学校）针对 EBSA 学生开展的一项探索性单一案例研究。在连续三年中，所有完成 GCSE 考试（国家课程）的学生的出勤率都有所提高，85% 的学生的成绩超过了他们的预估分数。此外，95% 的学生在离校后仍在进行 16 岁后的学习。因此，本研究旨在探讨学生对保护性因素的看法，因为他们之前在出勤率和成绩方面都取得了进步。定性数据是通过半结构化问题收集的，学生在小组环境中使用匿名计算机软件系统在线回答问题。定量数据是在一对一的情况下使用 Q-sort 技术（一种旨在探索人类主观性的独立的 "定性逻辑 "方法）收集的。我们使用主题分析法对研究结果进行了集体分析，得出了两个首要主题：相互关联性和心理安全。本研究的结果将与有关干预措施的研究一并考虑，这些干预措施被认为能够有效地支持经历过 EBSA 的学生重新融入学校和教育。

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引用次数: 0

A study of the longitudinal changes in multiple cerebrospinal fluid and volumetric magnetic resonance imaging biomarkers on converter and non-converter Alzheimer's disease subjects with consideration for their amyloid beta status. 对转换型和非转换型阿尔茨海默氏症患者脑脊液和容积磁共振成像生物标志物的纵向变化进行研究，并考虑其淀粉样蛋白 beta 状态。

IF 4 2区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Social History

Pub Date : 2022-02-23 eCollection Date: 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1002/dad2.12258

Ulyana Morar, Walter Izquierdo, Harold Martin, Parisa Forouzannezhad, Elaheh Zarafshan, Elona Unger, Zoran Bursac, Mercedes Cabrerizo, Armando Barreto, David E Vaillancourt, Steven T DeKosky, David Loewenstein, Ranjan Duara, Malek Adjouadi

Introduction: This study aims to determine whether newly introduced biomarkers Visinin-like protein-1 (VILIP-1), chitinase-3-like protein 1 (YKL-40), synaptosomal-associated protein 25 (SNAP-25), and neurogranin (NG) in cerebrospinal fluid are useful in evaluating the asymptomatic and early symptomatic stages of Alzheimer's disease (AD). It further aims to shed new insight into the differences between stable subjects and those who progress to AD by associating cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) biomarkers and specific magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) regions with disease progression, more deeply exploring how such biomarkers relate to AD pathology.

Methods: We examined baseline and longitudinal changes over a 7-year span and the longitudinal interactions between CSF and MRI biomarkers for subjects from the Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (ADNI). We stratified all CSF (140) and MRI (525) cohort participants into five diagnostic groups (including converters) further dichotomized by CSF amyloid beta (Aβ) status. Linear mixed models were used to compare within-person rates of change across diagnostic groups and to evaluate the association of CSF biomarkers as predictors of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) biomarkers. CSF biomarkers and disease-prone MRI regions are assessed for CSF proteins levels and brain structural changes.

Results: VILIP-1 and SNAP-25 displayed within-person increments in early symptomatic, amyloid-positive groups. CSF amyloid-positive (Aβ+) subjects showed elevated baseline levels of total tau (tTau), phospho-tau181 (pTau), VILIP-1, and NG. YKL-40, SNAP-25, and NG are positively intercorrelated. Aβ+ subjects showed negative MRI biomarker changes. YKL-40, tTau, pTau, and VILIP-1 are longitudinally associated with MRI biomarkers atrophy.

Discussion: Converters (CNc, MCIc) highlight the evolution of biomarkers during the disease progression. Results show that underlying amyloid pathology is associated with accelerated cognitive impairment. CSF levels of Aβ42, pTau, tTau, VILIP-1, and SNAP-25 show utility to discriminate between mild cognitive impairment (MCI) converter and control subjects (CN). Higher levels of YKL-40 in the Aβ+ group were longitudinally associated with declines in temporal pole and entorhinal thickness. Increased levels of tTau, pTau, and VILIP-1 in the Aβ+ groups were longitudinally associated with declines in hippocampal volume. These CSF biomarkers should be used in assessing the characterization of the AD progression.

简介本研究旨在确定脑脊液中新引入的生物标志物Visinin样蛋白-1（VILIP-1）、几丁质酶-3样蛋白1（YKL-40）、突触体相关蛋白25（SNAP-25）和神经粒蛋白（NG）是否有助于评估阿尔茨海默病（AD）的无症状阶段和早期症状阶段。本研究旨在通过将脑脊液（CSF）生物标志物和特定磁共振成像（MRI）区域与疾病进展联系起来，更深入地探讨这些生物标志物与阿尔茨海默病病理的关系，从而进一步揭示稳定受试者与进展为阿尔茨海默病的受试者之间的差异：我们研究了阿尔茨海默病神经影像学倡议（ADNI）受试者的基线和7年间的纵向变化，以及CSF和MRI生物标志物之间的纵向相互作用。我们将所有 CSF（140 人）和 MRI（525 人）队列参与者分为五个诊断组（包括转换者），并根据 CSF 淀粉样β（Aβ）状态进一步二分。线性混合模型用于比较不同诊断组的人体内变化率，并评估 CSF 生物标志物与磁共振成像（MRI）生物标志物的相关性。对 CSF 生物标志物和疾病易发 MRI 区域的 CSF 蛋白水平和大脑结构变化进行评估：结果：VILIP-1和SNAP-25在早期症状、淀粉样蛋白阳性组中显示出人体内增量。CSF 淀粉样蛋白阳性（Aβ+）受试者的总 tau（tTau）、phospho-tau181（pTau）、VILIP-1 和 NG 的基线水平升高。YKL-40、SNAP-25 和 NG 呈正相关。Aβ+受试者的磁共振成像生物标志物变化呈阴性。YKL-40、tTau、pTau和VILIP-1与MRI生物标志物萎缩呈纵向相关：讨论：转换者（CNc、MCIc）突出了疾病进展过程中生物标志物的演变。结果显示，潜在的淀粉样病理与认知功能加速受损有关。CSF中Aβ42、pTau、tTau、VILIP-1和SNAP-25的水平显示出区分轻度认知障碍（MCI）转换者和对照组（CN）的作用。Aβ+组中较高水平的YKL-40与颞极和内侧厚度的下降纵向相关。Aβ+组中tTau、pTau和VILIP-1水平的升高与海马体积的减小纵向相关。这些脑脊液生物标志物应被用于评估AD进展的特征。

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