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What we disagree about when we disagree about doctrine 我们在教义上的分歧
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2251170
Søren Sjøgren
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引用次数: 0
Authoritative Populism and the Media: Perception Control and Narrative Building in India 权威民粹主义与媒体:印度的感知控制与叙事建构
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.53532/ss.043.01.00264
H. Javed, Sumeera Imran
The article analyses the interrelationship between authoritarian populism and the media in India. It explores the core question of political authoritarianism under the rule of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and whether it has exercised control on media. The article explores two main questions: First, what are the dynamics of media control in India, if any? Second, whether media control has played any role in the polarisation of the Indian society. The article employs the theoretical framework of authoritarian populism, using content analysis, to explore whether media has any role to play in the recent upsurge of right-wing Hindu nationalism. The article’s empirical evidence suggest media’s complacent and partisan role, favouring populist political agenda in India. The article highlights that the bulk of Indian media works under the state control, with major newsgroups towing the ruling BJP’s line on exclusivists right-wing ideology. Furthermore, the groups which do not comply have faced governmental repression and clampdown for independent reporting and objective journalism. The article’s original contribution rests in the analyses of authoritarian populism and right-wing nationalist control of the media and the health of democracy in India.
本文分析了印度威权民粹主义与媒体之间的相互关系。它探讨了印度人民党(BJP)统治下的政治威权主义的核心问题,以及它是否对媒体实施了控制。这篇文章探讨了两个主要问题:第一,如果有的话,印度媒体控制的动态如何?第二,媒体控制是否在印度社会的两极分化中发挥了作用。本文采用威权民粹主义的理论框架,运用内容分析的方法,探讨媒体在最近兴起的右翼印度民族主义中是否起到了作用。文章的经验证据表明,媒体的自满和党派角色,支持印度的民粹主义政治议程。这篇文章强调,大部分印度媒体都是在国家控制下运作的,主要新闻团体在排外的右翼意识形态上拖着执政的印度人民党的路线。此外,不遵守的团体面临政府的镇压和对独立报道和客观新闻的压制。这篇文章的原创贡献在于分析了威权民粹主义和右翼民族主义对媒体的控制,以及印度民主的健康状况。
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引用次数: 0
Strategic Stability in South Asia: The Evolving Challenges and Potential Opportunities for India and Pakistan 南亚的战略稳定:印度和巴基斯坦面临的不断变化的挑战和潜在的机遇
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.53532/ss.043.01.00272
S. Noor
The strategic stability debate in South Asia is largely influenced by the complex and volatile relationship between nuclear rivals India and Pakistan. Growing competition between the United States (U.S.) and China and border dispute between China and India are influencing the security dynamics of the region, but it is the aggravating hostility between New Delhi and Islamabad over ongoing issues such as Kashmir and terrorism charges against one another that have increased risk of war in the region. The fragile balance of terror is influenced by various challenges such as evolving nuclear postures, regional power competition, conventional and nuclear arms race, and emerging technologies. In that regard, it is imperative that both states engage to resolve outstanding issues, develop confidence and evolve a strategic restraint regime to strengthen strategic stability in the region.
南亚的战略稳定辩论在很大程度上受到核对手印度和巴基斯坦之间复杂而多变的关系的影响。美国和中国之间日益激烈的竞争以及中国和印度之间的边界争端正在影响该地区的安全动态,但新德里和伊斯兰堡之间在克什米尔和恐怖主义指控等持续问题上不断加剧的敌意增加了该地区的战争风险。脆弱的恐怖平衡受到各种挑战的影响,如不断演变的核态势、地区力量竞争、常规和核军备竞赛以及新兴技术。在这方面,两国必须接触,解决悬而未决的问题,建立信心,形成战略克制机制,以加强地区战略稳定。
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引用次数: 0
U.S. Posture of Integrated Deterrence: China’s Response and Implications for the Asian Security 美国的综合威慑态势:中国的反应及其对亚洲安全的影响
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.53532/ss.043.01.00282
Aiza Azam and Adil Sultan
As the world is drawn increasingly into a web of shifting geopolitics, battle lines are being drawn and alliances are re-orienting themselves. Working from the premise that the competition between the United States (U.S.) and the People’s Republic of China will define the dynamics of the international system for the foreseeable future, this paper takes a look at the U.S.’s evolving posture of Integrated Deterrence and the likely Chinese response, which would have implications for Asian security. It reviews the contours of ‘Integrated Deterrence’ as it is laid out in the U.S. National Security Strategy 2022 and how this may shape the policy decisions of the U.S. and its partners, especially Taiwan, as well as how major U.S. regional allies, including India are likely to play their role in support of the U.S. interests. The paper also analyses China’s strategic thinking, national defence policy and national security objectives that are likely to influence its choices in the evolving great power competition. Taking Taiwan as the case study, the paper finds that in addition to pursuing more traditional approaches, both the U.S. and China will consider influencing domestic public opinion in China and Taiwan as a key focus of their respective policy considerations; it also finds convergences in the related responses of South Asia’s two major players, India and Pakistan.
随着世界越来越多地陷入一个地缘政治不断变化的网络,战线正在划定,联盟正在重新定位。基于美国和中华人民共和国之间的竞争将在可预见的未来定义国际体系的动态这一前提,本文着眼于美国综合威慑态势的演变以及中国可能的反应,这将对亚洲安全产生影响。报告回顾了美国《国家安全战略2022》(National Security Strategy 2022)中提出的“综合威慑”的轮廓,以及这可能如何影响美国及其合作伙伴(尤其是台湾)的政策决定,以及包括印度在内的美国主要地区盟友可能如何在支持美国利益方面发挥作用。本文还分析了中国的战略思想、国防政策和国家安全目标,这些可能会影响中国在不断演变的大国竞争中的选择。以台湾为例,本文发现除了追求更传统的方法外,中美双方都将影响中国大陆和台湾的国内舆论作为各自政策考虑的重点;报告还发现,南亚两个主要国家——印度和巴基斯坦——的相关反应也存在共同点。
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引用次数: 0
Global Power Shift and Foreign Policy Choices for Pakistan 全球权力转移与巴基斯坦外交政策选择
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.53532/ss.043.01.00278
R. Abbasi
The shifting global order suggests arrival of the world away from the U.S.-led liberal unipolar order. The rise of the rest, notably, the Chinese vision reflected in its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has defied the U.S. global hegemony. For example, China’s growing wealth and power, Russia’s resurge and belligerence, Europe’s pursuit for strategic autonomy, India’s rise and its strategic balancing, turmoil in the Middle East and its inclination to Asia suggest a world slipping away from the U.S.-led hegemonic liberal order. The U.S., which once was a lead player, is unlikely to play its global leadership role to manage global governance alone, and even not China is yet close to replacing it. Thus, the argument is that the U.S. global hegemony is waning while the world has entered a new era of bumpier multipolarity with several interdependencies. Consequently, the balancers, not the hedgers and/ or bandwagoners will capitalize on the new world order. Pakistan’s security in this context, is inextricably linked to the global and regional evolving order, which demands the contours of its foreign policy centred on a balancing act.
全球秩序的变化意味着世界正在远离美国主导的自由主义单极秩序。其他国家的崛起,尤其是中国在“一带一路”倡议中所体现的愿景,挑战了美国的全球霸权。例如,中国日益增长的财富和实力,俄罗斯的复兴和好战,欧洲对战略自主的追求,印度的崛起及其战略平衡,中东的动荡以及亚洲的倾向表明,世界正在从美国领导的霸权自由秩序中滑落。曾经是世界领导者的美国不太可能独自发挥全球领导作用来管理全球治理,甚至中国也还没有接近取代它。因此,这种观点认为,美国的全球霸权正在减弱,而世界已经进入了一个多极化、相互依赖的新时代。因此,平衡者,而不是对冲者和/或随波逐流者,将从新的世界秩序中获利。在这方面,巴基斯坦的安全与正在演变的全球和区域秩序有着千丝万缕的联系,这要求其外交政策的轮廓以平衡行动为中心。
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引用次数: 0
Nuclear Signalling and Escalation Risk in the India-Pakistan Context: A Critical Overview of the 2001-02 Standoff 印巴背景下的核信号和升级风险:2001-02年对峙的关键概述
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.53532/ss.043.01.00280
R. Zeb
A terrorist attack on the Indian parliament on 13 December, 2001 resulted in a ten-month long military stand-off between India and Pakistan. Throughout this period, both sides conducted aggressive and provocative signalling by conducting missile tests, and through bellicose speeches, statements and press briefings. These signals were conveyed at various levels by the political, military, and bureaucratic leadership. This paper provides a theoretical framework about signalling, deterrence stability and the escalation risk grounded in the classical understanding on nuclear deterrence and escalation. The paper analyses the nuclear signalling during the stand-off in light of the theoretical framework. The paper tests the hypothesis that a high percentage of indirect signalling would induce instability into a nuclear crisis, and the large number of actors sending signals from either side would increase the likelihood of miscommunication. By sifting through media reports during the stand-off, an elimination exercise was conducted and 72 signals were identified and analysed. The paper is divided into five sections and points to the limitation of the Cold War model to explain the South Asian strategic stability dynamics and the need to work out a model specific to South Asian strategic dynamics.
2001年12月13日,恐怖分子袭击了印度议会,导致印度和巴基斯坦之间长达10个月的军事对峙。在此期间,双方通过进行导弹试验和发表挑衅性的讲话、声明和新闻发布会,发出了侵略性和挑衅性的信号。这些信号由政治、军事和官僚领导层在各级传达。本文在对核威慑和核威慑升级的经典理解的基础上,提出了核威慑信号、核威慑稳定性和核威慑升级风险的理论框架。本文从理论框架出发,对对峙过程中的核信号进行了分析。这篇论文测试了一个假设,即高比例的间接信号将导致核危机的不稳定,而从任何一方发出信号的大量参与者都将增加沟通不端的可能性。通过筛选对峙期间的媒体报道,进行了一次排除演习,并确定和分析了72个信号。本文分为五个部分,指出冷战模型在解释南亚战略稳定动态方面的局限性,以及制定南亚战略动态特定模型的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
From the editors 来自编辑
2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-29 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2257900
None – The Editors
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引用次数: 0
Success defying all expectations: How and why limited use of force helped to end Somali piracy 出人意料的成功:有限使用武力如何以及为什么有助于结束索马里海盗
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2227356
P. Jakobsen, Troels Burchall Henningsen
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引用次数: 0
In (qualified) praise of fads and fashions (有保留地)赞扬流行和时尚
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2227770
L. Freedman
ABSTRACT Given the size of the community and the constant flow of new issues and potential security challenges, strategic studies can lend itself to surges of interest in particular topics that then fade into irrelevance, speculative investigations that lead nowhere, or intensive research projects that produce banal conclusions. The durability of much of the research may turn out to be short yet there is still enough that is of value, including insights into the behaviour of organisations and states, concepts that help structure thinking on a range of issues, as well as timely and well-judged policy guidance.
鉴于社区的规模和新问题和潜在安全挑战的不断流动,战略研究可以使自己对特定主题的兴趣激增,然后逐渐消失为无关紧要,投机调查无处可去,或产生平庸结论的密集研究项目。许多研究的持续时间可能会很短,但仍有足够的价值,包括对组织和国家行为的洞察,有助于构建一系列问题思维的概念,以及及时和判断正确的政策指导。
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引用次数: 0
Clausewitz at the nexus of competing fashions in Western strategic thought 克劳塞维茨着眼于西方战略思想中相互竞争的时尚的联系
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2220930
Lukas Milevski
ABSTRACT The history of strategic thought is well trodden ground, but has not been approached from a fashion perspective. This article focuses on the issue of engagement among intellectual fashions by examining how events may lead observers to believe that established, long cycle ways of thinking have become partially, if not wholly, inapt, thereby leading to an uncertain and perhaps incomprehensible strategic environment. Newer, revisionist but often short-lived concepts emerge as a consequence, variously complementary to, despite, or in direct repudiation of longer-lived concepts or theories. This dynamic is examined through the interaction between Clausewitzian and competing fashions.
战略思想史已被广泛研究,但尚未从时尚的角度进行研究。本文通过考察事件如何导致观察者相信既定的、长周期的思维方式已经部分(如果不是全部的话)变得不合适,从而导致一个不确定的、也许是不可理解的战略环境,重点关注知识时尚之间的接触问题。更新的,修正主义的,但往往是短命的概念因此出现,在不同程度上补充,尽管,或直接否定长期存在的概念或理论。这种动态是通过克劳塞维茨和竞争模式之间的相互作用来检验的。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Strategic Studies
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