Pub Date : 2013-11-08DOI: 10.1017/S0009838813000311
Giuseppe La Bua
Shortly after his accidental transformation into an ass, Lucius attempts to return to his human form by grabbing some roses decorating a statue of the patron goddess of the quadrupeds, Epona. But his servulus feels outraged at the sacrilegious act. Jumping to his feet in a temper and acting as a faithful defender of the sacred place, he addresses his former human owner as a new ‘Catiline’ (Apul. Met. 3.27): Quod me pessima scilicet sorte conantem servulus meus, cui semper equi cura mandata fuerat, repente conspiciens indignatus exurgit et: ‘quo usque tandem’ inquit ‘cantherium patiemur istum paulo ante cibariis iumentorum, nunc etiam simulacris deorum infestum? Quin iam ego istum sacrilegum debilem claudumque reddam.’ My attempt was frustrated by what seemed to be the worst of luck: my own dear servant, who always had the task of looking after my horse, suddenly saw what was going on, and jumped up in a rage. ‘For how long’, he cried, ‘are we to endure this clapped-out beast? A minute ago his target was the animals' rations, and now he is attacking even the statues of deities! See if I don't maim and lame this sacrilegious brute!’A self-evident instance of parody, the servant's words ironically reformulate one of the most familiar texts of Republican oratory, the famous opening of Cicero's first invective against Catiline, delivered before the assembled senate in the Temple of Jupiter Stator on 8 November 63 b.c.: the substitution of a low and familiar word such as cantherium for Catilinam underpins the comic undertone of the entire passage, imbued with further reminiscences of Cicero. Scholars debate whether the servant's verbal attack against Lucius is a parodic adaptation of Cicero's opening invective or rather a spoof on Catiline's paradoxical reading of Cicero's phrase in Sallust (Sall. Cat. 20.9). It is safer to assume a case of double imitation, not unusual in Apuleius' work.
在他意外地变成一头驴子后不久，卢修斯试图回到他的人类形态，他抓住了一些装饰四足动物守护神埃波娜雕像的玫瑰。但他的仆人对这种亵渎神灵的行为感到愤怒。他怒气冲冲地跳了起来，表现得像一个神圣的地方的忠实捍卫者，把他以前的人类主人称为新的“卡提林”(Apul)。(见《科学》第3.27期):“我的悲观是我自己的”，“我永远是平等的”，“我永远是平等的”，“我永远是愤怒的”，“我永远是愤怒的”，“我永远是愤怒的”。Quin am ego istum sacrilegum deem claudumque reddam。“我的企图被似乎是最坏的运气挫败了:我亲爱的仆人，他总是负责照看我的马，突然看到了发生的事情，气得跳了起来。他叫道:“我们还要忍受这头精疲力竭的畜生多久?”一分钟前他的目标是动物的口粮，现在他甚至攻击神像!看我能不能把这个亵渎神灵的畜生弄残了!一个不证自明的拙劣模仿的例子，仆人的话讽刺地重新表述了共和党演讲中最熟悉的文本之一，西塞罗第一次谩骂卡提林的著名开场白，在公元前63年11月8日，在朱庇特神庙举行的参议院集会上发表:用一个低而熟悉的词，如cantherium代替卡提林南，巩固了整个段落的喜剧基调，充满了对西塞罗的进一步回忆。学者们争论仆人对卢修斯的言语攻击是对西塞罗开头谩骂的模仿，还是对卡提林在《萨洛斯特》中对西塞罗的自相矛盾的解读的恶搞。猫。20.9)。更安全的假设是双重模仿，这在阿普列乌斯的作品中并不罕见。
{"title":"QUO USQUE TANDEM CANTHERIUM PATIEMUR ISTUM? (APUL. MET. 3.27): LUCIUS, CATILINE AND THE ‘IMMORALITY’ OF THE HUMAN ASS","authors":"Giuseppe La Bua","doi":"10.1017/S0009838813000311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009838813000311","url":null,"abstract":"Shortly after his accidental transformation into an ass, Lucius attempts to return to his human form by grabbing some roses decorating a statue of the patron goddess of the quadrupeds, Epona. But his servulus feels outraged at the sacrilegious act. Jumping to his feet in a temper and acting as a faithful defender of the sacred place, he addresses his former human owner as a new ‘Catiline’ (Apul. Met. 3.27): Quod me pessima scilicet sorte conantem servulus meus, cui semper equi cura mandata fuerat, repente conspiciens indignatus exurgit et: ‘quo usque tandem’ inquit ‘cantherium patiemur istum paulo ante cibariis iumentorum, nunc etiam simulacris deorum infestum? Quin iam ego istum sacrilegum debilem claudumque reddam.’ My attempt was frustrated by what seemed to be the worst of luck: my own dear servant, who always had the task of looking after my horse, suddenly saw what was going on, and jumped up in a rage. ‘For how long’, he cried, ‘are we to endure this clapped-out beast? A minute ago his target was the animals' rations, and now he is attacking even the statues of deities! See if I don't maim and lame this sacrilegious brute!’A self-evident instance of parody, the servant's words ironically reformulate one of the most familiar texts of Republican oratory, the famous opening of Cicero's first invective against Catiline, delivered before the assembled senate in the Temple of Jupiter Stator on 8 November 63 b.c.: the substitution of a low and familiar word such as cantherium for Catilinam underpins the comic undertone of the entire passage, imbued with further reminiscences of Cicero. Scholars debate whether the servant's verbal attack against Lucius is a parodic adaptation of Cicero's opening invective or rather a spoof on Catiline's paradoxical reading of Cicero's phrase in Sallust (Sall. Cat. 20.9). It is safer to assume a case of double imitation, not unusual in Apuleius' work.","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"63 1","pages":"854 - 859"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2013-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0009838813000311","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56743478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-24DOI: 10.1017/S0009838812000833
Lieve van Hoof
Paideia – i.e. Greek culture, comprising, amongst other things, language, literature, philosophy and medicine – was a constituent component of the social identity of the elite of the Roman empire: as a number of influential studies on the Second Sophistic have recently shown, leading members of society presented themselves as such by their possession and deployment of cultural capital, for example by performing oratory, writing philosophy or showcasing medical interventions. As the ‘common language’ of the men ruling the various parts of the empire, Greek culture became a characteristic of, and thus a de facto condition for, leading socio-political positions. Whilst most elite men would have taken for granted a good cultural education no less than a leading position, an outstanding command of the classical Greek language, literature and tradition as displayed in epideictic performances allowed some orators, philosophers and doctors to move distinctively up the social ladder, sometimes reaching the ears of, and thereby wielding influence over, the emperor himself.
{"title":"PERFORMING PAIDEIA: GREEK CULTURE AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR SOCIAL PROMOTION IN THE FOURTH CENTURY a.d.","authors":"Lieve van Hoof","doi":"10.1017/S0009838812000833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009838812000833","url":null,"abstract":"Paideia – i.e. Greek culture, comprising, amongst other things, language, literature, philosophy and medicine – was a constituent component of the social identity of the elite of the Roman empire: as a number of influential studies on the Second Sophistic have recently shown, leading members of society presented themselves as such by their possession and deployment of cultural capital, for example by performing oratory, writing philosophy or showcasing medical interventions. As the ‘common language’ of the men ruling the various parts of the empire, Greek culture became a characteristic of, and thus a de facto condition for, leading socio-political positions. Whilst most elite men would have taken for granted a good cultural education no less than a leading position, an outstanding command of the classical Greek language, literature and tradition as displayed in epideictic performances allowed some orators, philosophers and doctors to move distinctively up the social ladder, sometimes reaching the ears of, and thereby wielding influence over, the emperor himself.","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"63 1","pages":"387 - 406"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2013-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0009838812000833","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56743358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-24DOI: 10.1017/S0009838812000596
J. De Keyser
Editors of Cicero's Pro Archia have assumed that Petrarch's lost transcription of the equally lost Liège manuscript that he discovered in 1333 survives in an almost unaltered version in a single Florentine manuscript, while the remaining 265 Itali reflect another stage of the text, when conjectural corrections by its learned discoverer were introduced into the text. This article proposes a reassessment of that dichotomy, based on a first comprehensive study of the whole transmission.
{"title":"THE DESCENDANTS OF PETRARCH'S PRO ARCHIA*","authors":"J. De Keyser","doi":"10.1017/S0009838812000596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009838812000596","url":null,"abstract":"Editors of Cicero's Pro Archia have assumed that Petrarch's lost transcription of the equally lost Liège manuscript that he discovered in 1333 survives in an almost unaltered version in a single Florentine manuscript, while the remaining 265 Itali reflect another stage of the text, when conjectural corrections by its learned discoverer were introduced into the text. This article proposes a reassessment of that dichotomy, based on a first comprehensive study of the whole transmission.","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"63 1","pages":"292 - 328"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2013-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0009838812000596","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56743350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-24DOI: 10.1017/S0009838812000845
Joyce Van Leeuwen
The present article examines the textual transmission of the Aristotelian Mechanics, a treatise on mechanical questions now generally ascribed to the Peripatetic School. The treatise was edited three times in the nineteenth century, namely by Johannes van Cappelle (1812), Immanuel Bekker (1831) and Otto Apelt (1888); most recently, an edition was produced in the twentieth century by Maria Elisabetta Bottecchia (1982). Bottecchia's edition is a clear improvement over the previous editions in the extent of its research. Whereas the other editors of the Mechanics altogether consulted a total of nine manuscripts, Bottecchia considered nearly the complete manuscript material for her critical edition of the text. When I started my project I did not expect to find significant new results which would make a completely new critical edition of the text necessary.
{"title":"THE TEXT OF THE ARISTOTELIAN MECHANICS","authors":"Joyce Van Leeuwen","doi":"10.1017/S0009838812000845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009838812000845","url":null,"abstract":"The present article examines the textual transmission of the Aristotelian Mechanics, a treatise on mechanical questions now generally ascribed to the Peripatetic School. The treatise was edited three times in the nineteenth century, namely by Johannes van Cappelle (1812), Immanuel Bekker (1831) and Otto Apelt (1888); most recently, an edition was produced in the twentieth century by Maria Elisabetta Bottecchia (1982). Bottecchia's edition is a clear improvement over the previous editions in the extent of its research. Whereas the other editors of the Mechanics altogether consulted a total of nine manuscripts, Bottecchia considered nearly the complete manuscript material for her critical edition of the text. When I started my project I did not expect to find significant new results which would make a completely new critical edition of the text necessary.","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"63 1","pages":"183 - 198"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2013-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0009838812000845","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56743421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Phaedrus wrote two fables featuring Roman emperors. In Fable 2.5 we find Emperor Tiberius giving a busybody his deserved come-uppance, and in Fable 3.10 Augustus miraculously solves a murder-suicide case. Yet couched among so many of Phaedrus’ fables that criticize authority figures, these positive portrayals of the emperors come as a surprise to the reader and present a significant problem of interpretation. In exploring the different possible readings of the two poems, this paper follows Phaedrus through a complex interpretive maze and shows how the fabulist’s own self-portrayal intersects with and colors his portrayal of the first two Roman emperors.
{"title":"The Intersection of Poetic and Imperial Authority in Phaedrus’ Fables","authors":"B. Libby","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1427424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1427424","url":null,"abstract":"Phaedrus wrote two fables featuring Roman emperors. In Fable 2.5 we find Emperor Tiberius giving a busybody his deserved come-uppance, and in Fable 3.10 Augustus miraculously solves a murder-suicide case. Yet couched among so many of Phaedrus’ fables that criticize authority figures, these positive portrayals of the emperors come as a surprise to the reader and present a significant problem of interpretation. In exploring the different possible readings of the two poems, this paper follows Phaedrus through a complex interpretive maze and shows how the fabulist’s own self-portrayal intersects with and colors his portrayal of the first two Roman emperors.","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"60 1","pages":"545-558"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2010-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68179729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0009838808000657
David Leith
The so-called diatritus in Graeco-Roman medicine represents a therapeutic system which was designed to provide a chronological framework for the regulation of regimen in disease. Developed in the mid-first century A.D. within the Methodist school of medicine, it appears thereafter to have been a cornerstone of this school’s therapeutics, as represented in the three major Methodist treatises to have survived. In the therapeutic prescriptions recorded in the Gynaecia, Soranus (fl. late first/early second century A.D.) mentions the diatritus specifically on four occasions,2 while Caelius Aurelianus (fifth century A.D.), drawing to some extent on Soranus’ earlier work, makes constant use of it throughout his Celeres Passiones and Tardae Passiones. Galen, too, universally hostile to the diatritus, associates it almost exclusively with Methodist physicians. There is strong evidence, however, that it was employed as a therapeutic tool also outside Methodist circles. It surfaces intermittently, but without criticism, in the treatments laid down in medical treatises with no apparent links to this school, and over a considerable period of time.3 In particular, the unknown author of the treatise On Acute and Chronic Diseases, often referred to as the Anonymus Parisinus, relies on it extensively, though not systematically, in the therapeutic sections of his work.4 Yet the diatritus has for the most part received only passing reference in scholarship, largely with regard to the doctrines of Thessalus or Methodism generally, and with little or no detailed inquiry into its exact meaning or uses.5 Given its significance not only for our understanding of the development of Methodist therapeutics, but also as an example of the broader influence which Methodism may have had over ancient therapy, a more systematic study of the diatritus is warranted. In this paper I shall examine the diatritus’ origins, its precise meaning, and what it represented in its practical therapeutic contexts, both in the hands of Methodist and non-Methodist physicians. I shall also attempt to offer some suggestions as to why the chronological framework which it describes was thought to be appropriate in the treatment of disease.
{"title":"THE DIATRITUS AND THERAPY IN GRAECO-ROMAN MEDICINE.","authors":"David Leith","doi":"10.1017/S0009838808000657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009838808000657","url":null,"abstract":"The so-called diatritus in Graeco-Roman medicine represents a therapeutic system which was designed to provide a chronological framework for the regulation of regimen in disease. Developed in the mid-first century A.D. within the Methodist school of medicine, it appears thereafter to have been a cornerstone of this school’s therapeutics, as represented in the three major Methodist treatises to have survived. In the therapeutic prescriptions recorded in the Gynaecia, Soranus (fl. late first/early second century A.D.) mentions the diatritus specifically on four occasions,2 while Caelius Aurelianus (fifth century A.D.), drawing to some extent on Soranus’ earlier work, makes constant use of it throughout his Celeres Passiones and Tardae Passiones. Galen, too, universally hostile to the diatritus, associates it almost exclusively with Methodist physicians. There is strong evidence, however, that it was employed as a therapeutic tool also outside Methodist circles. It surfaces intermittently, but without criticism, in the treatments laid down in medical treatises with no apparent links to this school, and over a considerable period of time.3 In particular, the unknown author of the treatise On Acute and Chronic Diseases, often referred to as the Anonymus Parisinus, relies on it extensively, though not systematically, in the therapeutic sections of his work.4 Yet the diatritus has for the most part received only passing reference in scholarship, largely with regard to the doctrines of Thessalus or Methodism generally, and with little or no detailed inquiry into its exact meaning or uses.5 Given its significance not only for our understanding of the development of Methodist therapeutics, but also as an example of the broader influence which Methodism may have had over ancient therapy, a more systematic study of the diatritus is warranted. In this paper I shall examine the diatritus’ origins, its precise meaning, and what it represented in its practical therapeutic contexts, both in the hands of Methodist and non-Methodist physicians. I shall also attempt to offer some suggestions as to why the chronological framework which it describes was thought to be appropriate in the treatment of disease.","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"58 2","pages":"581-600"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2008-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0009838808000657","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"28195490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2004-12-01DOI: 10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.66
C. Willink
Phaedra's long speech is one of the most important elements in Euripides' most intricate play. We may confidently assume that with his surpassing interest in women and in rhetoric the dramatist will have lavished more than usual pains upon it. Interpretation of it has suffered in the past from false preconceptions and lexicological imprecision. This chapter presents some critical notes on Euripides' Orestes. The author's edition of Orestes followed on the heels of editions by Di Benedetto and Biehl, and has been followed in turn by the editions of West, Diggle and Kovacs. The chapter also includes index of some of the passages. Keywords: Orestes; Euripides; Phaedra
{"title":"FURTHER CRITICAL NOTES ON EURIPIDES' ORESTES","authors":"C. Willink","doi":"10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.66","url":null,"abstract":"Phaedra's long speech is one of the most important elements in Euripides' most intricate play. We may confidently assume that with his surpassing interest in women and in rhetoric the dramatist will have lavished more than usual pains upon it. Interpretation of it has suffered in the past from false preconceptions and lexicological imprecision. This chapter presents some critical notes on Euripides' Orestes. The author's edition of Orestes followed on the heels of editions by Di Benedetto and Biehl, and has been followed in turn by the editions of West, Diggle and Kovacs. The chapter also includes index of some of the passages. Keywords: Orestes; Euripides; Phaedra","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"54 1","pages":"424-440"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2004-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64593442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2003-05-01DOI: 10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.56
C. Willink
This chapter presents the critical studies in the Cantica of Sophocles III: Electra, Philoctetes, and Oedipus at Colonus. It also includes index of some of the passages. The studies are relevant to the discussion of Greek tragedy. Keywords: Cantica; Electra; Oedipus at Colonus; Philoctetes; Greek tragedy; Sophocles III
{"title":"Critical Studies in the Cantica of Sophocles: III. Electra, Philoctetes, Oedipus at Colonus","authors":"C. Willink","doi":"10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.56","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter presents the critical studies in the Cantica of Sophocles III: Electra, Philoctetes, and Oedipus at Colonus. It also includes index of some of the passages. The studies are relevant to the discussion of Greek tragedy. Keywords: Cantica; Electra; Oedipus at Colonus; Philoctetes; Greek tragedy; Sophocles III","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"53 1","pages":"75-110"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2003-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64593786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2002-07-01DOI: 10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.52
C. Willink
This chapter presents the critical studies in the Cantica of Sophocles II: Ajax, Trachiniae and Oedipus Tyrannus. Ajax and Trachiniae, with Antigone, are probably the earliest extant plays of Sophocles followed by Oedipus Tyrannus. The chapter also includes index of some of the passages. Keywords: Ajax; Cantica; Oedipus Tyrannus; Trachiniae; Sophocles II
{"title":"Critical studies in the Cantica of Sophocles: II. Ajax, Trachiniae, Oedipus Tyrannus","authors":"C. Willink","doi":"10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.52","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter presents the critical studies in the Cantica of Sophocles II: Ajax, Trachiniae and Oedipus Tyrannus. Ajax and Trachiniae, with Antigone, are probably the earliest extant plays of Sophocles followed by Oedipus Tyrannus. The chapter also includes index of some of the passages. Keywords: Ajax; Cantica; Oedipus Tyrannus; Trachiniae; Sophocles II","PeriodicalId":47185,"journal":{"name":"CLASSICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"58 1","pages":"50-80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64593752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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