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Norway, deterrence, reassurance and strategic stability in Europe 挪威、威慑、保证和欧洲战略稳定
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2024.2321138
James Cameron, Kristin Ven Bruusgaard
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引用次数: 0
How the United States lost the “forever war” 美国是如何输掉 "永远的战争 "的
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2024.2312466
Peter K. Hatemi, Rose McDermott
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引用次数: 0
How dawn turned into dusk: Scoping and closing possible nuclear futures after the Cold War 黎明如何变成黄昏:冷战后可能的核未来的范围界定与终结
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2290441
Benoît Pelopidas, Hebatalla Taha, Tom Vaughan
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引用次数: 0
Going nuclear: The development of American strategic conceptions about cyber conflict 去核:美国关于网络冲突的战略构想的发展
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2286431
Cameron L. Ross
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引用次数: 0
Aligning tactics with strategy: Vertical implementation of military doctrine 使战术与战略相一致:军事理论的纵向实施
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2284632
Johan Nisser
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引用次数: 0
How small states break oil sanctions: Israel’s oil import strategy in the 1970s 小国如何打破石油制裁:上世纪70年代以色列的石油进口战略
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-05 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2271175
Elai Rettig, Ziv Rubinovitz
ABSTRACTThis article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil sanctions and leveraging them to further expand their own markets. It points to the unique advantages and necessary preconditions that make small states successful in their search for ‘sanctions busters’ in the global oil market, especially when approaching countries that recently became oil exporters. Using declassified Israeli, British and US archival material, this article sheds light on how Israel capitalized on the 1973 Arab oil embargo to gain access to Ecuador’s market through its oil sector, but failed to repeat this success in Norway and the United Kingdom.KEYWORDS: Oilsanctions bustingsmall statesIsraelembargo Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Nicholas Mulder, The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 2022).2 UN Security Council, ‘SC/13141 – Security Council Tightens Sanctions on Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2397’, 22 December 2017, https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc13141.doc.htm.3 Phillip Brown, Oil Market Effects from US Economic Sanctions: Iran, Russia, Venezuela (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2020).4 US Department of Treasury, ‘Treasury Expands Burma-Related Sanctions and Designates Additional Jet Fuel Suppliers in Burma’, Press Release, 23 August 2023.5 US Congress, ‘S.4407 – China Oil Export Prohibition Act of 2022’, 15 June 2022. https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4407/amendments?r=2&s=1.6 Yangyang Chen et al., ‘Impact Assessment of Energy Sanctions in Geo-conflict: Russian – Ukrainian War’, Energy Reports 9 (2023), 3082–3095.7 Blake Clayton and Michael Levi, ‘The Surprising Sources of Oil’s Influence’, Survival 54/6 (2012), 107–122; Llewelyn Hughes and Eugene Gholz, ‘Energy, Coercive Diplomacy, and Sanctions’, in Thijs Van de Graaf, Benjamin K. Sovacool, Arunabha Ghosh, Florian Kern and Michael T. Klare (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of the International Political Economy of Energy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 487–504; Emma Ashford, ‘Not-so-smart Sanctions: The Failure of Western Restrictions against Russia’, Foreign Affairs 95/1 (2016), 114–123.8 Dursun Peksen, ‘When Do Imposed Economic Sanctions Work? A Critical Review of the Sanctions Effectiveness Literature’, Defence and Peace Economics 30/6 (2019), 635–647.9 Itay Fischhendler, Lior Herman and Nir Maoz, ‘The Political Economy of Energy Sanctions: Insights from a Global Outlook 1938–2017’, Energy Research and Social Science 34 (2017), 62–71.10 Bryan R. Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies: An Explanation of Sanctions-Busting Trade’, International Studies Quarterly 53/1 (2009), 49–71; Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights: Sanctions Busters and Their Effects on the Success of Economic Sanctions’, Foreign Policy Analysis 7/4 (2011), 381–402; Jonathan Golub, ‘Improving An
摘要本文认为,石油进口小国特别善于规避石油制裁,并利用制裁进一步扩大自己的市场。报告指出,小国在全球石油市场上成功寻找“制裁终结者”的独特优势和必要先决条件,尤其是在接近最近成为石油出口国的国家时。本文利用解密的以色列、英国和美国档案资料,揭示以色列如何利用1973年阿拉伯石油禁运,透过其石油部门进入厄瓜多市场,却未能在挪威和英国复制这种成功。关键词:石油制裁打击小国以色列禁运披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1尼古拉斯·穆德:《经济武器:制裁作为现代战争工具的兴起》(纽黑文,康涅狄格州:耶鲁大学出版社,2022年)3 .联合国安理会,“SC/13141 -安理会加强对朝鲜民主主义人民共和国的制裁,一致通过第2397号决议”,2017年12月22日,https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc13141.doc.htm.3菲利普·布朗,美国经济制裁对石油市场的影响:伊朗、俄罗斯和委内瑞拉(华盛顿特区:国会研究处,2020)美国财政部,“财政部扩大与缅甸有关的制裁并指定额外的缅甸航空燃料供应商”,新闻稿,2023.5年8月23日。4407 -《2022年中国石油出口禁止法》,2022年6月15日。https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4407/amendments?r=2&s=1.6陈阳阳等,“地缘冲突中能源制裁的影响评估:俄罗斯-乌克兰战争”,《能源报告》9 (2023),3082-3095.7 Blake Clayton和Michael Levi,“石油影响的惊人来源”,《生存》54/6 (2012),107-122;Llewelyn Hughes和Eugene Gholz,“能源,强制外交和制裁”,见Thijs Van de Graaf, Benjamin K. Sovacool, arunha Ghosh, Florian Kern和Michael T. Klare(编),《Palgrave国际能源政治经济手册》(伦敦:Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 487-504;Emma Ashford,“不明智的制裁:西方对俄罗斯限制的失败”,《外交事务》95/1(2016),114-123.8。对制裁有效性文献的批判性回顾”,国防与和平经济30/6 (2019),635-647.9 Itay Fischhendler, Lior Herman和Nir Maoz,“能源制裁的政治经济学:1938-2017年全球展望的见解”,能源研究与社会科学34 (2017),62-71.10 Bryan R. Early,“与朋友的敌人睡觉:对制裁破坏贸易的解释”,国际研究季刊53/1 (2009),49-71;早期,“揭露黑骑士:制裁破坏者及其对经济制裁成功的影响”,《外交政策分析》第7/4期(2011),381-402;乔纳森·戈卢布,“制裁破坏的改进分析”,和平经济学,和平科学与公共政策26/2(2020),20190043.11大卫·m·罗,操纵市场:理解经济制裁,制度变革,和白罗得西亚的政治统一(密歇根州安娜堡:密歇根大学出版社,2001)Neta C. Crawford,“反对种族隔离的石油制裁”,载于Neta C. Crawford和Audie Klotz(主编),“制裁如何起作用:来自南非的教训”(英国贝辛斯托克:Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), 103-126.13弗雷德里克S. Pearson,“荷兰外交政策和1973-74年石油禁运-跨国主义的影响”,UMSL全球偶尔论文787 (1978);《石油制裁反对种族隔离》,第14页Karen Smith Stegen,《解构“能源武器”:俄罗斯对欧洲的威胁案例研究》,《能源政策》39/10 (2011),6505-6513;Laura El-Katiri和Bassam Fattouh,“关于石油禁运和伊朗石油武器的神话”,能源评论(牛津能源研究所,2012),https://www.oxfordenergy.org/publications/on-oil-embargos-and-the-myth-of-the-iranian-oil-weapon-2/.15 Jeff D. Colgan,“皇帝没有衣服:欧佩克在全球石油市场的限制”,国际组织68/3 (2014),599-632;Eugene Gholz和Daryl G. Press,“保护“大奖”:石油与美国国家利益”,《安全研究》19/3 (2010),453-485;Hughes和Gholz, <能源、强制外交和制裁>,第16页wjtek M. Wolfe和Brock F. Tessman,“中国全球股权石油投资:经济和地缘政治影响”,《战略研究》第35/2期(2012),175-196;亚当·威廉·查尔默斯和苏珊娜·特蕾西亚·莫克,《例外论的终结?《中国国有石油公司海外投资的解释》,《国际政治经济评论》2017年第24期,119-143.17页。李建平。经济制裁对人权的影响[j] .《国际经济研究》2009年第46期,59-77.18。 迪特里希:《石油革命》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2017);朱利亚诺·加拉维尼,《欧佩克在20世纪的兴衰》(牛津:牛津大学出版社2019年)卢埃林·休斯和奥斯汀·朗,《石油武器存在吗?》:国际石油市场结构变化的安全意义”,《国际安全》39/3 (2014),152-189.20 Lior Herman和Itay Fischhendler,“能源作为一种奖励和惩罚的外交政策工具:以巴关系为例”,《冲突与恐怖主义研究》44/6 (2021),495-520.21 Fischhendler, Herman和Maoz,“能源制裁的政治经济学”Bryan R. Early和Timothy M. Peterson,《惩罚制裁有效吗?》制裁执行与美国与被制裁国家的贸易”,政治研究季刊75/3 (2022),782-796.23 Early,“揭开黑骑士的面纱”;Golub,“改进对制裁破坏的分析”;Lisa L. Martin,强制性合作:解释多边经济制裁(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,1992).24Bryan R. Early,《制裁失败:解释经济制裁失败的原因》(斯坦福,加州:斯坦福大学出版社,2015),第25页马丁,《强制合作》。26同上。27 Early,“与你朋友的敌人睡觉”。28Llewelyn Hughes和Phillip Y. lipssy,《能源的政治》,《政治学年度评论》,2013年第16期,449-469.29Daniel Yergin,《确保能源安全》,《外交事务》85/2 (2006),69-82.31Caroline Kuzemko, Andrew Lawrence和Matthew Watson,“能源国际政治经济的新方向”,《国际政治经济评论》26/1 (2019),1-24.33 Daniel Scholten(主编),可再生能源的地缘政治(Cham,瑞士:S
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Gore-War: Counterfactuals and the 2003 Iraq War 重新思考戈尔战争:反事实和2003年伊拉克战争
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2266577
Joseph Stieb
ABSTRACTThis paper offers a constructivist critique of Frank Harvey’s ‘Gore-War’ counterfactual, in which he argues that the hypothetical President Al Gore also would have gone to war with Iraq. Harvey overlooks how the George W. Bush administration shaped the structural context in which it acted in ways that made war increasingly likely. I trace two key phases in the road to war in which this dynamic occurred: 1. The half-year after 9/11 in which Bush established Iraq as the centerpiece of his response to terrorism. 2. The period from fall 2002 to early 2003 in which Bush pursued the strategy of ‘coercive diplomacy’ in a manner that all but predetermined the failure of inspections. Using historical evidence about the views of Gore, his likely advisors, and the Democratic policy establishment, I argue for the plausibility of the ‘Gore-Peace’ counterfactual in which President Gore shaped the context of decision-making on Iraq differently than Bush, prioritized Iraq less, and thereby avoided generating pressure or momentum for war. I conclude with reflections on this argument’s implications for counterfactual methodology, historiography, and policy.KEYWORDS: agent-structurecounterfactualsGeorge W. BushIraq WarWar on Terror AcknowledgmentsThank you to Theo Milonopoulos, David Logan, Michael Brenes, Jesse Tumblin, and Andrew Stigler for advice on this article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Richard Ned Lebow, Forbidden Fruit: Counterfactuals and International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 44; Steve Kornacki, ‘Why President Gore Might Have Gone into Iraq After 9/11, Too,’ Salon.com, August 30, 2011 (accessed April 5, 2023).2 David Dessler, ‘What’s at Stake in the Agent-Structure Debate,’ International Organization 43/3 (Summer 1989), 466-68; Robert Jervis, ‘Do Leaders Matter and How Would We Know?’ Security Studies 22, no. 2 (2013): 153-179; Walter Carlsnaes, ‘The Agency-Structure Problem in Foreign Policy Analysis,’ International Studies Quarterly 36, no. 3 (September 1992), 245-270.3 Frank Harvey Explaining the Iraq War: Counterfactual Theory, Logic, and Evidence (New York: Cambridge University Press 2011), 1-8.4 Harvey, Iraq War, 140, 284.5 Ibid., 34-37.6 On this ‘process tracing’ method, see: James Mahoney, ‘Process-Tracing and Historical Explanation,’ Security Studies 24, no. 2 (2015), 204.7 David Houghton, ‘Reinvigorating the Study of Foreign Policy Decision Making: Toward a Constructivist Approach,’ Foreign Policy Analysis 3, no. 1 (January 2007), 27-30; Alexander Wendt, ‘The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory,’ International Organization 41, no. 3 (2009), 335-370; Jutta Weldes, ‘Constructing National Interests,’ European Journal of International Relations 2, no. 3 (1996), 275-281.8 Philip Tetlock and Aaron Belkin, eds., Counterfactual Thought Experiments in World Politics: Logical, Methodological, and Psychological Perspectives (Princet
摘要本文对弗兰克·哈维的“戈尔-战争”反事实理论进行了建构主义的批判,他认为假设中的总统阿尔·戈尔也会与伊拉克开战。哈维忽视了乔治·w·布什(George W. Bush)政府是如何塑造其行为方式的结构背景的,这种行为方式使战争越来越有可能发生。在通往战争的道路上,我追溯了这一动态发生的两个关键阶段:9/11事件后的半年里,布什将伊拉克作为他应对恐怖主义的核心。2. 2002年秋至2003年初,布什推行“强制外交”战略,其方式几乎注定了核查的失败。利用关于戈尔、他可能的顾问和民主党政策机构观点的历史证据,我论证了“戈尔-和平”反事实论的合理性,即戈尔总统在伊拉克问题上的决策背景与布什不同,对伊拉克问题的重视程度较低,从而避免了为战争产生压力或动力。最后,我反思了这一论点对反事实方法论、史学和政策的影响。感谢西奥·米洛诺普洛斯、大卫·洛根、迈克尔·布雷内斯、杰西·Tumblin和安德鲁·斯蒂格勒为本文提供的建议。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1理查德·内德·勒博,《禁果:反事实与国际关系》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2010),第44页;Steve Kornacki,“为什么戈尔总统也可能在9/11之后进入伊拉克”,Salon.com, 2011年8月30日(访问于2023年4月5日David Dessler,“代理结构辩论中的利害关系”,《国际组织》第43/3期(1989年夏季),第466-68页;罗伯特·杰维斯:《领导者重要吗?我们怎么知道?》“安全研究22号,不。2 (2013): 153-179;沃尔特·卡尔斯奈斯,《外交政策分析中的机构结构问题》,《国际研究季刊》第36期。《弗兰克·哈维解释伊拉克战争:反事实理论、逻辑和证据》(纽约:剑桥大学出版社2011),1-8.4哈维,《伊拉克战争》,140,284.5,同上,34-37.6 .关于这种“过程追踪”方法,见:詹姆斯·马奥尼,《过程追踪和历史解释》,《安全研究》24,第24期。David Houghton,“重振外交政策决策研究:走向建构主义方法”,《外交政策分析》第3期(2015),第204.7页。1(2007年1月),27-30;Alexander Wendt,《国际关系理论中的代理结构问题》,《国际组织》第41期,第4期。3 (2009), 335-370;Jutta Weldes,《构建国家利益》,《欧洲国际关系杂志》第2期。Philip Tetlock和Aaron Belkin主编。,《世界政治中的反事实思维实验:逻辑、方法论和心理学视角》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社1996年),19.9。泰特洛克和贝尔金,《反事实思维实验》,第8期;Richard Ned Lebow,“反事实、历史与虚构”,《历史社会研究》34/2 (2009):57-60;James Fearon,“政治学中的反事实和假设检验”,《世界政治》第43/2期(1991年1月):171-180;杰克·列维,《反事实、因果推理和历史分析》,《安全研究》24期,第2期。11 Lebow, Forbidden Fruit, 38-39.12 Mahoney,“过程追踪”,212.13 Harvey,伊拉克战争,47-106;艾尔·戈尔,“在加州联邦俱乐部的演讲”,2002年9月23日,载于《伊拉克战争读者:历史、文件、观点》,Micah Sifry和Christopher Cerf主编(纽约:Touchstone Books 2003), 325-32.14。哈维,伊拉克战争,47-55,147-180,15同上,5,40 -46.16同上,241-64.17同上,271-75.18。3(1994年9月),577-592.19同上,1-5.20同上,19.21同上,126.22同上,8,29.23 Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha和Christopher Linebarger,“总统和媒体对伊拉克舆论的领导”,《外交政策分析》10/4(2014年10月):352-53;约翰·金登:《议程、替代方案和公共政策》(纽约:哈珀·柯林斯出版社,1984),第23页;Lydia Andrade和Garry Young,“总统议程设置:对外交政策重点的影响”,《政治研究季刊》49/3(1999年9月):591-95.24。Matthew Baum和Tim Groeling,“现实主张自己:关于伊拉克的公众舆论和现实的弹性”,《国际组织》64/3(2010年夏季):469;艾米·格什科夫和莎娜·库什纳,《塑造公众舆论:布什政府言辞中的911事件与伊拉克的联系》,《政治展望》第3/3期(2005年9月),第526-29页。
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引用次数: 0
Information security in the space age: Britain’s Skynet satellite communications program and the evolution of modern command and control networks 太空时代的信息安全:英国的天网卫星通信计划和现代指挥控制网络的演变
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2265072
Aaron Bateman
ABSTRACTBritain initiated its Skynet satellite communications program in 1966 to provide assured connectivity with its forces across the world. Using recently declassified documents, this article reframes the history of British space activities by elucidating how the requirements for flexible and secure defense communications shaped U.K. space policy during the Cold War. Although Skynet inaugurated a communications revolution, it was the product of the longstanding British priority of possessing global information networks under sovereign control. In the Space Age, however, Britain had to reconcile its desire for an autonomous satellite communications network with the reality that American assistance was vital.KEYWORDS: Information networksinformation securityspacealliance management Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘Annex A’ in ‘Outline Defence Communications Network Plan 1968–72, February 1, 1967, FCO 19/9, TNA.2 For an overview of submarine cables and the British Empire, see Paul Kennedy, ‘Imperial Cable Communications and Strategy, 1870–1914’, The English Historical Review, vol. 86, no. 341 (1971); Daniel Headrick, The Invisible Weapon: Telecommunications and International Politics, 1851–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Bruce Hunt, Imperial Science: Cable Telegraphy and Electrical Physics in the Victorian British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022).3 As will be detailed below, Skynet functioned, in effect, as the British segment of the American defense satellite communications network. Skynet satellites were interoperable with American hardware.4 These difficulties were not unique to satellite communications. John Krige has detailed the complexities of Anglo-American cooperation in centrifuge technologies, see John Krige, ‘Hybrid Knowledge: The Transnational Co-Production of the Gas Centrifuge for Uranium Enrichment in the 1960s’, British Journal for the History of Science vol. 45, no. 3 (2012) and John Krige, Sharing Knowledge, Shaping Europe (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2016), 119–149.5 Charles Hill, A Vertical Empire: The History of the UK Rocket and Space Programme 1950–1971 (London: Imperial College Press, 2001). For works on the early history of U.K. space policy see, Neil Whyte and Philip Gummett, ‘The Military and Early United Kingdom Space Policy’, Contemporary Record, vol. 8 no. 2 (1994); Neil Whyte and Philip Gummett, ‘Far Beyond the Bounds of Science: The Making of the United Kingdom’s First Space Policy’, Minerva, vol. 35, nol. 2 (1997).6 For an overview of the role of national security space technologies in Anglo-American relations, see Aaron Bateman, ‘Keeping the Technological Edge: The Space Arms Race and Anglo-American Relations in the 1980s’, Diplomacy & Statecraft, vol. 33, no. 2 (2022).7 Information security here encompasses the physical infrastructure for securely transmitting sensitive data as well as encryption.8 For background see Kennedy
英国于1966年启动了其天网卫星通信计划,为其在世界各地的部队提供可靠的连接。本文利用最近解密的文件,通过阐明灵活和安全的国防通信需求如何影响了冷战期间英国的太空政策,重新构建了英国太空活动的历史。尽管天网开启了一场通信革命,但它是英国长期以来优先考虑将全球信息网络置于主权控制之下的产物。然而,在太空时代,英国不得不在建立自主卫星通信网络的愿望与美国援助至关重要的现实之间进行协调。关键词:信息网络信息安全空间联盟管理披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1 1967年2月1日,FCO 19/9, tna,“国防通信网络计划大纲1968-72”中的“附件A”。2关于海底电缆和大英帝国的概述,见Paul Kennedy,“帝国电缆通信和战略,1870-1914”,英国历史评论,第86卷,第86期。341 (1971);丹尼尔·海德里克,《隐形武器:电信与国际政治,1851-1945》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2012);布鲁斯·亨特,帝国科学:维多利亚时代大英帝国的电缆电报和电气物理学(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022)下面将详细说明,天网的功能,实际上,作为美国国防卫星通信网络的英国部分。天网卫星可以与美国的硬件进行互操作这些困难并非卫星通信所独有。约翰·克里格详细介绍了英美在离心机技术方面合作的复杂性,见约翰·克里格,“混合知识:20世纪60年代铀浓缩气体离心机的跨国合作生产”,英国科学史杂志第45卷,第45期。查尔斯·希尔:《垂直帝国:1950-1971年英国火箭和太空计划的历史》(伦敦:帝国理工学院出版社,2001年)。有关英国太空政策早期历史的著作,见尼尔·怀特和菲利普·古米特,“军事与早期英国太空政策”,当代记录,卷8号。2 (1994);Neil Whyte和Philip Gummett,“远远超出科学的界限:英国第一个太空政策的制定”,Minerva,第35卷,第1期。2(1997)。6关于国家安全空间技术在英美关系中的作用的概述,见亚伦·贝特曼,“保持技术优势:20世纪80年代的太空军备竞赛和英美关系”,《外交与治国方略》,第33卷,第33期。2 (2022) 7这里的信息安全包括用于安全传输敏感数据和加密的物理基础设施有关背景资料,见肯尼迪,“帝国电报通信和战略,1870-1914”,和海德里克,“隐形武器,75-78.9”,引用于怀特和Gummett,英国太空政策,142.10马修·琼斯,英国核威慑的官方历史(卷一):从v轰炸机时代到北极星的到来,1945-1964(纽约:Routledge, 2017), 444.11 Whyte和Gummet,英国太空政策,14212同上,14813同上,15214 Hill,一个垂直帝国,93-107.15“塔特-1开幕式,1956年9月25日”,大西洋和海底通信的历史,https://atlantic-cable.com/Cables/1956TAT -1 / 16 David J. Whalen,卫星通信的起源:1945-1965(华盛顿特区-史密森尼出版社,2002),46-48.17休·斯洛滕,超越人造卫星和太空竞赛:《全球卫星通信的起源》(巴尔的摩:约翰霍普金斯大学出版社,2022年),63.18同上,7719同上,15120同上,15221同上,引用于题为“电报通信”的讲座,1937年,马可尼女士240,马可尼档案馆,牛津大学博德利图书馆。23关于第一次世界大战中电缆在英国国防战略中的作用的概述,见乔纳森温克尔,“第一次世界大战中的信息战”,军事历史杂志,第73卷,第22号。3(2009)。关于二战中英国密码破译的全面历史,见约翰·费里斯,谜机背后:英国秘密网络情报机构GCHQ的授权历史(纽约:布鲁姆斯伯里出版社,2020),226 - 264.25。关于英国安全语音系统的历史,见理查德·奥尔德里奇,“白厅布线:通信电子安全组和安全语音的斗争”,公共政策与管理,第28卷,第28期。2(2012)。英国联合情报委员会在1959年确定苏联拥有干扰海底电缆通信和干扰无线传输的能力。《计划分析和审查(PAR)国防卫星通信》,1973年7月27日。 军事需求要求“在1980年代中期更大的作战能力,包括EHF[极高频率]、SHF[超高频]、UHF[超高频率]和抗ECM[电子对抗措施]”。这将由一个为期十年(1985-95)的英国天网IV项目来满足。见1981年4月22日,DEFE 69/1204, TNA“用于防御的空间政策”。关于第三颗天网-4卫星的详细解释,请参见1983年6月12日的“NGASR 7123 -天网-4第一阶段计划:第三颗卫星(天网4C)的采购”,DEFE 13/2066, TNA和“天网4C”:为了保护行动的理由”,1984年11月28日,24/2905,TNA.109备忘录从E.J. Risness,“国防空间政策”,8月23日,1982年,国防69/1204,TNA.110 Ibid111“国防空间政策(草案)”,1982年8月,国防69/1204,TNA.112 Ibid113”NGASR 7123 -天网4阶段1项目:采购第三卫星(天网4 c)”,1983年6月12日,国防13/2066,TNA.114分钟从豪到撒切尔夫人,”发射器天网4”,12月12日,1983年,PREM 19/2067 TNA.115 Ibid116 Ibid117“天网5:经过验证和值得信赖的伙伴关系”,空中客车,https://www.airbus.com/en/products-services/defence/milsatcom/skynet-5。第六代的计划也在进行中,参见“国防部与空中客车公司签订的天网电信卫星合同”,英国广播公司,2020年7月20日,https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/science-environment-53476881.Additional信息撰稿人说明aaron Bateman是乔治华盛顿大学历史和国际事务助理教授。他是即将出版的《太空武器:技术、政治和战略防御计划的兴衰》一书的作者(麻省理工学院出版社,2024年)。
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引用次数: 0
Unpacking the varying strategic logics of total defence 剖析全面防御的各种战略逻辑
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2260958
Jan Angstrom, Kristin Ljungkvist
What is the strategic logic of so-called ‘total defence’? At first glance, total defence may appear as one coherent strategic concept. Indeed, it was predominantly small, non-aligned states that pursued total defence during the Cold War. In this article, however, we demonstrate that depending on how ‘total war’ is understood, there are subsequently different strategic logics ingrained in total defence. We show this by developing a typology of different total defences; and by empirically illustrating variation in strategic logics over time through a historical analysis of the total defence(s) in Sweden. Recognising the inherent variation of total defence is important since it helps us to understand that hidden behind a nominal pursuit of a total defence strategy are multifaceted strategies.
所谓“全面防御”的战略逻辑是什么?乍一看,全面防御似乎是一个连贯的战略概念。事实上,冷战期间奉行全面防御的主要是不结盟的小国。在这篇文章中,然而,我们证明,根据如何理解“全面战争”,随后有不同的战略逻辑根深蒂固的全面防御。我们通过开发不同的总防御类型来证明这一点;并通过对瑞典总防御的历史分析,从经验上说明战略逻辑随时间的变化。认识到全面防御的内在变化是很重要的,因为它有助于我们理解,在名义上追求全面防御战略的背后,隐藏着多方面的战略。
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引用次数: 0
Radical war: Data, attention and control in the 21st century Radical war: Data, attention and control in the 21st century , by Matthew Ford and Andrew Hoskins, London, Hurst & Company, 2022, xix + 281 pp., £20.00 (paperback), ISBN 9781787386990 《激进战争:21世纪的数据、注意力和控制》,马修·福特、安德鲁·霍斯金斯著,伦敦赫斯特出版社;公司,2022,19 + 281页,20.00英镑(平装本),ISBN 9781787386990
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2262770
Huw Bennett
"Radical war: Data, attention and control in the 21st century." Journal of Strategic Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
《激进战争:21世纪的数据、注意力和控制》《战略研究杂志》,印刷前,第1-2页
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of Strategic Studies
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