Pub Date : 2024-01-03DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2290441
Benoît Pelopidas, Hebatalla Taha, Tom Vaughan
{"title":"How dawn turned into dusk: Scoping and closing possible nuclear futures after the Cold War","authors":"Benoît Pelopidas, Hebatalla Taha, Tom Vaughan","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2290441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2290441","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"49 26","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139452036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2286431
Cameron L. Ross
{"title":"Going nuclear: The development of American strategic conceptions about cyber conflict","authors":"Cameron L. Ross","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2286431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2286431","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139218539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2284632
Johan Nisser
{"title":"Aligning tactics with strategy: Vertical implementation of military doctrine","authors":"Johan Nisser","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2284632","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2284632","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139221531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-05DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2271175
Elai Rettig, Ziv Rubinovitz
ABSTRACTThis article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil sanctions and leveraging them to further expand their own markets. It points to the unique advantages and necessary preconditions that make small states successful in their search for ‘sanctions busters’ in the global oil market, especially when approaching countries that recently became oil exporters. Using declassified Israeli, British and US archival material, this article sheds light on how Israel capitalized on the 1973 Arab oil embargo to gain access to Ecuador’s market through its oil sector, but failed to repeat this success in Norway and the United Kingdom.KEYWORDS: Oilsanctions bustingsmall statesIsraelembargo Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Nicholas Mulder, The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 2022).2 UN Security Council, ‘SC/13141 – Security Council Tightens Sanctions on Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2397’, 22 December 2017, https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc13141.doc.htm.3 Phillip Brown, Oil Market Effects from US Economic Sanctions: Iran, Russia, Venezuela (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2020).4 US Department of Treasury, ‘Treasury Expands Burma-Related Sanctions and Designates Additional Jet Fuel Suppliers in Burma’, Press Release, 23 August 2023.5 US Congress, ‘S.4407 – China Oil Export Prohibition Act of 2022’, 15 June 2022. https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4407/amendments?r=2&s=1.6 Yangyang Chen et al., ‘Impact Assessment of Energy Sanctions in Geo-conflict: Russian – Ukrainian War’, Energy Reports 9 (2023), 3082–3095.7 Blake Clayton and Michael Levi, ‘The Surprising Sources of Oil’s Influence’, Survival 54/6 (2012), 107–122; Llewelyn Hughes and Eugene Gholz, ‘Energy, Coercive Diplomacy, and Sanctions’, in Thijs Van de Graaf, Benjamin K. Sovacool, Arunabha Ghosh, Florian Kern and Michael T. Klare (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of the International Political Economy of Energy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 487–504; Emma Ashford, ‘Not-so-smart Sanctions: The Failure of Western Restrictions against Russia’, Foreign Affairs 95/1 (2016), 114–123.8 Dursun Peksen, ‘When Do Imposed Economic Sanctions Work? A Critical Review of the Sanctions Effectiveness Literature’, Defence and Peace Economics 30/6 (2019), 635–647.9 Itay Fischhendler, Lior Herman and Nir Maoz, ‘The Political Economy of Energy Sanctions: Insights from a Global Outlook 1938–2017’, Energy Research and Social Science 34 (2017), 62–71.10 Bryan R. Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies: An Explanation of Sanctions-Busting Trade’, International Studies Quarterly 53/1 (2009), 49–71; Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights: Sanctions Busters and Their Effects on the Success of Economic Sanctions’, Foreign Policy Analysis 7/4 (2011), 381–402; Jonathan Golub, ‘Improving An
摘要本文认为,石油进口小国特别善于规避石油制裁,并利用制裁进一步扩大自己的市场。报告指出,小国在全球石油市场上成功寻找“制裁终结者”的独特优势和必要先决条件,尤其是在接近最近成为石油出口国的国家时。本文利用解密的以色列、英国和美国档案资料,揭示以色列如何利用1973年阿拉伯石油禁运,透过其石油部门进入厄瓜多市场,却未能在挪威和英国复制这种成功。关键词:石油制裁打击小国以色列禁运披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1尼古拉斯·穆德:《经济武器:制裁作为现代战争工具的兴起》(纽黑文,康涅狄格州:耶鲁大学出版社,2022年)3 .联合国安理会,“SC/13141 -安理会加强对朝鲜民主主义人民共和国的制裁,一致通过第2397号决议”,2017年12月22日,https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc13141.doc.htm.3菲利普·布朗,美国经济制裁对石油市场的影响:伊朗、俄罗斯和委内瑞拉(华盛顿特区:国会研究处,2020)美国财政部,“财政部扩大与缅甸有关的制裁并指定额外的缅甸航空燃料供应商”,新闻稿,2023.5年8月23日。4407 -《2022年中国石油出口禁止法》,2022年6月15日。https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4407/amendments?r=2&s=1.6陈阳阳等,“地缘冲突中能源制裁的影响评估:俄罗斯-乌克兰战争”,《能源报告》9 (2023),3082-3095.7 Blake Clayton和Michael Levi,“石油影响的惊人来源”,《生存》54/6 (2012),107-122;Llewelyn Hughes和Eugene Gholz,“能源,强制外交和制裁”,见Thijs Van de Graaf, Benjamin K. Sovacool, arunha Ghosh, Florian Kern和Michael T. Klare(编),《Palgrave国际能源政治经济手册》(伦敦:Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 487-504;Emma Ashford,“不明智的制裁:西方对俄罗斯限制的失败”,《外交事务》95/1(2016),114-123.8。对制裁有效性文献的批判性回顾”,国防与和平经济30/6 (2019),635-647.9 Itay Fischhendler, Lior Herman和Nir Maoz,“能源制裁的政治经济学:1938-2017年全球展望的见解”,能源研究与社会科学34 (2017),62-71.10 Bryan R. Early,“与朋友的敌人睡觉:对制裁破坏贸易的解释”,国际研究季刊53/1 (2009),49-71;早期,“揭露黑骑士:制裁破坏者及其对经济制裁成功的影响”,《外交政策分析》第7/4期(2011),381-402;乔纳森·戈卢布,“制裁破坏的改进分析”,和平经济学,和平科学与公共政策26/2(2020),20190043.11大卫·m·罗,操纵市场:理解经济制裁,制度变革,和白罗得西亚的政治统一(密歇根州安娜堡:密歇根大学出版社,2001)Neta C. Crawford,“反对种族隔离的石油制裁”,载于Neta C. Crawford和Audie Klotz(主编),“制裁如何起作用:来自南非的教训”(英国贝辛斯托克:Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), 103-126.13弗雷德里克S. Pearson,“荷兰外交政策和1973-74年石油禁运-跨国主义的影响”,UMSL全球偶尔论文787 (1978);《石油制裁反对种族隔离》,第14页Karen Smith Stegen,《解构“能源武器”:俄罗斯对欧洲的威胁案例研究》,《能源政策》39/10 (2011),6505-6513;Laura El-Katiri和Bassam Fattouh,“关于石油禁运和伊朗石油武器的神话”,能源评论(牛津能源研究所,2012),https://www.oxfordenergy.org/publications/on-oil-embargos-and-the-myth-of-the-iranian-oil-weapon-2/.15 Jeff D. Colgan,“皇帝没有衣服:欧佩克在全球石油市场的限制”,国际组织68/3 (2014),599-632;Eugene Gholz和Daryl G. Press,“保护“大奖”:石油与美国国家利益”,《安全研究》19/3 (2010),453-485;Hughes和Gholz, <能源、强制外交和制裁>,第16页wjtek M. Wolfe和Brock F. Tessman,“中国全球股权石油投资:经济和地缘政治影响”,《战略研究》第35/2期(2012),175-196;亚当·威廉·查尔默斯和苏珊娜·特蕾西亚·莫克,《例外论的终结?《中国国有石油公司海外投资的解释》,《国际政治经济评论》2017年第24期,119-143.17页。李建平。经济制裁对人权的影响[j] .《国际经济研究》2009年第46期,59-77.18。 迪特里希:《石油革命》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2017);朱利亚诺·加拉维尼,《欧佩克在20世纪的兴衰》(牛津:牛津大学出版社2019年)卢埃林·休斯和奥斯汀·朗,《石油武器存在吗?》:国际石油市场结构变化的安全意义”,《国际安全》39/3 (2014),152-189.20 Lior Herman和Itay Fischhendler,“能源作为一种奖励和惩罚的外交政策工具:以巴关系为例”,《冲突与恐怖主义研究》44/6 (2021),495-520.21 Fischhendler, Herman和Maoz,“能源制裁的政治经济学”Bryan R. Early和Timothy M. Peterson,《惩罚制裁有效吗?》制裁执行与美国与被制裁国家的贸易”,政治研究季刊75/3 (2022),782-796.23 Early,“揭开黑骑士的面纱”;Golub,“改进对制裁破坏的分析”;Lisa L. Martin,强制性合作:解释多边经济制裁(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,1992).24Bryan R. Early,《制裁失败:解释经济制裁失败的原因》(斯坦福,加州:斯坦福大学出版社,2015),第25页马丁,《强制合作》。26同上。27 Early,“与你朋友的敌人睡觉”。28Llewelyn Hughes和Phillip Y. lipssy,《能源的政治》,《政治学年度评论》,2013年第16期,449-469.29Daniel Yergin,《确保能源安全》,《外交事务》85/2 (2006),69-82.31Caroline Kuzemko, Andrew Lawrence和Matthew Watson,“能源国际政治经济的新方向”,《国际政治经济评论》26/1 (2019),1-24.33 Daniel Scholten(主编),可再生能源的地缘政治(Cham,瑞士:S
{"title":"How small states break oil sanctions: Israel’s oil import strategy in the 1970s","authors":"Elai Rettig, Ziv Rubinovitz","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2271175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2271175","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil sanctions and leveraging them to further expand their own markets. It points to the unique advantages and necessary preconditions that make small states successful in their search for ‘sanctions busters’ in the global oil market, especially when approaching countries that recently became oil exporters. Using declassified Israeli, British and US archival material, this article sheds light on how Israel capitalized on the 1973 Arab oil embargo to gain access to Ecuador’s market through its oil sector, but failed to repeat this success in Norway and the United Kingdom.KEYWORDS: Oilsanctions bustingsmall statesIsraelembargo Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Nicholas Mulder, The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 2022).2 UN Security Council, ‘SC/13141 – Security Council Tightens Sanctions on Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2397’, 22 December 2017, https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc13141.doc.htm.3 Phillip Brown, Oil Market Effects from US Economic Sanctions: Iran, Russia, Venezuela (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2020).4 US Department of Treasury, ‘Treasury Expands Burma-Related Sanctions and Designates Additional Jet Fuel Suppliers in Burma’, Press Release, 23 August 2023.5 US Congress, ‘S.4407 – China Oil Export Prohibition Act of 2022’, 15 June 2022. https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4407/amendments?r=2&s=1.6 Yangyang Chen et al., ‘Impact Assessment of Energy Sanctions in Geo-conflict: Russian – Ukrainian War’, Energy Reports 9 (2023), 3082–3095.7 Blake Clayton and Michael Levi, ‘The Surprising Sources of Oil’s Influence’, Survival 54/6 (2012), 107–122; Llewelyn Hughes and Eugene Gholz, ‘Energy, Coercive Diplomacy, and Sanctions’, in Thijs Van de Graaf, Benjamin K. Sovacool, Arunabha Ghosh, Florian Kern and Michael T. Klare (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of the International Political Economy of Energy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 487–504; Emma Ashford, ‘Not-so-smart Sanctions: The Failure of Western Restrictions against Russia’, Foreign Affairs 95/1 (2016), 114–123.8 Dursun Peksen, ‘When Do Imposed Economic Sanctions Work? A Critical Review of the Sanctions Effectiveness Literature’, Defence and Peace Economics 30/6 (2019), 635–647.9 Itay Fischhendler, Lior Herman and Nir Maoz, ‘The Political Economy of Energy Sanctions: Insights from a Global Outlook 1938–2017’, Energy Research and Social Science 34 (2017), 62–71.10 Bryan R. Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies: An Explanation of Sanctions-Busting Trade’, International Studies Quarterly 53/1 (2009), 49–71; Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights: Sanctions Busters and Their Effects on the Success of Economic Sanctions’, Foreign Policy Analysis 7/4 (2011), 381–402; Jonathan Golub, ‘Improving An","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"68 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135725703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-10DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2266577
Joseph Stieb
ABSTRACTThis paper offers a constructivist critique of Frank Harvey’s ‘Gore-War’ counterfactual, in which he argues that the hypothetical President Al Gore also would have gone to war with Iraq. Harvey overlooks how the George W. Bush administration shaped the structural context in which it acted in ways that made war increasingly likely. I trace two key phases in the road to war in which this dynamic occurred: 1. The half-year after 9/11 in which Bush established Iraq as the centerpiece of his response to terrorism. 2. The period from fall 2002 to early 2003 in which Bush pursued the strategy of ‘coercive diplomacy’ in a manner that all but predetermined the failure of inspections. Using historical evidence about the views of Gore, his likely advisors, and the Democratic policy establishment, I argue for the plausibility of the ‘Gore-Peace’ counterfactual in which President Gore shaped the context of decision-making on Iraq differently than Bush, prioritized Iraq less, and thereby avoided generating pressure or momentum for war. I conclude with reflections on this argument’s implications for counterfactual methodology, historiography, and policy.KEYWORDS: agent-structurecounterfactualsGeorge W. BushIraq WarWar on Terror AcknowledgmentsThank you to Theo Milonopoulos, David Logan, Michael Brenes, Jesse Tumblin, and Andrew Stigler for advice on this article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Richard Ned Lebow, Forbidden Fruit: Counterfactuals and International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 44; Steve Kornacki, ‘Why President Gore Might Have Gone into Iraq After 9/11, Too,’ Salon.com, August 30, 2011 (accessed April 5, 2023).2 David Dessler, ‘What’s at Stake in the Agent-Structure Debate,’ International Organization 43/3 (Summer 1989), 466-68; Robert Jervis, ‘Do Leaders Matter and How Would We Know?’ Security Studies 22, no. 2 (2013): 153-179; Walter Carlsnaes, ‘The Agency-Structure Problem in Foreign Policy Analysis,’ International Studies Quarterly 36, no. 3 (September 1992), 245-270.3 Frank Harvey Explaining the Iraq War: Counterfactual Theory, Logic, and Evidence (New York: Cambridge University Press 2011), 1-8.4 Harvey, Iraq War, 140, 284.5 Ibid., 34-37.6 On this ‘process tracing’ method, see: James Mahoney, ‘Process-Tracing and Historical Explanation,’ Security Studies 24, no. 2 (2015), 204.7 David Houghton, ‘Reinvigorating the Study of Foreign Policy Decision Making: Toward a Constructivist Approach,’ Foreign Policy Analysis 3, no. 1 (January 2007), 27-30; Alexander Wendt, ‘The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory,’ International Organization 41, no. 3 (2009), 335-370; Jutta Weldes, ‘Constructing National Interests,’ European Journal of International Relations 2, no. 3 (1996), 275-281.8 Philip Tetlock and Aaron Belkin, eds., Counterfactual Thought Experiments in World Politics: Logical, Methodological, and Psychological Perspectives (Princet
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Pub Date : 2023-10-10DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2265072
Aaron Bateman
ABSTRACTBritain initiated its Skynet satellite communications program in 1966 to provide assured connectivity with its forces across the world. Using recently declassified documents, this article reframes the history of British space activities by elucidating how the requirements for flexible and secure defense communications shaped U.K. space policy during the Cold War. Although Skynet inaugurated a communications revolution, it was the product of the longstanding British priority of possessing global information networks under sovereign control. In the Space Age, however, Britain had to reconcile its desire for an autonomous satellite communications network with the reality that American assistance was vital.KEYWORDS: Information networksinformation securityspacealliance management Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘Annex A’ in ‘Outline Defence Communications Network Plan 1968–72, February 1, 1967, FCO 19/9, TNA.2 For an overview of submarine cables and the British Empire, see Paul Kennedy, ‘Imperial Cable Communications and Strategy, 1870–1914’, The English Historical Review, vol. 86, no. 341 (1971); Daniel Headrick, The Invisible Weapon: Telecommunications and International Politics, 1851–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Bruce Hunt, Imperial Science: Cable Telegraphy and Electrical Physics in the Victorian British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022).3 As will be detailed below, Skynet functioned, in effect, as the British segment of the American defense satellite communications network. Skynet satellites were interoperable with American hardware.4 These difficulties were not unique to satellite communications. John Krige has detailed the complexities of Anglo-American cooperation in centrifuge technologies, see John Krige, ‘Hybrid Knowledge: The Transnational Co-Production of the Gas Centrifuge for Uranium Enrichment in the 1960s’, British Journal for the History of Science vol. 45, no. 3 (2012) and John Krige, Sharing Knowledge, Shaping Europe (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2016), 119–149.5 Charles Hill, A Vertical Empire: The History of the UK Rocket and Space Programme 1950–1971 (London: Imperial College Press, 2001). For works on the early history of U.K. space policy see, Neil Whyte and Philip Gummett, ‘The Military and Early United Kingdom Space Policy’, Contemporary Record, vol. 8 no. 2 (1994); Neil Whyte and Philip Gummett, ‘Far Beyond the Bounds of Science: The Making of the United Kingdom’s First Space Policy’, Minerva, vol. 35, nol. 2 (1997).6 For an overview of the role of national security space technologies in Anglo-American relations, see Aaron Bateman, ‘Keeping the Technological Edge: The Space Arms Race and Anglo-American Relations in the 1980s’, Diplomacy & Statecraft, vol. 33, no. 2 (2022).7 Information security here encompasses the physical infrastructure for securely transmitting sensitive data as well as encryption.8 For background see Kennedy
{"title":"Information security in the space age: Britain’s Skynet satellite communications program and the evolution of modern command and control networks","authors":"Aaron Bateman","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2265072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2265072","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTBritain initiated its Skynet satellite communications program in 1966 to provide assured connectivity with its forces across the world. Using recently declassified documents, this article reframes the history of British space activities by elucidating how the requirements for flexible and secure defense communications shaped U.K. space policy during the Cold War. Although Skynet inaugurated a communications revolution, it was the product of the longstanding British priority of possessing global information networks under sovereign control. In the Space Age, however, Britain had to reconcile its desire for an autonomous satellite communications network with the reality that American assistance was vital.KEYWORDS: Information networksinformation securityspacealliance management Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘Annex A’ in ‘Outline Defence Communications Network Plan 1968–72, February 1, 1967, FCO 19/9, TNA.2 For an overview of submarine cables and the British Empire, see Paul Kennedy, ‘Imperial Cable Communications and Strategy, 1870–1914’, The English Historical Review, vol. 86, no. 341 (1971); Daniel Headrick, The Invisible Weapon: Telecommunications and International Politics, 1851–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Bruce Hunt, Imperial Science: Cable Telegraphy and Electrical Physics in the Victorian British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022).3 As will be detailed below, Skynet functioned, in effect, as the British segment of the American defense satellite communications network. Skynet satellites were interoperable with American hardware.4 These difficulties were not unique to satellite communications. John Krige has detailed the complexities of Anglo-American cooperation in centrifuge technologies, see John Krige, ‘Hybrid Knowledge: The Transnational Co-Production of the Gas Centrifuge for Uranium Enrichment in the 1960s’, British Journal for the History of Science vol. 45, no. 3 (2012) and John Krige, Sharing Knowledge, Shaping Europe (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2016), 119–149.5 Charles Hill, A Vertical Empire: The History of the UK Rocket and Space Programme 1950–1971 (London: Imperial College Press, 2001). For works on the early history of U.K. space policy see, Neil Whyte and Philip Gummett, ‘The Military and Early United Kingdom Space Policy’, Contemporary Record, vol. 8 no. 2 (1994); Neil Whyte and Philip Gummett, ‘Far Beyond the Bounds of Science: The Making of the United Kingdom’s First Space Policy’, Minerva, vol. 35, nol. 2 (1997).6 For an overview of the role of national security space technologies in Anglo-American relations, see Aaron Bateman, ‘Keeping the Technological Edge: The Space Arms Race and Anglo-American Relations in the 1980s’, Diplomacy & Statecraft, vol. 33, no. 2 (2022).7 Information security here encompasses the physical infrastructure for securely transmitting sensitive data as well as encryption.8 For background see Kennedy","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136357968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2260958
Jan Angstrom, Kristin Ljungkvist
What is the strategic logic of so-called ‘total defence’? At first glance, total defence may appear as one coherent strategic concept. Indeed, it was predominantly small, non-aligned states that pursued total defence during the Cold War. In this article, however, we demonstrate that depending on how ‘total war’ is understood, there are subsequently different strategic logics ingrained in total defence. We show this by developing a typology of different total defences; and by empirically illustrating variation in strategic logics over time through a historical analysis of the total defence(s) in Sweden. Recognising the inherent variation of total defence is important since it helps us to understand that hidden behind a nominal pursuit of a total defence strategy are multifaceted strategies.
{"title":"Unpacking the varying strategic logics of total defence","authors":"Jan Angstrom, Kristin Ljungkvist","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2260958","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2260958","url":null,"abstract":"What is the strategic logic of so-called ‘total defence’? At first glance, total defence may appear as one coherent strategic concept. Indeed, it was predominantly small, non-aligned states that pursued total defence during the Cold War. In this article, however, we demonstrate that depending on how ‘total war’ is understood, there are subsequently different strategic logics ingrained in total defence. We show this by developing a typology of different total defences; and by empirically illustrating variation in strategic logics over time through a historical analysis of the total defence(s) in Sweden. Recognising the inherent variation of total defence is important since it helps us to understand that hidden behind a nominal pursuit of a total defence strategy are multifaceted strategies.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"95 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135581610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2262770
Huw Bennett
"Radical war: Data, attention and control in the 21st century." Journal of Strategic Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
《激进战争:21世纪的数据、注意力和控制》《战略研究杂志》,印刷前,第1-2页
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Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2249622
Robert S. Wilson, Russell Rumbaugh
In recent years, scholars have grappled with the risks and conditions of nuclear-conventional entanglement. One of the examples of entanglement discussed in the academic literature is U.S. nuclear command and control satellites, which have historically served both nuclear and conventional missions. From 2017 to 2019, the U.S. Air Force made a series of programmatic decisions that would, at least in part, reverse this entanglement, separating nuclear from non-nuclear spacecraft. This reversal of nuclear-conventional entanglement in outer space poses strategic consequences, but it was less a strategic choice made by U.S. leadership than the result of acquisition reforms and bureaucratic dynamics.
{"title":"Reversal of nuclear-conventional entanglement in outer space","authors":"Robert S. Wilson, Russell Rumbaugh","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2249622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2249622","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, scholars have grappled with the risks and conditions of nuclear-conventional entanglement. One of the examples of entanglement discussed in the academic literature is U.S. nuclear command and control satellites, which have historically served both nuclear and conventional missions. From 2017 to 2019, the U.S. Air Force made a series of programmatic decisions that would, at least in part, reverse this entanglement, separating nuclear from non-nuclear spacecraft. This reversal of nuclear-conventional entanglement in outer space poses strategic consequences, but it was less a strategic choice made by U.S. leadership than the result of acquisition reforms and bureaucratic dynamics.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"137 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135397269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2023.2236869
Campbell Craig
{"title":"Did the Bush Administration mean well?","authors":"Campbell Craig","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2236869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2023.2236869","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86332497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}