Pub Date : 2023-02-06DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2164852
M. Chu
{"title":"China’s defence semiconductor industrial base in an age of globalisation: Cross-strait dynamics and regional security implications","authors":"M. Chu","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2164852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2164852","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72535435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-30DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2169673
Christian Tripodi
{"title":"Hidden hands: The failure of population-centric counterinsurgency in Afghanistan 2008-11","authors":"Christian Tripodi","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2169673","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2169673","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79682819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-25DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.02.00245
Ahmed Ijaz Malik Assistant Professor
The purpose of this article is to identify the areas where China’s internationally rising monetary and petrocurrency influence is likely to conflict with the US’s monetary as well as strategic interests. It is assumed that China’s creation of mutually financially supportive networks of economic, monetary, petrocurrency as well as highly innovative and expanding defence industrial structures are sources of generation and reinvestment of revenues and surpluses which are directly coming in conflict with the US’s international interests and especially in the South Asian region. In this perspective, this article poses the questions: what are the innovative developments in China’s refinement of its petrocurrency and its internationally extended arms industry? How are these leading to confrontation with the US? And lastly what are the impacts of this monetary and petrocurrency policies on the South Asian region? In the theoretical domain, this article addresses the role of the combination of monetary and strategic factors in growing confrontation between the two great powers and the possibilities of conflicts leading to changes in international polarity and order. It is argued that China appears to suggest that its new version of international order encourages economic competition among great powers; however, this newly emerging Chinese global monetary and geostrategic network has equal risks of leading to strategic confrontations and armed conflict between China and the US as well as South Asian states.
{"title":"The ‘Petrocurrency’ Determinants in Growing Sino-US Confrontation: Implication for South Asia","authors":"Ahmed Ijaz Malik Assistant Professor","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.02.00245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.02.00245","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to identify the areas where China’s internationally rising monetary and petrocurrency influence is likely to conflict with the US’s monetary as well as strategic interests. It is assumed that China’s creation of mutually financially supportive networks of economic, monetary, petrocurrency as well as highly innovative and expanding defence industrial structures are sources of generation and reinvestment of revenues and surpluses which are directly coming in conflict with the US’s international interests and especially in the South Asian region. In this perspective, this article poses the questions: what are the innovative developments in China’s refinement of its petrocurrency and its internationally extended arms industry? How are these leading to confrontation with the US? And lastly what are the impacts of this monetary and petrocurrency policies on the South Asian region? In the theoretical domain, this article addresses the role of the combination of monetary and strategic factors in growing confrontation between the two great powers and the possibilities of conflicts leading to changes in international polarity and order. It is argued that China appears to suggest that its new version of international order encourages economic competition among great powers; however, this newly emerging Chinese global monetary and geostrategic network has equal risks of leading to strategic confrontations and armed conflict between China and the US as well as South Asian states.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88833268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-25DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.01.00240
Fahad Ahmed Misson Independent Research Scholar
Pakistan-India relations are mired in power politics making the two countries as rivals with competing identities and interests. By the logic of power politics, the two neighbouring countries survive in a condition of security dilemma and are locked in patterns of enduring rivalry, militarised geopolitics and antagonistic national security paradigms. Despite the enduring rivalry, the India-Pakistan relations are also marked by contexts of cooperation where the two sides have exhibited orderly relations and given way for negotiations. In order to give meaning to this oscillating state-to-state relationship, the present study looks into the variable of threat perception whether it is an objective phenomenon or a subjective phenomenon. To this end, the study aims at demystifying Pakistan-India relations from the lens of Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat Theory. By bringing up the ideational component of ‘aggressive intentions’ in his model, Walt conceptualises threat perception as a subjective phenomenon, which allows for an emancipatory framework of meaning and action that goes beyond the orthodox and regressive logic of traditional power politics to understand Pakistan-India relations. The present study argues that the state elites of the two countries can dial down their tensions by transforming their will and intentions towards more peaceful behaviours and outcomes.
{"title":"Pakistan-India Relations: A Critical Appraisal of Power Politics","authors":"Fahad Ahmed Misson Independent Research Scholar","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.01.00240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.00240","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan-India relations are mired in power politics making the two countries as rivals with competing identities and interests. By the logic of power politics, the two neighbouring countries survive in a condition of security dilemma and are locked in patterns of enduring rivalry, militarised geopolitics and antagonistic national security paradigms. Despite the enduring rivalry, the India-Pakistan relations are also marked by contexts of cooperation where the two sides have exhibited orderly relations and given way for negotiations. In order to give meaning to this oscillating state-to-state relationship, the present study looks into the variable of threat perception whether it is an objective phenomenon or a subjective phenomenon. To this end, the study aims at demystifying Pakistan-India relations from the lens of Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat Theory. By bringing up the ideational component of ‘aggressive intentions’ in his model, Walt conceptualises threat perception as a subjective phenomenon, which allows for an emancipatory framework of meaning and action that goes beyond the orthodox and regressive logic of traditional power politics to understand Pakistan-India relations. The present study argues that the state elites of the two countries can dial down their tensions by transforming their will and intentions towards more peaceful behaviours and outcomes.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87535497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-25DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.02.00236
Farah Naz Assistant Professor
The damaging economic, political, and diplomatic effects of Russia’s attack on Ukraine in February 2022 have not been confined to just continental Europe. The highly interconnected and interdependent nature of the global economy means that other regions are similarly, or even more negatively, affected by any outbreak of hostilities in states like Ukraine that prove integral parts of global food and energy supply chains. This is particularly the case with the South Asian region that has a predominance of developing economies already struggling to provide adequate basic services to their citizens, especially in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic and other climate change related natural disasters like floods and wildfire. The aim of this paper is to analyse the ongoing economic and geopolitical effects of Russia’s war against Ukraine in South Asia, highlighting how sustained disruptions in global food and energy supply chains exacerbate existing insecurity in developing economies. The corollary to this economic insecurity is increased inter-regional tensions as individual states compete against each other for increasingly scarce and costlier food and energy resources.
{"title":"Impact of Ukraine War on Global Energy and Food Supply Chains: A Case Study of South Asia","authors":"Farah Naz Assistant Professor","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.02.00236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.02.00236","url":null,"abstract":"The damaging economic, political, and diplomatic effects of Russia’s attack on Ukraine in February 2022 have not been confined to just continental Europe. The highly interconnected and interdependent nature of the global economy means that other regions are similarly, or even more negatively, affected by any outbreak of hostilities in states like Ukraine that prove integral parts of global food and energy supply chains. This is particularly the case with the South Asian region that has a predominance of developing economies already struggling to provide adequate basic services to their citizens, especially in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic and other climate change related natural disasters like floods and wildfire. The aim of this paper is to analyse the ongoing economic and geopolitical effects of Russia’s war against Ukraine in South Asia, highlighting how sustained disruptions in global food and energy supply chains exacerbate existing insecurity in developing economies. The corollary to this economic insecurity is increased inter-regional tensions as individual states compete against each other for increasingly scarce and costlier food and energy resources.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76245946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to study the security of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in regional context, with special focus on China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).Security environment of Afghanistan still remains uncertain and volatile having a direct bearing on the security situation of Pakistan and CPEC. Contrary to expectations, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) continues to operate from its secure bases inside Afghanistan under the Taliban regime and expand its influence in the areas bordering Afghanistan. Indian opposition to CPEC is driven by multiple motives apart from being a perennial adversary of Pakistan and a strategic competitor of China. China’s central role in BRI and CPEC has ramifications from Indian perspective that is why it opposes BRI and CPEC. Bilateral relations of Pakistan and Iran has seen many ups and down, however, both countries have developed broad unanimity over Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Iran has indicated an interest in joining CPEC. BRI has further strengthened already deep ties between Pakistan and China. Following a qualitative approach and drawing on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), this study underscores the security challenge for BRI in the context of regional security environment.
{"title":"Belt and Road Initiative in South Asia: Security Imperatives","authors":"Muhammad Sohail Mushtaq Retired Army Officer","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.02.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.02.0012","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to study the security of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in regional context, with special focus on China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).Security environment of Afghanistan still remains uncertain and volatile having a direct bearing on the security situation of Pakistan and CPEC. Contrary to expectations, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) continues to operate from its secure bases inside Afghanistan under the Taliban regime and expand its influence in the areas bordering Afghanistan. Indian opposition to CPEC is driven by multiple motives apart from being a perennial adversary of Pakistan and a strategic competitor of China. China’s central role in BRI and CPEC has ramifications from Indian perspective that is why it opposes BRI and CPEC. Bilateral relations of Pakistan and Iran has seen many ups and down, however, both countries have developed broad unanimity over Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Iran has indicated an interest in joining CPEC. BRI has further strengthened already deep ties between Pakistan and China. Following a qualitative approach and drawing on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), this study underscores the security challenge for BRI in the context of regional security environment.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73785055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-25DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.02.00240
Fahad Ahmed Misson Independent Research Scholar
Pakistan-India relations are mired in power politics making the two countries as rivals with competing identities and interests. By the logic of power politics, the two neighbouring countries survive in a condition of security dilemma and are locked in patterns of enduring rivalry, militarised geopolitics and antagonistic national security paradigms. Despite the enduring rivalry, the India-Pakistan relations are also marked by contexts of cooperation where the two sides have exhibited orderly relations and given way for negotiations. In order to give meaning to this oscillating state-to-state relationship, the present study looks into the variable of threat perception whether it is an objective phenomenon or a subjective phenomenon. To this end, the study aims at demystifying Pakistan-India relations from the lens of Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat Theory. By bringing up the ideational component of ‘aggressive intentions’ in his model, Walt conceptualises threat perception as a subjective phenomenon, which allows for an emancipatory framework of meaning and action that goes beyond the orthodox and regressive logic of traditional power politics to understand Pakistan-India relations. The present study argues that the state elites of the two countries can dial down their tensions by transforming their will and intentions towards more peaceful behaviours and outcomes.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-25DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.02.00235
Sadia Khanum Assistant Professor, Tasawar Hussain Assistant Professor
India is a multi-religious and multiethnic society, the rise of Hindutva in the country’s politics has polarised it in an unprecedented way. The state’s inclination towards Hindutva is evident from the plight of Indian Muslims, who constitute one of the largest minority communities anywhere in the world. In today’s globalised world, analysing Muslim minority’s socio-economic conditions is imperative especially in the context of the United Nations Millennium and Sustainable Development Goals. This paper primarily examines the post-globalisation socio-economic and political status of the Muslim minority in India. The study focuses on the changing social and political dynamic of Indian society and repercussions for Muslims under the BJP’s government. The findings bring forward an alarming situation by highlighting that Muslims minority in India is systematically deprived and by implication, lagging behind vis-à-vis other communities in a state that claims to abide by liberal, secular and democratic norms. Economic and political deprivation, communal riots, prevailing illiteracy, poor health and social conditions are the main characteristics of the Muslim community of India.
{"title":"Indian Muslims’ Socio-Political and Economic Challenges in the Globalised World","authors":"Sadia Khanum Assistant Professor, Tasawar Hussain Assistant Professor","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.02.00235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.02.00235","url":null,"abstract":"India is a multi-religious and multiethnic society, the rise of Hindutva in the country’s politics has polarised it in an unprecedented way. The state’s inclination towards Hindutva is evident from the plight of Indian Muslims, who constitute one of the largest minority communities anywhere in the world. In today’s globalised world, analysing Muslim minority’s socio-economic conditions is imperative especially in the context of the United Nations Millennium and Sustainable Development Goals. This paper primarily examines the post-globalisation socio-economic and political status of the Muslim minority in India. The study focuses on the changing social and political dynamic of Indian society and repercussions for Muslims under the BJP’s government. The findings bring forward an alarming situation by highlighting that Muslims minority in India is systematically deprived and by implication, lagging behind vis-à-vis other communities in a state that claims to abide by liberal, secular and democratic norms. Economic and political deprivation, communal riots, prevailing illiteracy, poor health and social conditions are the main characteristics of the Muslim community of India.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76595168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-24DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2164569
S. Colbourn
The post – Cold War world, it seems, is history. Perhaps the shocks of recent years, be it COVID-19 or Russia’s vastly expanded war in Ukraine, signal the end of an era begun with the revolutions of 1989. Certainly, plenty of pundits seem to think so. But the contours of the post – Cold War world are also increasingly terrain that historians feel comfortable traversing. Both Mary Sarotte and Jussi Hanhimäki have recently taken up that task with two new histories of the post – Cold War order in the Euro-Atlantic region. In Pax Transatlantica, Hanhimäki emphasizes a fundamental continuity as he surveys transatlantic relations from the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 through the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic that brought the globe to a virtual standstill in 2020. That sense of continuity is clear from the first pages, which open with a game likely familiar to anyone who has taught course on transatlantic relations – date the citation. Usually, it goes something like this: After being offered up a quotation lamenting the profound divergence between the United States and Europe, players guess when the remark dates from. A slew of responses follow: 2020, 2017, 2003, and the list goes on. Of course, the reason the game works so well is that all the guesses are smart and well-informed, but also wrong. Hanhimäki’s opening example comes from 1973, but the same script works with any number of examples.
{"title":"Review of Jussi M. Hanhimäki, Pax Transatlantica and M.E. Sarotte, Not One Inch","authors":"S. Colbourn","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2022.2164569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2022.2164569","url":null,"abstract":"The post – Cold War world, it seems, is history. Perhaps the shocks of recent years, be it COVID-19 or Russia’s vastly expanded war in Ukraine, signal the end of an era begun with the revolutions of 1989. Certainly, plenty of pundits seem to think so. But the contours of the post – Cold War world are also increasingly terrain that historians feel comfortable traversing. Both Mary Sarotte and Jussi Hanhimäki have recently taken up that task with two new histories of the post – Cold War order in the Euro-Atlantic region. In Pax Transatlantica, Hanhimäki emphasizes a fundamental continuity as he surveys transatlantic relations from the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 through the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic that brought the globe to a virtual standstill in 2020. That sense of continuity is clear from the first pages, which open with a game likely familiar to anyone who has taught course on transatlantic relations – date the citation. Usually, it goes something like this: After being offered up a quotation lamenting the profound divergence between the United States and Europe, players guess when the remark dates from. A slew of responses follow: 2020, 2017, 2003, and the list goes on. Of course, the reason the game works so well is that all the guesses are smart and well-informed, but also wrong. Hanhimäki’s opening example comes from 1973, but the same script works with any number of examples.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81715162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-24DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2164570
Jacquelyn G. Schneider, J. Macdonald
{"title":"Looking back to look forward: Autonomous systems, military revolutions, and the importance of cost","authors":"Jacquelyn G. Schneider, J. Macdonald","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2022.2164570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2022.2164570","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78849308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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