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From the editors 来自编辑
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2181913
T. Mahnken
We would like to welcome Chiara Libiseller to the editorial team of The Journal of Strategic Studies. We are excited to have her join us as Deputy Editor. We would similarly like to extend our deepest appreciation to Joshua Rovner for his years of service as Deputy Editor and to Alan James for his tenure as the journal’s Reviews Editor. In recent years, as evidence of China’s nuclear and conventional buildup has grown, so too has concern over the prospects of escalation stemming from the entanglement of Chinese nuclear and conventional weapon systems. In ‘Are They Reading Schelling in Beijing? The Dimensions, Drivers, and Risks of Nuclear-Conventional Entanglement in China’, David C. Logan of Princeton University develops a framework for assessing entanglement and its risks. Applying that framework to China, he finds that Beijing’s missiles are not as entangled as is sometimes feared. He argues that strategic signaling and perception management will be key to controlling escalation risks stemming from nuclear-conventional entanglement in China. The issue’s next three essays examine the topics of strategic culture and military innovation. In ‘Theory of Strategic Culture: An Analytical Framework for Russian Cyber Threat Perception’, Martti J. Kari of the University of Jyväskylä and Katri Pynnöniemi of the University of Helsinki formulate an analytical framework to study the formation of Russian thinking on cyber threats as part of Russian strategic culture. They identify a sense of vulnerability, the narrative of Russia as a besieged fortress, and the technological inferiority of Russia as specific factors influencing Russian cyber threat perceptions.
我们欢迎Chiara Libiseller加入《战略研究杂志》的编辑团队。我们很高兴她能成为我们的副主编。同样,我们也要向多年来担任副主编的Joshua Rovner和担任杂志评论编辑的Alan James表示最深切的感谢。近年来,随着中国核武器和常规武器建设的证据越来越多,人们对中国核武器和常规武器系统纠缠所导致的升级前景的担忧也越来越多。在《他们在北京读谢林的书吗?》《中国核常规纠缠的维度、驱动因素和风险》一书中,普林斯顿大学的David C. Logan开发了一个评估纠缠及其风险的框架。将这一框架应用于中国,他发现北京的导弹并不像人们有时担心的那样纠缠不开。他认为,战略信号和感知管理将是控制中国核常规纠缠带来的升级风险的关键。本期接下来的三篇文章探讨了战略文化和军事创新的主题。在《战略文化理论:俄罗斯网络威胁感知的分析框架》中,Jyväskylä大学的Martti J. Kari和赫尔辛基大学的Katri Pynnöniemi制定了一个分析框架,以研究俄罗斯作为俄罗斯战略文化一部分的网络威胁思维的形成。他们认为,影响俄罗斯网络威胁认知的具体因素包括脆弱感、俄罗斯被围困堡垒的叙事,以及俄罗斯的技术劣势。
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引用次数: 0
Is empathy a strategic imperative? A review essay 同理心是一种战略需要吗?一篇评论文章
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2152800
C. Yorke
ABSTRACT Empathy is increasingly seen as integral to effective strategy, offering solutions to policy failures and new ways to achieve strategic and operational success. Despite its softer connotations, empathy is hard, requiring strategists to confront misperceptions and false assumptions, and overcome individual egos and national hubris. This article reviews the literature, examining some of the gaps and costs incurred. Whilst strategic empathy may have transactional and instrumental connotations, it suggests that the concept holds greater potential to transform strategy. Used wisely, it offers an ethos and means to put people first, foster greater security, and offer innovative approaches to contemporary challenges.
移情越来越被视为有效战略的组成部分,为政策失败提供解决方案,并为实现战略和运营成功提供新途径。尽管同理心的内涵更柔和,但它很难,需要战略家面对误解和错误的假设,克服个人的自负和民族的傲慢。本文回顾了文献,研究了一些差距和产生的成本。虽然战略共情可能具有交易性和工具性内涵,但它表明,这一概念在改变战略方面具有更大的潜力。如果运用得当,它提供了一种以人为本的精神和手段,促进了更大的安全,并提供了应对当代挑战的创新方法。
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引用次数: 0
Counterinsurgency comes home 平叛归来
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-30 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2146095
Andrew J Gawthorpe
ABSTRACT Two recent books suggest that the crisis of American democracy can be productively understood and addressed through concepts from security studies, namely ‘counterinsurgency’ and ‘civil war’. Yet doing so raises a host of ethical and practical problems which are only likely to make the crisis of American democracy worse.
最近出版的两本书表明,通过安全研究中的概念,即“反叛乱”和“内战”,可以有效地理解和解决美国民主危机。然而,这样做会引发一系列道德和实际问题,而这些问题只会使美国的民主危机进一步恶化。
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引用次数: 0
Awe for strategic effect: Hardly worth the trouble 对战略效果的敬畏:不值得这么麻烦
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2138355
Samuel Žilinčík
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引用次数: 1
The Ministry of National Defence in South Korea: Military dominance despite civilian supremacy? 韩国国防部:尽管有民事优势,但军事优势?
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2127092
Insoo Kim, D. Kuehn
ABSTRACT South Korea’s transition from military-controlled authoritarianism to consolidated civilian-dominated democracy is widely considered a success story. However, civilians’ roles within the MND remain severely limited due to the institutional design of the MND. A decentralised structure emerged in the MND, delegating policy decision-making in critical areas to professional soldiers. Data analysis on 1,060 employees in 21 MND departments shows a clear cut between the military domain and the civilian domain within the MND, which enabled the military to thwart 30 years of civilian efforts to reform the military structure without challenging the principle of civilian supremacy.
韩国从军方控制的威权主义过渡到巩固的文官主导的民主被广泛认为是一个成功的故事。但是,由于国防部的体制设计,文职人员在国防部内的作用仍然受到严重限制。国防部出现了权力下放的结构,将关键领域的政策决策授权给职业军人。对国防部21个部门的1060名职员进行的数据分析显示,国防部内部军民分明,这使得军方在没有挑战文官至上原则的情况下,挫败了30年来文官为改革军事结构所做的努力。
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引用次数: 1
Technological determinism or strategic advantage? Comparing the two Karabakh Wars between Armenia and Azerbaijan 技术决定论还是战略优势?比较亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆的两次卡拉巴赫战争
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2127093
Vicken Cheterian
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引用次数: 2
Fortuna, chance, risk and opportunity in strategy from Antiquity to the Nuclear Age 从古代到核时代战略中的运气、机会、风险和机遇
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2111306
Beatrice Heuser
Taking risks might be encouraged, both in business and military strategy, when the potential price of losing would not be excessive while the gains in winning, worth wagering such a bet. In military contexts, a side set on aggression and conquest might take such a risk. Chance, fortuna, determining the outcome of risk taking has been seen differently throughout history – fatalistically, as prevalent in the Middle Ages – as been something that could not be influenced, or, as in Antiquity and in more recent times, as a factor open to influence by the astute and forceful military commander, or to prudent planners. New situations could be seen as dangerous and risky, with risks against which one has to hedge. Or they could be seen as a chance to change things in one’s own interest. This might be done through extensive contingency planning, or by seizing an opportunity quickly, applying the genius general’s coup d’oeil to turn a new development to one’s advantage, always conscious that this was a gamble and the outcome uncertain. While such a gamble could win or lose a battle and in turn a war, in the nuclear age, such a gamble would seem difficult to justify given the potential negative outcomes.
在商业和军事战略方面,如果失败的潜在代价不会过高,而胜利的收益值得下这样的赌注,那么冒险可能会受到鼓励。在军事背景下,以侵略和征服为目标的一方可能会冒这样的风险。机遇,运气,决定冒险的结果,在历史上被不同地看待——宿命论,在中世纪盛行——被认为是不可影响的东西,或者,像在古代和近代,作为一个开放的因素,由精明有力的军事指挥官或谨慎的规划者来影响。新形势可能被视为危险和有风险的,人们必须对冲这些风险。或者,它们可以被视为一个为自己的利益而改变事物的机会。这可以通过广泛的应急计划来实现,或者通过迅速抓住机会,运用天才将军的妙招,将新的发展转变为自己的优势,始终意识到这是一场赌博,结果不确定。虽然这样的赌博可能会赢得或输掉一场战斗,进而导致一场战争,但在核时代,考虑到潜在的负面后果,这样的赌博似乎很难证明是合理的。
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引用次数: 0
Gender and Nationalism: Political Awakening of Muslim Women of the Subcontinent in the 20th Century 性别与民族主义:20世纪次大陆穆斯林妇女的政治觉醒
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.53532/ss.037.02.00216
Aisha Anees Malik
This paper explores the conflicting relationship between feminism and nationalism by probing into the perception which views women as merely symbols of biological repository of a nation. This formulation is temporarily suspended during nationalist struggles, where women’s support was needed to show unity of identity driven by common objectives. Once independence was achieved, women were expected to stop being comrades in the nationalist struggle and return to being biological and ideological repositories of the nation itself. The political struggles of the Muslim women in the pre and post-independence Pakistan have been used as a case in point. The 20th century social reform movement, the Pakistan Movement and post-independence political struggles, till the end of the century, reflect how a masculine nation-state attempts to limit women’s political and legal rights: the same nation-state that was born as a result of the struggles of women alongside their men.
本文通过探究将女性仅仅视为一个民族生物宝库的象征的观念,来探讨女性主义与民族主义之间的冲突关系。在民族主义斗争期间,这一提法被暂时搁置,在民族主义斗争中,需要妇女的支持来显示由共同目标驱动的身份统一。一旦获得独立,人们就期望妇女不再是民族主义斗争中的同志,而重新成为国家本身的生理和思想宝库。在独立前后的巴基斯坦,穆斯林妇女的政治斗争就是一个很好的例子。20世纪的社会改革运动、巴基斯坦运动和独立后的政治斗争,直到20世纪末,都反映了一个男性化的民族国家是如何试图限制女性的政治和法律权利的:同样的民族国家是在女性与男性的斗争中诞生的。
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引用次数: 1
Evolution of the Argentina Ministry of Defense since 1983: Organizations, norms, and personnel 1983年以来阿根廷国防部的演变:组织、规范和人员
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-30 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2127091
J. Battaglino, D. Pion-Berlin
ABSTRACT Through a progressive strengthening of organizational, legal, and personnel attributes, Argentina's Ministry of Defense has become civilianized. The MOD has been strengthened by the addition of new bureaucratic units headed by civilians with the authority to shape and conduct defense policy while also encouraging interactions with military personnel, resulting in better informed policy choices. This article will account for these changes through a detailed analysis of foreign affairs, strategic planning and promotions, production and research, and education. Procedural rules, divisions of labor and civil-military interactions are delineated. Military modernization deficiencies and the need for a permanent civilian staff are noted.
通过组织、法律和人员属性的逐步加强,阿根廷国防部已经变得平民化。国防部通过增加新的官僚单位得到加强,这些单位由文职人员领导,有权制定和实施国防政策,同时也鼓励与军事人员的互动,从而产生更明智的政策选择。本文将通过对外交事务、战略规划和推广、生产和研究以及教育的详细分析来说明这些变化。程序规则、劳动分工和军民互动都被描绘了出来。委员会注意到军事现代化方面的不足和需要长期文职工作人员。
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引用次数: 0
The fulcrum of democratic civilian control: Re-imagining the role of defence ministries 民主文官控制的支点:重新设想国防部的角色
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2127094
A. Mukherjee, D. Pion-Berlin
ABSTRACT In this introduction we present the justification and the analytical frame of our special issue. More specifically, this issue examines the institutional role of defence ministries in fortifying civilian control and military effectiveness. As we argue, scholarship on this subject is sparse, despite the ministry’s importance in enforcing civilian control, enhancing military effectiveness, and conducting the day-to-day affairs of national defense. If defence ministries are to fulfill these obligations, they must be properly positioned, financially and bureaucratically endowed, as well as staffed with knowledgeable civilians with sufficient authority. Not all ministries are up to these standards. To highlight these aspects, our special issue examines the defense ministries of four countries, two of which are older democracies (France and India) and two more recently established ones (Argentina and South Korea). These case studies pay particular attention to organizational design of the ministries, the roles assigned to civilian and military personnel, how much defense expertise civilians and officers can claim, and whether there are mechanisms that allow ministry personnel to convert resources into military strength. We underscore our contribution to the literature and suggest avenues for further research.
在这篇引言中,我们提出了我们的特刊的理由和分析框架。更具体地说,这个问题审查了国防部在加强文职控制和军事效能方面的体制作用。正如我们所说,尽管国防部在加强文官控制、提高军事效能和管理国防日常事务方面发挥着重要作用,但关于这一主题的学术研究却很少。如果国防部要履行这些义务,它们必须有适当的定位,在财政和官僚制度上得到赋予,并配备有足够权威的知识渊博的文职人员。并非所有部委都符合这些标准。为了突出这些方面,我们的特刊考察了四个国家的国防部,其中两个是较老的民主国家(法国和印度),两个是较新建立的民主国家(阿根廷和韩国)。这些案例研究特别关注各部的组织设计,分配给文职人员和军事人员的角色,文职人员和军官可以要求多少国防专业知识,以及是否存在允许部门人员将资源转化为军事力量的机制。我们强调了我们对文献的贡献,并提出了进一步研究的途径。
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Journal of Strategic Studies
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