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QUO USQUE TANDEM CANTHERIUM PATIEMUR ISTUM? (APUL. MET. 3.27): LUCIUS, CATILINE AND THE ‘IMMORALITY’ OF THE HUMAN ASS 我不知道。(APUL.met3.27):卢修斯,CATILINE和人类屁股的“不道德”
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2013-11-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0009838813000311
Giuseppe La Bua
Shortly after his accidental transformation into an ass, Lucius attempts to return to his human form by grabbing some roses decorating a statue of the patron goddess of the quadrupeds, Epona. But his servulus feels outraged at the sacrilegious act. Jumping to his feet in a temper and acting as a faithful defender of the sacred place, he addresses his former human owner as a new ‘Catiline’ (Apul. Met. 3.27): Quod me pessima scilicet sorte conantem servulus meus, cui semper equi cura mandata fuerat, repente conspiciens indignatus exurgit et: ‘quo usque tandem’ inquit ‘cantherium patiemur istum paulo ante cibariis iumentorum, nunc etiam simulacris deorum infestum? Quin iam ego istum sacrilegum debilem claudumque reddam.’ My attempt was frustrated by what seemed to be the worst of luck: my own dear servant, who always had the task of looking after my horse, suddenly saw what was going on, and jumped up in a rage. ‘For how long’, he cried, ‘are we to endure this clapped-out beast? A minute ago his target was the animals' rations, and now he is attacking even the statues of deities! See if I don't maim and lame this sacrilegious brute!’A self-evident instance of parody, the servant's words ironically reformulate one of the most familiar texts of Republican oratory, the famous opening of Cicero's first invective against Catiline, delivered before the assembled senate in the Temple of Jupiter Stator on 8 November 63 b.c.: the substitution of a low and familiar word such as cantherium for Catilinam underpins the comic undertone of the entire passage, imbued with further reminiscences of Cicero. Scholars debate whether the servant's verbal attack against Lucius is a parodic adaptation of Cicero's opening invective or rather a spoof on Catiline's paradoxical reading of Cicero's phrase in Sallust (Sall. Cat. 20.9). It is safer to assume a case of double imitation, not unusual in Apuleius' work.
在他意外地变成一头驴子后不久,卢修斯试图回到他的人类形态,他抓住了一些装饰四足动物守护神埃波娜雕像的玫瑰。但他的仆人对这种亵渎神灵的行为感到愤怒。他怒气冲冲地跳了起来,表现得像一个神圣的地方的忠实捍卫者,把他以前的人类主人称为新的“卡提林”(Apul)。(见《科学》第3.27期):“我的悲观是我自己的”,“我永远是平等的”,“我永远是平等的”,“我永远是愤怒的”,“我永远是愤怒的”,“我永远是愤怒的”。Quin am ego istum sacrilegum deem claudumque reddam。“我的企图被似乎是最坏的运气挫败了:我亲爱的仆人,他总是负责照看我的马,突然看到了发生的事情,气得跳了起来。他叫道:“我们还要忍受这头精疲力竭的畜生多久?”一分钟前他的目标是动物的口粮,现在他甚至攻击神像!看我能不能把这个亵渎神灵的畜生弄残了!一个不证自明的拙劣模仿的例子,仆人的话讽刺地重新表述了共和党演讲中最熟悉的文本之一,西塞罗第一次谩骂卡提林的著名开场白,在公元前63年11月8日,在朱庇特神庙举行的参议院集会上发表:用一个低而熟悉的词,如cantherium代替卡提林南,巩固了整个段落的喜剧基调,充满了对西塞罗的进一步回忆。学者们争论仆人对卢修斯的言语攻击是对西塞罗开头谩骂的模仿,还是对卡提林在《萨洛斯特》中对西塞罗的自相矛盾的解读的恶搞。猫。20.9)。更安全的假设是双重模仿,这在阿普列乌斯的作品中并不罕见。
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引用次数: 5
PERFORMING PAIDEIA: GREEK CULTURE AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR SOCIAL PROMOTION IN THE FOURTH CENTURY a.d. 表演PAIDEIA:在公元四世纪的希腊文化中,这是一种促进社会发展的工具。
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2013-04-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0009838812000833
Lieve van Hoof
Paideia – i.e. Greek culture, comprising, amongst other things, language, literature, philosophy and medicine – was a constituent component of the social identity of the elite of the Roman empire: as a number of influential studies on the Second Sophistic have recently shown, leading members of society presented themselves as such by their possession and deployment of cultural capital, for example by performing oratory, writing philosophy or showcasing medical interventions. As the ‘common language’ of the men ruling the various parts of the empire, Greek culture became a characteristic of, and thus a de facto condition for, leading socio-political positions. Whilst most elite men would have taken for granted a good cultural education no less than a leading position, an outstanding command of the classical Greek language, literature and tradition as displayed in epideictic performances allowed some orators, philosophers and doctors to move distinctively up the social ladder, sometimes reaching the ears of, and thereby wielding influence over, the emperor himself.
Paideia——即希腊文化,除其他外,包括语言、文学、哲学和医学——是罗马帝国精英社会身份的一个组成部分:正如最近关于第二诡辩的一些有影响力的研究所表明的那样,社会的主要成员通过他们拥有和运用文化资本来展示自己,例如通过演讲、撰写哲学或展示医疗干预。作为统治帝国各个部分的人的“共同语言”,希腊文化成为领导社会政治立场的特征,从而成为事实上的条件。虽然大多数精英都认为良好的文化教育和领导地位是理所当然的,但对古典希腊语言、文学和传统的出色掌握,就像在流行病的表演中所展示的那样,使一些演说家、哲学家和医生能够在社会阶梯上明显地往上爬,有时甚至能达到皇帝的耳朵,从而对皇帝本人施加影响。
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引用次数: 11
THE DESCENDANTS OF PETRARCH'S PRO ARCHIA* 彼特拉克的亲archia *的后代
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2013-04-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0009838812000596
J. De Keyser
Editors of Cicero's Pro Archia have assumed that Petrarch's lost transcription of the equally lost Liège manuscript that he discovered in 1333 survives in an almost unaltered version in a single Florentine manuscript, while the remaining 265 Itali reflect another stage of the text, when conjectural corrections by its learned discoverer were introduced into the text. This article proposes a reassessment of that dichotomy, based on a first comprehensive study of the whole transmission.
西塞罗的《阿奇亚书》的编辑们认为,彼得拉克在1333年发现的同样丢失的利奥尔奇手稿的抄本,以一份几乎未经修改的佛罗伦萨手稿保存了下来,而剩下的265份意大利文反映了文本的另一个阶段,当时它的有知识的发现者将推测性的更正引入了文本。本文基于对整个传播的首次全面研究,提出了对这种二分法的重新评估。
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引用次数: 1
THE TEXT OF THE ARISTOTELIAN MECHANICS 亚里士多德力学的文本
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2013-04-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0009838812000845
Joyce Van Leeuwen
The present article examines the textual transmission of the Aristotelian Mechanics, a treatise on mechanical questions now generally ascribed to the Peripatetic School. The treatise was edited three times in the nineteenth century, namely by Johannes van Cappelle (1812), Immanuel Bekker (1831) and Otto Apelt (1888); most recently, an edition was produced in the twentieth century by Maria Elisabetta Bottecchia (1982). Bottecchia's edition is a clear improvement over the previous editions in the extent of its research. Whereas the other editors of the Mechanics altogether consulted a total of nine manuscripts, Bottecchia considered nearly the complete manuscript material for her critical edition of the text. When I started my project I did not expect to find significant new results which would make a completely new critical edition of the text necessary.
本文考察了亚里士多德力学的文本传递,这是一篇关于力学问题的论文,现在通常归于逍遥学派。该论文是编辑三次在十九世纪,即约翰内斯范卡佩尔(1812年),伊曼纽尔贝克(1831年)和奥托阿佩尔(1888年);最近,玛丽亚·伊丽莎白·博特奇亚(Maria elisisabetta Bottecchia)在20世纪制作了一个版本(1982)。Bottecchia的版本在研究程度上比以前的版本有了明显的改进。《力学》的其他编辑总共查阅了九份手稿,而博特奇娅则为她的评论版考虑了几乎所有的手稿材料。当我开始我的项目时,我没有期望找到重要的新结果,这将使一个全新的文本批判版成为必要。
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引用次数: 4
The Intersection of Poetic and Imperial Authority in Phaedrus’ Fables 《费德鲁斯寓言》中诗歌与皇权的交集
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2010-12-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1427424
B. Libby
Phaedrus wrote two fables featuring Roman emperors. In Fable 2.5 we find Emperor Tiberius giving a busybody his deserved come-uppance, and in Fable 3.10 Augustus miraculously solves a murder-suicide case. Yet couched among so many of Phaedrus’ fables that criticize authority figures, these positive portrayals of the emperors come as a surprise to the reader and present a significant problem of interpretation. In exploring the different possible readings of the two poems, this paper follows Phaedrus through a complex interpretive maze and shows how the fabulist’s own self-portrayal intersects with and colors his portrayal of the first two Roman emperors.
费德鲁斯写了两个关于罗马皇帝的寓言。在寓言2.5中,我们看到提比略皇帝给了一个好事者应得的惩罚,在寓言3.10中,奥古斯都奇迹般地解决了一起谋杀自杀案。然而,在费德鲁斯的许多批评权威人物的寓言中,这些对皇帝的积极描绘让读者感到惊讶,并提出了一个重要的解释问题。在探索对这两首诗的不同解读时,本文跟随费德鲁斯走过了一个复杂的解释性迷宫,并展示了寓言作家自己的自我描述是如何与他对前两位罗马皇帝的描述相交并为其着色的。
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引用次数: 12
THE DIATRITUS AND THERAPY IN GRAECO-ROMAN MEDICINE. 古希腊罗马医学中的直突及其治疗。
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2008-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0009838808000657
David Leith
The so-called diatritus in Graeco-Roman medicine represents a therapeutic system which was designed to provide a chronological framework for the regulation of regimen in disease. Developed in the mid-first century A.D. within the Methodist school of medicine, it appears thereafter to have been a cornerstone of this school’s therapeutics, as represented in the three major Methodist treatises to have survived. In the therapeutic prescriptions recorded in the Gynaecia, Soranus (fl. late first/early second century A.D.) mentions the diatritus specifically on four occasions,2 while Caelius Aurelianus (fifth century A.D.), drawing to some extent on Soranus’ earlier work, makes constant use of it throughout his Celeres Passiones and Tardae Passiones. Galen, too, universally hostile to the diatritus, associates it almost exclusively with Methodist physicians. There is strong evidence, however, that it was employed as a therapeutic tool also outside Methodist circles. It surfaces intermittently, but without criticism, in the treatments laid down in medical treatises with no apparent links to this school, and over a considerable period of time.3 In particular, the unknown author of the treatise On Acute and Chronic Diseases, often referred to as the Anonymus Parisinus, relies on it extensively, though not systematically, in the therapeutic sections of his work.4 Yet the diatritus has for the most part received only passing reference in scholarship, largely with regard to the doctrines of Thessalus or Methodism generally, and with little or no detailed inquiry into its exact meaning or uses.5 Given its significance not only for our understanding of the development of Methodist therapeutics, but also as an example of the broader influence which Methodism may have had over ancient therapy, a more systematic study of the diatritus is warranted. In this paper I shall examine the diatritus’ origins, its precise meaning, and what it represented in its practical therapeutic contexts, both in the hands of Methodist and non-Methodist physicians. I shall also attempt to offer some suggestions as to why the chronological framework which it describes was thought to be appropriate in the treatment of disease.
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引用次数: 7
ΚΟΜΑΝΟΣ COMANOS
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2008-04-18 DOI: 10.1017/S000983880800030X
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引用次数: 0
FURTHER CRITICAL NOTES ON EURIPIDES' ORESTES 对欧里庇得斯的《俄瑞斯忒斯》的进一步评论
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2004-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.66
C. Willink
Phaedra's long speech is one of the most important elements in Euripides' most intricate play. We may confidently assume that with his surpassing interest in women and in rhetoric the dramatist will have lavished more than usual pains upon it. Interpretation of it has suffered in the past from false preconceptions and lexicological imprecision. This chapter presents some critical notes on Euripides' Orestes. The author's edition of Orestes followed on the heels of editions by Di Benedetto and Biehl, and has been followed in turn by the editions of West, Diggle and Kovacs. The chapter also includes index of some of the passages. Keywords: Orestes; Euripides; Phaedra
费德拉的长篇大论是欧里庇德斯最复杂的戏剧中最重要的元素之一。我们可以自信地认为,由于剧作家对女性和修辞的极大兴趣,他将在这方面付出比平常更多的努力。对它的解释在过去曾因错误的先入之见和词汇学上的不精确而受挫。本章对欧里庇得斯的《俄瑞斯忒斯》作了一些评论。作者的《俄瑞斯忒斯》版本紧随迪·贝内代托和比尔的版本之后,随后又出现了韦斯特、狄格尔和科瓦奇的版本。本章还包括一些段落的索引。关键词:俄瑞斯忒斯;欧里庇得斯;菲德拉
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引用次数: 1
Critical Studies in the Cantica of Sophocles: III. Electra, Philoctetes, Oedipus at Colonus 索福克勒斯Cantica的批判研究(三)。伊莱克特拉,菲罗克忒忒斯,俄狄浦斯在科洛诺斯
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-05-01 DOI: 10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.56
C. Willink
This chapter presents the critical studies in the Cantica of Sophocles III: Electra, Philoctetes, and Oedipus at Colonus. It also includes index of some of the passages. The studies are relevant to the discussion of Greek tragedy. Keywords: Cantica; Electra; Oedipus at Colonus; Philoctetes; Greek tragedy; Sophocles III
本章主要介绍索福克勒斯《Cantica》中的批判性研究:伊莱克特拉、菲罗克忒忒斯和俄狄浦斯在科洛诺斯。它还包括一些段落的索引。这些研究与希腊悲剧的讨论有关。关键词:Cantica;依勒克拉;俄狄浦斯在科隆诺斯;菲罗克忒忒斯;希腊悲剧;索福克勒斯三世
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引用次数: 6
Critical studies in the Cantica of Sophocles: II. Ajax, Trachiniae, Oedipus Tyrannus 索福克勒斯《Cantica》中的批判研究2。阿贾克斯,特拉契尼,俄狄浦斯
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-07-01 DOI: 10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.52
C. Willink
This chapter presents the critical studies in the Cantica of Sophocles II: Ajax, Trachiniae and Oedipus Tyrannus. Ajax and Trachiniae, with Antigone, are probably the earliest extant plays of Sophocles followed by Oedipus Tyrannus. The chapter also includes index of some of the passages. Keywords: Ajax; Cantica; Oedipus Tyrannus; Trachiniae; Sophocles II
本章主要介绍索福克勒斯二世《Cantica》中的批判性研究:阿贾克斯、特拉契尼亚和俄狄浦斯。阿贾克斯、特拉奇尼和安提戈涅可能是现存最早的索福克勒斯戏剧,其次是俄狄浦斯。本章还包括一些段落的索引。关键词:Ajax;Cantica;俄狄浦斯王;Trachiniae;索福克勒斯二世
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引用次数: 4
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