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Negotiating spaces: Gender, economy, and cultural politics in Post‐Sandinista Nicaragua 谈判空间:后桑地诺时代尼加拉瓜的性别、经济与文化政治
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962582
F. Babb
The 1990 elections in Nicaragua marked the loss of the Sandinistas to a coalition government that overturned many of the revolutionary changes of the last decade and introduced a series of neoliberal measures to return the country to a capitalist path. Despite the initial despair experienced by many Nicaraguans over that outcome and the economic crisis that followed, a number of political and cultural openings emerged to allow for independent social movements to grow in opposition to both the new government and to undemocratic practices on the left. Women have been central to these developments, as those most harshly affected by recent economic policies and as activists in newly organized movements. Based on research in Managua over a six‐year period, this essay considers these apparently contradictory tendencies and calls for an analysis that attends to both political economy and cultural politics.
尼加拉瓜1990年的选举标志着桑地诺阵线败给了联合政府,该联合政府推翻了过去十年的许多革命性变革,并引入了一系列新自由主义措施,使该国回归资本主义道路。尽管许多尼加拉瓜人最初对这一结果和随之而来的经济危机感到绝望,但一些政治和文化上的机会出现了,允许独立的社会运动发展起来,反对新政府和左翼的不民主做法。妇女是这些发展的核心,她们是受最近经济政策影响最严重的人,也是新组织的运动的积极分子。基于对马那瓜六年的研究,本文考虑了这些明显矛盾的趋势,并呼吁对政治经济和文化政治进行分析。
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引用次数: 8
Remaking race, class, and region in a tourist town 在旅游小镇中重塑种族、阶级和地域
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-05-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962577
J. Streicker
As Cartagena, Colombia becomes more enmeshed in transnational cultural and economic circuits, a discourse of Caribbean identity has emerged. Elites promote this identity as part of their effort to attract foreign tourism and intensify the city's involvement in the international market. The discourse also helps mask racial discrimination, renders blackness nearly invisible, and attempts to “domesticate” blacks for service in the tourist industry. Thus, emphasizing a hybrid Caribbean identity forms part of a strategy of domination. At the same time, some middle‐class intellectuals and sectors of the popular class have appropriated this discourse to engage in cultural politics. However, the liberatory impact of these (potentially) oppositional visions is limited by the political, economic, and military power of the state and the dominant classes. This case study of the discourse of hybrid Caribbean identity in Cartagena serves as a critique of postmodern thinking that celebrates hybrid identities and the lib...
随着哥伦比亚的卡塔赫纳越来越多地融入跨国文化和经济循环,一种关于加勒比身份的论述已经出现。精英们将这种身份作为吸引外国游客和加强城市参与国际市场的努力的一部分。这种话语还有助于掩盖种族歧视,使黑人几乎被忽视,并试图将黑人“驯化”为旅游业服务。因此,强调混合的加勒比身份构成了统治战略的一部分。与此同时,一些中产阶级知识分子和大众阶层挪用了这种话语来参与文化政治。然而,这些(潜在的)对立愿景的解放影响受到国家和统治阶级的政治、经济和军事力量的限制。这个关于卡塔赫纳混合加勒比海身份话语的案例研究是对后现代思想的批判,后现代思想颂扬混合身份和自由……
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引用次数: 14
“Black” images, African American identities: Corporate cultural projection in the “songs of my people” “黑人”形象、非裔美国人身份:“我的人民之歌”中的企业文化投射
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-05-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962578
H. E. Page
By creating a vision of African American progress and success, Songs of My People,1 produced by African American editors, masks for its mass audience the organized agency of white racism. The legitimation of a positive dominant racial narrative embedded in “black” images is the aim of this successful act of “black” cultural projection. The published catalogue and exhibition succeeded because of the images’ broad popular appeal to both African Americans who were relieved to be recognized as artists and art subjects, and to a mainly European American mainstream audience relieved to see African Americans portrayed as non‐threatening to whiteness. Time Warner's sponsorship of Songs of My People was implemented by a professional African American cultural agent whose job it was to provide the funding and infrastructural interface between corporate elites, African American artists, and mass markets for “black” commodities. With the resources made available, that cultural agent transformed the simple project of p...
由非裔美国编辑制作的《我的人民之歌》通过描绘非裔美国人进步和成功的景象,向广大观众掩盖了白人种族主义的有组织机构。在“黑人”形象中嵌入的积极的主导种族叙事的合法性是“黑人”文化投射这一成功行为的目的。出版的目录和展览之所以成功,是因为这些图像受到了广泛的欢迎,非裔美国人因为被认为是艺术家和艺术对象而松了一口气,而主要是欧洲裔美国主流观众则因为看到非裔美国人被描绘成对白人没有威胁而松了一口气。时代华纳对《我的人民之歌》的赞助是由一位专业的非裔美国人文化代理人执行的,他的工作是为企业精英、非裔美国艺术家和“黑人”商品的大众市场提供资金和基础设施接口。有了可用的资源,那个文化代理人改变了这个简单的项目……
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引用次数: 12
The new blacks from Bahia: Local and global in Afro‐Bahia 来自巴伊亚的新黑人:非洲巴伊亚的本地和全球
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-05-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962575
L. Sansone
Focusing on the metropolitan area of Salvador, the capital of the state of Bahia, the Brazilian state with the highest percentage of blacks in the population, this paper describes change in colour terminology, the development of a new black Baian culture and the way in which new international black symbols and youth culture in general are merged with the Afro‐Baian tradition. Our focus is on young people. Change in black‐Baian culture and, or as much of the Brazilian mass media phrase it, the “re‐Africanisation” of Bahia show international and internationalizing tendencies, but continue to call our attention to many of the specificities of Brazilian life. The Baian case shows that a new usage of black symbols need not be associated automatically with an increase in racial polarization along Northern American or Northwestern European lines.
本文聚焦巴西巴伊亚州(Bahia)首府萨尔瓦多的大都市区,巴伊亚州是巴西人口中黑人比例最高的州,本文描述了色彩术语的变化、新的巴伊亚黑人文化的发展,以及新的国际黑人符号和青年文化与非洲-巴伊亚传统融合的方式。我们的重点是年轻人。巴伊亚黑人文化的变化,以及巴西大众媒体所说的巴伊亚的“再非洲化”,显示出国际化和国际化的趋势,但也让我们继续关注巴西生活的许多特殊性。拜恩案表明,黑人符号的新用法不一定会自动与北美或欧洲西北部种族两极分化的加剧联系在一起。
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引用次数: 16
The symbolics of blood: Mestizaje in the Americas 血的象征:美洲的梅斯蒂扎人
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-05-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962576
C. A. Smith
Mestizaje, a significant process of identity formation in Latin America based on presumed race mixture, rests on certain sustaining ideologies about race, class, gender, and sexuality that are specific to Latin America. This essay attempts a preliminary discussion of how mestizaje has affected marriage and gender relations in several Latin American regions as the marital/kinship pattern, together with its sustaining ideologies, changed over time. Questions are asked about differences in beliefs held by different kinds of individuals (mestizos and “whites,” lower classes and elites, women and men) about mestizaje and the sexual and/or kinship relations appropriate between different races and classes. Examination of a few well documented historical cases suggests that what lower‐class mestizos believe about race, class, gender, and sexuality involves resistance to as well as acceptance of elite beliefs about them. It appears that there are also significant differences in beliefs held by mestizo women and me...
Mestizaje是拉丁美洲一个重要的身份形成过程,基于假定的种族混合,它依赖于拉丁美洲特有的关于种族、阶级、性别和性的某些持续意识形态。本文试图初步探讨,随着婚姻/亲属关系模式及其持续的意识形态随着时间的推移而发生变化,梅斯蒂扎伊人是如何影响拉丁美洲几个地区的婚姻和性别关系的。问题是不同类型的人(混血儿和“白人”,下层阶级和精英,女性和男性)对混血儿的信仰差异,以及不同种族和阶级之间适当的性和/或亲属关系。对一些有充分记录的历史案例的研究表明,下层阶级的混血儿对种族、阶级、性别和性行为的看法既包括对精英阶层对他们的看法的抵制,也包括对他们的接受。看来混血女性和我在信仰上也有很大的不同……
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引用次数: 48
The place of race 比赛地点
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-05-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962574
N. Schiller
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引用次数: 10
Corporate capitalism on trial: The hearings of the anthracite coal strike commission, 1902–1903 公司资本主义的审判:无烟煤罢工委员会的听证会,1902-1903
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962568
Dimitra Doukas
The normative understanding that corporate capitalism in the US “grew” naturally from the small enterprises of the nineteenth century erases decades of impassioned social protest against it. This paper looks at a major episode of this protest, a series of public hearings convened by the state when a strike of anthracite coal miners provoked public demands for nationalization of the mines and railroads that comprised “the coal trust.” At these hearings the miners and their allies argued the “traditional” US national ideology in which both great wealth and a propertyless proletariat were believed to endanger the stability and prosperity of the republic. The trust, defending its disruption of the customary arrangements of mine work, countered with social Darwinism. I argue that the trusts, the incipient form of US Corporate capitalism, wrought a sudden and unwelcome revolution in social relations of production that ultimately transfigured US national ideology.
对美国公司资本主义从19世纪的小企业自然“成长”的规范理解,抹去了数十年来对它的热烈社会抗议。本文着眼于这次抗议的一个主要事件,当无烟煤矿工的罢工激起了公众对煤矿和铁路国有化的要求时,国家召开了一系列公开听证会,这些煤矿和铁路构成了“煤炭托拉斯”。在这些听证会上,矿工和他们的盟友为“传统的”美国国家意识形态辩护,在这种意识形态中,巨额财富和一无所有的无产阶级都被认为会危及共和国的稳定和繁荣。托拉斯为自己破坏矿山工作的惯例安排辩护,用社会达尔文主义来反驳。我认为,托拉斯是美国企业资本主义的早期形式,它在社会生产关系中引发了一场突然而不受欢迎的革命,最终改变了美国的国家意识形态。
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引用次数: 6
Bringing class back into a changing capitalist world economy 把阶级带回不断变化的资本主义世界经济
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962570
Michael L. Blim
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引用次数: 0
‘A momentary glow of fraternity’: Narratives of Chinese nationalism and capitalism “博爱的瞬间光芒”:中国民族主义与资本主义的叙事
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962567
Aihwa Ong
This essay discusses how Chinese culture is variously reified and deployed in two competing discursive systems: the modernist imaginary of the nation‐state ‐ emphasizing essentialism, territoriality, and fixity‐in tension with the modernist imagining of entre‐prenurial capitalism ‐ celebrating hybridity, deterritorialization, and fluidity. These alternative visions of modernity are to a large extent conditioned by geopolitics and the dynamism of global capitalism in the Asia‐Pacific. Regimes in China and Singapore have deployed “Confucian” values in attempts to discipline their societies against the lures of transnational capitalism based on fraternal Chinese networks ("Greater China"). Both visions of Chinese modernitites depend on self‐orientalizing strategies that critique “Western” values like individualism and human rights. These narratives intersect with voices claiming an “Asian renaissance” and “the Asian Way” in global capitalism, thus constituting a counter‐hegemony to American domination of the...
本文讨论了中国文化是如何在两种相互竞争的话语体系中被不同地具体化和部署的:现代主义的民族国家想象——强调本质主义、地域性和固定性——与现代主义的中心资本主义想象——颂扬混合性、去地域性和流动性——处于紧张状态。这些现代性的不同愿景在很大程度上受到地缘政治和亚太地区全球资本主义活力的制约。中国和新加坡的政权运用“儒家”价值观,试图约束他们的社会,抵制基于兄弟般的中国网络(“大中华”)的跨国资本主义的诱惑。这两种对中国现代性的看法都依赖于自我定位的策略,这种策略批判了个人主义和人权等“西方”价值观。这些叙述与主张全球资本主义中的“亚洲复兴”和“亚洲方式”的声音交织在一起,从而构成了对美国统治的反霸权……
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引用次数: 29
White cannibals: Fantasies of racial violence in the Andes 白人食人族:安第斯山脉种族暴力的幻想
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.1997.9962581
M. Weismantel
This paper challenges the commonly‐held view that race is relatively unimportant in the Andes, as elsewhere in Latin America. The terrifying white man known as the nakaq, a ubiquitous figure in Andean folklore, points to the constant presence of racial fear and hatred within rural indigenous societies, as well as in urban zones. Analysis of the nakaq as an indigenous representation of racial violence does not displace class and nation, gender and sexuality as foci of inquiry, but rather reveals the articulation of all of these within race itself. Further, the frequent identification of anthropologists as nakaqs speaks to specific anthropological practices that reinforce the destructive relationship between Indian and white, despite ethnography's potential as an anti‐racist discourse.
这篇论文挑战了人们普遍持有的观点,即种族在安第斯山脉和拉丁美洲其他地方相对不重要。被称为纳卡克的可怕白人是安第斯民间传说中无处不在的人物,他指出,在农村土著社会和城市地区,种族恐惧和仇恨一直存在。分析纳卡克作为种族暴力的土著代表,并没有取代阶级和国家,性别和性行为作为调查的焦点,而是揭示了所有这些在种族本身内的表达。此外,人类学家经常被认为是nakaqs,这说明了特定的人类学实践强化了印第安人和白人之间的破坏性关系,尽管民族志具有反种族主义话语的潜力。
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引用次数: 22
期刊
Identities-Global Studies in Culture and Power
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