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Handbook on Gender, Diversity and Federalism, edited by Jill Vickers, Joan Grace, and Cheryl N. Collier 《性别、多样性和联邦制手册》,由吉尔·维克斯、琼·格雷斯和谢丽尔·n·科利尔编辑
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-19 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB007
C. Forster
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引用次数: 0
Hybrid Regimes within Democracies: Fiscal Federalism and Subnational Rentier States, by Carlos Gervasoni 民主国家内部的混合政体:财政联邦制和次国家食利者国家,作者:卡洛斯·格瓦索尼
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-07 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB006
Michael Buehler
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引用次数: 0
Brexit and Territorial Preferences: Evidence from Scotland and Northern Ireland 英国脱欧与领土偏好:来自苏格兰和北爱尔兰的证据
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-28 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB004
L. Daniels, Alexander Kuo
Has the UK referendum to leave the EU (Brexit) affected territorial preferences within the UK? We draw on comparative theories of such preferences to address this question, as Brexit can be seen as a shock to a political unit. We test hypotheses in two key regions, Scotland and Northern Ireland, with original surveys fielded at a unique time (September 2019). We randomize making salient different Brexit scenarios and measure support for Scottish independence and unification with Ireland within each region. We find in Scotland the prospect of leaving the EU increases support for independence. This effect is pronounced among those who support the UK remaining in the EU. In Northern Ireland, religious background correlates highly with territorial views, and we find little evidence of Brexit or border-scenario effects. Our results contribute to the literature on decentralization processes and the EU, and provide evidence of when negative shocks affect such preferences.
英国脱欧公投是否影响了英国境内的领土偏好?我们利用这种偏好的比较理论来解决这个问题,因为英国脱欧可以被视为对一个政治单位的冲击。我们在苏格兰和北爱尔兰两个关键地区测试了假设,并在一个独特的时间(2019年9月)进行了原始调查。我们随机制作不同的英国脱欧情景,并衡量每个地区对苏格兰独立和与爱尔兰统一的支持程度。我们发现,苏格兰脱离欧盟的前景增加了对独立的支持。这种影响在支持英国留在欧盟的人群中表现得尤为明显。在北爱尔兰,宗教背景与领土观点高度相关,我们发现很少有证据表明英国脱欧或边境情景影响。我们的研究结果对权力下放过程和欧盟的文献有所贡献,并提供了负面冲击何时影响这种偏好的证据。
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引用次数: 3
The Impact of Regional and National Leaders in Subnational Elections in Spain: Evidence from Andalusian Regional Elections 西班牙地方和国家领导人在次国家选举中的影响:来自安达卢西亚地区选举的证据
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-27 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAA040
Carmen Ortega, Fátima Recuero, J. M. Trujillo, P. Oñate
Democracies have experienced two trends in the last decades: the growing personalization of politics and the increasing relevance of regions in the political process. This article addresses these trends by posing two questions: Do political leaders influence the vote in regional elections? Do regional party leaders have a larger impact on voter preferences than their national counterparts in regional elections? To answer these questions, we analyzed five regional elections held in Andalusia between 2004 and 2018. The results show that both national and regional leaders matter in regional elections. However, the effect of national and regional leaders is “conditioned” by the characteristics of the leaders themselves, their respective parties, and citizens’ party attachments. Additionally, there is no clear evidence that the type of relationship between national and regional leaders of the same party—cohesion-like or confrontation-like—and the electoral context variables may affect the voting decision in multi-level government systems.
民主国家在过去几十年中经历了两种趋势:政治日益个人化和各区域在政治进程中日益重要。本文通过提出两个问题来解决这些趋势:政治领导人会影响地区选举中的投票吗?在地区选举中,地区政党领导人对选民偏好的影响是否大于国家政党领导人?为了回答这些问题,我们分析了2004年至2018年在安达卢西亚举行的五次地区选举。结果表明,国家和地区领导人在地区选举中都很重要。然而,国家和地区领导人的效果受到领导人本身、各自政党和公民政党依恋的特征的“制约”。此外,没有明确的证据表明同一政党的国家和地区领导人之间的关系类型-凝聚力或对抗-以及选举背景变量可能影响多层次政府系统中的投票决策。
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引用次数: 2
Identities, Trust, and Cohesion in Federal Systems: Public Perspectives, edited by Jack Jedwab and John Kincaid 《联邦制度中的身份、信任和凝聚力:公众视角》,Jack Jedwab和John Kincaid编辑
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-18 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB003
Jennifer Wolak
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引用次数: 0
Trump, the Administrative Presidency, and Federalism, by Frank J. Thompson, Kenneth K. Wong, and Barry G. Rabe 《特朗普、行政总统和联邦制》,作者:弗兰克·j·汤普森、肯尼斯·k·黄、巴里·g·拉贝
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-07 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB002
Adam L. Warber
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引用次数: 0
Local Accountability and National Coordination in Fiscal Federalism, by Charles Hankla, Jorge Martinez-Vazquez, and Raul Alberto Ponce Rodriguez 《财政联邦制中的地方问责制和国家协调》,作者:查尔斯·汉克拉、豪尔赫·马丁内斯-巴斯克斯和劳尔·阿尔贝托·庞塞·罗德里格斯
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-29 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAA041
Vlad Tarko
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引用次数: 0
City, State: Constitutionalism and the Megacity, by Ran Hirschl 城市,国家:立宪主义和大城市,作者:Ran Hirschl
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-18 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB001
Amal Sethi
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引用次数: 1
Undermining Governors: Argentina’s Double-Punishment Federal Spending Strategy 挖矿州长:阿根廷的双重惩罚联邦支出战略
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-27 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjaa035
T. Fenwick, L. González
Throughout Latin American federations, programmatic welfare spending is increasingly nationally oriented and bureaucratically delivered. By explaining the logic and the effects of combining two types of federal spending, discretionary and non-discretionary, this article uncovers an additional driver that contributes to understanding policymaking and its implementation not only in Argentina, but potentially in other robust federal systems such as Brazil, Canada, and the United States. Using original data on federal infrastructure and programmatic social welfare spending for the twenty-four provinces of Argentina between 2003 and 2015, we provide empirical evidence that both forms of spending penalize opposition districts and more populated urban provinces (regardless of partisan affinity), and thus undercut the ability of key governors to become future presidential challengers. This research suggests that presidents of territorially diverse federations with strong governors can utilize the dual-punishment spending strategy to alter the balance of power, reinforcing the dominance of the center.
在整个拉丁美洲联合会,方案福利支出越来越以国家为导向,并由官僚机构提供。通过解释将自由裁量和非自由裁量两种类型的联邦支出结合起来的逻辑和效果,本文揭示了一个额外的驱动因素,它有助于理解决策及其实施,不仅在阿根廷,而且可能在巴西、加拿大和美国等其他强大的联邦体系中。利用2003年至2015年间阿根廷24个省联邦基础设施和计划社会福利支出的原始数据,我们提供了经验证据,证明这两种形式的支出都会惩罚反对派地区和人口较多的城市省份(无论党派关系如何),从而削弱了关键州长成为未来总统挑战者的能力。这项研究表明,拥有强大州长的地区多元化联合会的主席可以利用双重惩罚支出策略来改变权力平衡,加强中央的主导地位。
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引用次数: 1
Shock or Design: What Drives Fiscal De/Centralization? A Comparative Analysis of Twenty-Nine OECD Countries, 1995–2017 冲击还是设计:是什么推动了财政去中心化?1995-2017年经合组织29个成员国比较分析
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjaa032
Tobias Arnold, S. Mueller, A. Vatter
Over the past decades, decentralization has become the new paradigm in how states should organize power territorially. Carefully planned institutional re-designs are the most visible expression thereof. Yet the Great Recession of 2007–2009 has pushed governments into the opposite direction, i.e., towards centralization, to better weather the fiscal drought. Given these contradictory developments, this article compares the effects of twenty-three separate state reforms with the impact of the Great Recession on fiscal centralization in twenty-nine countries over more than two decades. In the main, our analyses attribute a larger effect to design, i.e., pro-active policy making through reforms, than reactive crisis management after a great shock. However, this difference is only apparent once we consider a state’s institutional structure, that is whether a political system is unitary or federal. Our findings thus highlight the need for a multidimensional approach to better understand the drivers of fiscal de/centralization.
在过去的几十年里,权力下放已经成为国家如何组织领土权力的新范式。精心策划的制度重新设计是最明显的表现。然而,2007-2009年的大衰退却将政府推向了相反的方向,即转向中央集权,以更好地度过财政干旱。鉴于这些相互矛盾的发展,本文比较了二十多年来29个国家23项独立的州改革与大衰退对财政集中化的影响。总的来说,我们的分析将更大的影响归因于设计,即通过改革积极地制定政策,而不是在大冲击后被动地进行危机管理。然而,只有当我们考虑到一个国家的制度结构,即政治制度是单一制还是联邦制时,这种差异才会显现出来。因此,我们的研究结果强调需要采取多维方法来更好地理解财政去中心化的驱动因素。
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引用次数: 1
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Publius-The Journal of Federalism
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