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The genesis of the first strategic stealth bomber: Understanding the interactions between strategy, bureaucracy, politics, and technology 第一架战略隐形轰炸机的起源:理解战略、官僚主义、政治和技术之间的相互作用
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2186818
Adam B. Young
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引用次数: 0
China and the Taliban: Past as prologue? 中国与塔利班:过去是序幕?
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-26 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2177988
Luke Encarnation, C. C. Fair
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引用次数: 0
The difficult politics of peace: Rivalry in modern South Asia 和平的艰难政治:现代南亚的竞争
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2174108
Christopher Clary
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引用次数: 0
Counterinsurgency as fad: America’s rushed engagement with irregular warfare 平叛风潮:美国仓促参与非常规战争
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-22 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2179616
T. Marks, David H. Ucko
ABSTRACT The counterinsurgency era that dominated American military discussion post-9/11 has passed. The desire to move on, particularly since the loss of Afghanistan in August 2021, has left unsettled a conversation on counterinsurgency that, both among supporters and detractors, was often dangerously narrow. Too hastily embraced and too rapidly abandoned, counterinsurgency generated false promises and then became the scapegoat for poor strategy. This article examines the counterinsurgency era that was and demonstrates how fad-like engagement with the topic in both military and academic circles subverted the supposed learning process taking place. It argues that the lessons from this engagement are mostly misleading or at least incomplete, but it also notes that there is minimal appetite to look deeper into a topic now deemed toxic. Therein lies significant danger.
911事件后主导美国军事讨论的反叛乱时代已经过去。继续前进的愿望,特别是自2021年8月阿富汗战争结束以来,使得关于反叛乱的对话变得不稳定,无论是在支持者还是反对者之间,这种对话往往都是危险的狭隘。太仓促地接受和太迅速地放弃,反叛乱产生了虚假的承诺,然后成为了糟糕策略的替罪羊。本文考察了过去的反叛乱时代,并展示了在军事和学术界对该主题的流行参与如何颠覆了正在发生的假定学习过程。它认为,这种接触的教训大多具有误导性,或者至少是不完整的,但它也指出,人们几乎没有兴趣深入研究一个现在被视为有毒的话题。这其中存在着巨大的危险。
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引用次数: 0
Strategic studies and cyber warfare 战略研究和网络战
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-22 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2174106
Samuel Žilinčík, I.G.B.M. Duyvesteyn
ABSTRACT This article explores the fashion/popularity of the idea that the exercise of cyber power is a form of warfare. Specifically, the article explains the recent decline of the cyber warfare fashion in academia and discusses its implications for strategic studies. To achieve this, we synthesize observations from previous studies with new quantitative and qualitative data. The article contributes to a growing body of literature by tracing and explaining the history of a particular theme within strategic studies.
本文探讨了网络力量的运用是一种战争形式这一观点的流行趋势。具体而言,本文解释了学术界最近网络战时尚的衰落,并讨论了其对战略研究的影响。为了实现这一目标,我们将以前的研究结果与新的定量和定性数据结合起来。这篇文章通过追踪和解释战略研究中特定主题的历史,为越来越多的文献做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Grand strategy or grant strategy? Philanthropic foundations, strategic studies and the American academy 大战略还是拨款战略?慈善基金会,战略研究和美国学院
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-22 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2174107
Jeffrey H. Michaels, Matthew Ford
ABSTRACT The relationship between Strategic Studies and the American academy has always been a tenuous one. Tolerated when fully funded, the field quickly lost its place on campus when it failed to attract grant money. Only with the support of philanthropic foundations did it manage to gain a foothold in American universities. What emerges from our investigation is how the field has feasted during times when foundation money was available and suffered periods of famine when these funds were withdrawn. In addition, we show that during and immediately after the Cold War, the political interests of philanthropic foundations were broadly balanced. By contrast, over the last two decades, the field has been increasingly linked to financial support provided by politically right-leaning foundations. This is happening while funding from more centrist and left-leaning foundations has become much less prominent. When looking ahead at the field’s future health, we cannot but help be concerned about the implications of this development.
战略研究与美国学术界之间的关系一直很微妙。在资金充足的情况下,这一领域得到了容忍,但由于未能吸引到拨款,它很快就失去了在校园里的地位。只有在慈善基金会的支持下,它才得以在美国大学中站稳脚跟。从我们的调查中可以看出,当基金会的资金到位时,该领域是如何享受盛宴的,而当这些资金被撤回时,该领域又是如何遭受饥荒的。此外,我们表明,在冷战期间和冷战结束后,慈善基金会的政治利益大体平衡。相比之下,在过去的二十年里,该领域越来越多地与政治上右倾的基金会提供的财政支持联系在一起。与此同时,来自中间派和左倾基金会的资助却变得不那么突出了。在展望该领域未来的健康发展时,我们不得不关注这一发展的影响。
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引用次数: 0
‘Hybrid warfare’ as an academic fashion “混合战争”是一种学术潮流
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-21 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2177987
Chiara Libiseller
ABSTRACT The ‘hybrid warfare’ concept had been coined years earlier, but became fashionable only when it was adopted and adapted by NATO in 2014, after which academic interest suddenly sky-rocketed. Academics often adopted NATO’s understanding of the concept, took for granted its fit for Russian actions, and imported its political assumptions into the academic debate. The fashionability of the term also led to bandwagoning and thus superficial engagement with both the concept and the phenomenon it was applied to. This article outlines this process and its implications for the field of Strategic Studies.
“混合战争”概念早在几年前就被创造出来了,但直到2014年被北约采用和改编后才变得流行起来,之后学术界的兴趣突然飙升。学术界经常采纳北约对这一概念的理解,想当然地认为北约的理解适合俄罗斯的行动,并将其政治假设引入学术辩论。这个词的时尚性也导致了赶时髦,因此与它所适用的概念和现象都肤浅地接触。本文概述了这一过程及其对战略研究领域的影响。
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引用次数: 5
China’s defence semiconductor industrial base in an age of globalisation: Cross-strait dynamics and regional security implications 全球化时代的中国国防半导体工业基础:两岸动态与地区安全影响
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2164852
M. Chu
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引用次数: 1
Hidden hands: The failure of population-centric counterinsurgency in Afghanistan 2008-11 隐藏的手:2008- 2011年阿富汗以人口为中心的反叛乱失败
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2169673
Christian Tripodi
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引用次数: 0
Pakistan-India Relations: A Critical Appraisal of Power Politics 巴印关系:对强权政治的批判性评价
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-25 DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.01.00240
Fahad Ahmed Misson Independent Research Scholar
Pakistan-India relations are mired in power politics making the two countries as rivals with competing identities and interests. By the logic of power politics, the two neighbouring countries survive in a condition of security dilemma and are locked in patterns of enduring rivalry, militarised geopolitics and antagonistic national security paradigms. Despite the enduring rivalry, the India-Pakistan relations are also marked by contexts of cooperation where the two sides have exhibited orderly relations and given way for negotiations. In order to give meaning to this oscillating state-to-state relationship, the present study looks into the variable of threat perception whether it is an objective phenomenon or a subjective phenomenon. To this end, the study aims at demystifying Pakistan-India relations from the lens of Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat Theory. By bringing up the ideational component of ‘aggressive intentions’ in his model, Walt conceptualises threat perception as a subjective phenomenon, which allows for an emancipatory framework of meaning and action that goes beyond the orthodox and regressive logic of traditional power politics to understand Pakistan-India relations. The present study argues that the state elites of the two countries can dial down their tensions by transforming their will and intentions towards more peaceful behaviours and outcomes.
巴基斯坦和印度的关系陷入了强权政治的泥潭,使两国成为具有相互竞争的身份和利益的对手。按照强权政治的逻辑,这两个邻国处于安全困境之中,陷入了持久竞争、军事化地缘政治和对抗性国家安全模式的困境。尽管存在长期的竞争,但印巴关系也有合作的背景,双方都表现出有序的关系,并为谈判让路。为了给这种状态与状态之间的振荡关系赋予意义,本研究对威胁感知的变量进行了研究,无论它是一种客观现象还是一种主观现象。为此,本研究旨在从斯蒂芬·沃尔特的威胁平衡理论的角度,揭开巴基斯坦与印度关系的神秘面纱。通过在他的模型中提出“侵略意图”的概念成分,沃尔特将威胁感知概念化为一种主观现象,这允许一个超越传统权力政治的正统和倒退逻辑的意义和行动的解放框架来理解巴基斯坦和印度的关系。本研究认为,两国的国家精英可以通过将他们的意愿和意图转变为更和平的行为和结果来缓和他们的紧张关系。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Strategic Studies
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