Turkmenistan and Pakistan enjoy mutually respectful and cordial relations underpinned by history, culture and religion. Both countries value people-to-people ties and underscore the need to further augment bilateral cooperation in a variety of fields. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a component of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), provides an opportunity to enhance bilateral cooperation and shift the focus of relationship to addressing socio-economic challenges, building economic linkages and enhancing bilateral trade. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline is one of the most effective development projects since the countries of the region are energy starved. The collective address to the common handicap will also play a vital role in the regional economic upswing. Most importantly, new avenues of cooperation can promote a common understanding of evolving regional and international issues of interest to both countries.
{"title":"Pakistan-Turkmenistan Relations: Evaluating the Progress on TAPI","authors":"Mir Sherbaz Khetran","doi":"10.53532/ss.040.02.0075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.02.0075","url":null,"abstract":"Turkmenistan and Pakistan enjoy mutually respectful and cordial relations underpinned by history, culture and religion. Both countries value people-to-people ties and underscore the need to further augment bilateral cooperation in a variety of fields. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a component of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), provides an opportunity to enhance bilateral cooperation and shift the focus of relationship to addressing socio-economic challenges, building economic linkages and enhancing bilateral trade. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline is one of the most effective development projects since the countries of the region are energy starved. The collective address to the common handicap will also play a vital role in the regional economic upswing. Most importantly, new avenues of cooperation can promote a common understanding of evolving regional and international issues of interest to both countries.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77479134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Pakistan, freedom of press has long been a subject of intense debate. Both the political and non-political governments adopted various legal and constitutional means to regulate the press in the milieu of public debate and criticism. With this view, the current study aims to measure the extent to which the press enjoyed freedom in Pakistan over strategic issues like foreign policy and Indo-Pak relations during civil and military governments. Based on the theoretical framework of agenda-setting coupled with framing, the study also examines the ways and means by which the print media influence the public opinion on foreign policy and Indo-Pak relations. It also takes into account how media agenda transforms into public agenda. The results of the study depict a mixed trend for press freedom. However, one thing remains common that the press enjoyed freedom when new governments commenced whether it was headed by civil leadership or military and this freedom would gradually curtail towards the end of their tenure.
{"title":"A Critical Study of Press Freedom on Foreign Policy and Indo-Pak Relations in Pakistan","authors":"Haroon Elahi, Farish Ullah and Aslam Dogar","doi":"10.53532/ss.040.04.0062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.04.0062","url":null,"abstract":"In Pakistan, freedom of press has long been a subject of intense debate. Both the political and non-political governments adopted various legal and constitutional means to regulate the press in the milieu of public debate and criticism. With this view, the current study aims to measure the extent to which the press enjoyed freedom in Pakistan over strategic issues like foreign policy and Indo-Pak relations during civil and military governments. Based on the theoretical framework of agenda-setting coupled with framing, the study also examines the ways and means by which the print media influence the public opinion on foreign policy and Indo-Pak relations. It also takes into account how media agenda transforms into public agenda. The results of the study depict a mixed trend for press freedom. However, one thing remains common that the press enjoyed freedom when new governments commenced whether it was headed by civil leadership or military and this freedom would gradually curtail towards the end of their tenure.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81192576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pakistan has been facing the problem of energy crisis since 2007 and it has adversely affected the productivity and growth of the economy. To overcome this problem, under CPEC, 21 energy projects have been started in four provinces of Pakistan, Gilgit Baltistan (GB) and Azad Jammu & Kashmir (AJK). This study tries to access the impact of the CPEC energy project located in the Azad Jammu and Kashmir referred to as the 720MW Karot hydropower project on the economy of Pakistan using the Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model. Based on Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) 2010-2011 and) Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) database, this study simulates the impact of Karot hydropower project on some of the macroeconomic variables. The simulated results reveal that real GDP and total exports to other countries increase owing to the investment in hydropower projects as well as an increase in the supply of electricity. Moreover, investment in the Karot hydropower project also increases the growth of the interlinked sectors such as manufacturing sector, transport, and communication, agriculture and services sector respectively. This study also observes that the real prices of factor input also increase which would have a direct impact on wellbeing of the people.
{"title":"Impact of Karot Hydro Power Project on Pakistan Economy","authors":"Samina Sabir Author","doi":"10.53532/ss.041.03.0043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.03.0043","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan has been facing the problem of energy crisis since 2007 and it has adversely affected the productivity and growth of the economy. To overcome this problem, under CPEC, 21 energy projects have been started in four provinces of Pakistan, Gilgit Baltistan (GB) and Azad Jammu & Kashmir (AJK). This study tries to access the impact of the CPEC energy project located in the Azad Jammu and Kashmir referred to as the 720MW Karot hydropower project on the economy of Pakistan using the Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model. Based on Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) 2010-2011 and) Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) database, this study simulates the impact of Karot hydropower project on some of the macroeconomic variables. The simulated results reveal that real GDP and total exports to other countries increase owing to the investment in hydropower projects as well as an increase in the supply of electricity. Moreover, investment in the Karot hydropower project also increases the growth of the interlinked sectors such as manufacturing sector, transport, and communication, agriculture and services sector respectively. This study also observes that the real prices of factor input also increase which would have a direct impact on wellbeing of the people.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85139298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The ‘String of Pearls’ strategy attributed to China for growing its relations with the states situated around the Indian Ocean (IO) in order to neutralise Indian influence. Furthermore, protecting economic and strategic interests are also the key factors that China is maintaining its presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). After the completion of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), it is predicted that Gwadar Port will be the most precious pearl of the string. With the increased Chinese influence, the United States (US) will not fall behind and will have to revise strategy to maintain its supremacy in the IO and keep Chinese influence under check. However, Chinese presence will enhance economic prospects in the IO but may also pose some challenges for regional peace and security. In this paper, an analytical study would be undertaken on such questions.
{"title":"Growing Chinese Presence in the Indian Ocean: Prospects and Challenges","authors":"Khalid Manzoor Butt and Sadaf Jan Siddiqui","doi":"10.53532/ss.041.02.0048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.02.0048","url":null,"abstract":"The ‘String of Pearls’ strategy attributed to China for growing its relations with the states situated around the Indian Ocean (IO) in order to neutralise Indian influence. Furthermore, protecting economic and strategic interests are also the key factors that China is maintaining its presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). After the completion of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), it is predicted that Gwadar Port will be the most precious pearl of the string. With the increased Chinese influence, the United States (US) will not fall behind and will have to revise strategy to maintain its supremacy in the IO and keep Chinese influence under check. However, Chinese presence will enhance economic prospects in the IO but may also pose some challenges for regional peace and security. In this paper, an analytical study would be undertaken on such questions.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79051599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities have grown exponentially over the past two decades. Almost all major powers are building their ISR potential for commercial and military purposes which has provided incentive for the other emerging powers such as India to follow suit and develop its own cross-domain ISR network. This is likely to adversely impact South Asian security environment where India and Pakistan, the two nuclear armed states, remain embroiled in a military competition and have experienced several serious military crises over the past many years. Acquisition of new ISR technologies could also provide incentive to India to exploit its apparent conventional military advantage against Pakistan and venture into a limited armed conflict in pursuit of its political objectives under a nuclear overhang. Owing to a long history of distrust such an attempt could quickly escalate conflict with the possibility of an all-out war including the potential for a nuclear exchange. This paper aims to discuss India’s ambitious plan to upgrade its ISR capabilities in all the four domains of warfare, i.e. space, land, sea and air; the evolving India-US cooperation in sharing of data and its implications for Pakistan.
{"title":"Impact of India’s ISR Capabilities on South Asian Security Dynamics","authors":"Amjad Mahmood and Adil Sultan Author","doi":"10.53532/ss.041.04.0040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.04.0040","url":null,"abstract":"Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities have grown exponentially over the past two decades. Almost all major powers are building their ISR potential for commercial and military purposes which has provided incentive for the other emerging powers such as India to follow suit and develop its own cross-domain ISR network. This is likely to adversely impact South Asian security environment where India and Pakistan, the two nuclear armed states, remain embroiled in a military competition and have experienced several serious military crises over the past many years. Acquisition of new ISR technologies could also provide incentive to India to exploit its apparent conventional military advantage against Pakistan and venture into a limited armed conflict in pursuit of its political objectives under a nuclear overhang. Owing to a long history of distrust such an attempt could quickly escalate conflict with the possibility of an all-out war including the potential for a nuclear exchange. This paper aims to discuss India’s ambitious plan to upgrade its ISR capabilities in all the four domains of warfare, i.e. space, land, sea and air; the evolving India-US cooperation in sharing of data and its implications for Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76543796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since its very inception Pakistan has been facing multiple strategic, diplomatic and economic challenges. With a significant strategic position Pakistan is situated at the doorway to the oil-rich countries of the Middle East and Central Asia and, therefore, it has great potential of becoming a transit economy. One cannot overlook the two-dimensional impact of geographical location; it has advantages as well as challenges. In order to transform these challenges into opportunities and protect one’s own national interests there is always a dire need to devise strategies to maximise the advantages. This article seeks to examine the benefits of Pakistan’s strategic location as well as its internal and external challenges on the same basis.
{"title":"Strategic Significance of Pakistan: Challenges and Way Forward","authors":"Ayesha Rana Author","doi":"10.53532/ss.041.04.0035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.04.0035","url":null,"abstract":"Since its very inception Pakistan has been facing multiple strategic, diplomatic and economic challenges. With a significant strategic position Pakistan is situated at the doorway to the oil-rich countries of the Middle East and Central Asia and, therefore, it has great potential of becoming a transit economy. One cannot overlook the two-dimensional impact of geographical location; it has advantages as well as challenges. In order to transform these challenges into opportunities and protect one’s own national interests there is always a dire need to devise strategies to maximise the advantages. This article seeks to examine the benefits of Pakistan’s strategic location as well as its internal and external challenges on the same basis.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77708922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2052725
N. Miller, Tristan A. Volpe
{"title":"The rise of the autocratic nuclear marketplace","authors":"N. Miller, Tristan A. Volpe","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2022.2052725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2022.2052725","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81569871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2044315
Stefano Recchia
{"title":"Protecting civilians or preserving NATO? Alliance entanglement and the Bosnian safe areas","authors":"Stefano Recchia","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2022.2044315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2022.2044315","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79318842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-28DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2057670
J. Rovner
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has led to debates about its motives, the chances of aggression elsewhere, the dangers of nuclear instability, the prospects for deterrence, and the future of nuclear disarmament. The articles in this issue address these questions. What drives Russian strategy? In ‘Conspiracy theories in Russian security thinking,’ Martin Krugh of the Swedish Institute of International Affairs and the Uppsala Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Erik Andermo of the Swedish Institute of International Affairs, and Liliia Makashova examine a pattern of conspiratorial ideas that circulate throughout the Russian defense community. According to the authors, leading think tanks promote a worldview stressing Russian victimization. Supposed threats from the United States and NATO justify Russian foreign policy and domestic repression. The authors leave open the possibility that these theories do not really influence Russian decision makers at high levels, who may operate according to a more level-headed assessment of state interests and the balance of powers. Even in this case, however, the presence of entrenched conspiratorial thinking may act as a constraint on policymakers. Negotiating with the West might prove difficult to justify to domestic audiences who have absorbed worst-case assumptions about Western intentions. Will Russia expand its military campaign? In ‘Russian strategy towards the Nordic region: Tracing continuity and change,’ Karen-Anna Eggen of the Norwegian Institute for Defence Studies examines whether Russian activism in Ukraine foreshadows a more active policy in Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and Iceland, along with Artic Ocean and Baltic Sea. Eggen sees continuity in Russia’s goals in the region. It has consistently sought to maximize its own political influence, minimizing that of the
俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵引发了关于其动机、在其他地方进行侵略的可能性、核不稳定的危险、威慑的前景以及核裁军的未来的辩论。本期的文章讨论了这些问题。是什么推动了俄罗斯的战略?瑞典国际事务研究所(Swedish Institute of International Affairs)和乌普萨拉俄罗斯与欧亚研究所(Uppsala Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies)的克鲁(Martin Krugh)、瑞典国际事务研究所的安德莫(Erik Andermo)和马卡绍娃(Liliia Makashova)在《俄罗斯安全思维中的阴谋论》(Conspiracy theories In russia security thinking)一书中研究了在俄罗斯防务界流传的阴谋论思想模式。根据作者的说法，领先的智库宣扬一种强调俄罗斯受害的世界观。来自美国和北约的所谓威胁为俄罗斯的外交政策和国内镇压提供了理由。作者留下了一种可能性，即这些理论并没有真正影响俄罗斯高层决策者，他们可能会根据对国家利益和权力平衡的更冷静的评估来运作。然而，即使在这种情况下，根深蒂固的阴谋论思想的存在也可能对政策制定者起到约束作用。事实可能会证明，与西方谈判很难让国内观众信服，因为他们已经接受了西方意图的最坏假设。俄罗斯会扩大军事行动吗?在《俄罗斯对北欧地区的战略:追踪连续性和变化》一书中，挪威国防研究所的凯伦-安娜·埃根(Karen-Anna Eggen)研究了俄罗斯在乌克兰的行动是否预示着俄罗斯在挪威、瑞典、芬兰、丹麦、冰岛以及北冰洋和波罗的海采取更积极的政策。埃根认为俄罗斯在该地区的目标是持续的。它一直寻求最大限度地扩大自己的政治影响力，尽量减少
{"title":"From the editors","authors":"J. Rovner","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2022.2057670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2022.2057670","url":null,"abstract":"Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has led to debates about its motives, the chances of aggression elsewhere, the dangers of nuclear instability, the prospects for deterrence, and the future of nuclear disarmament. The articles in this issue address these questions. What drives Russian strategy? In ‘Conspiracy theories in Russian security thinking,’ Martin Krugh of the Swedish Institute of International Affairs and the Uppsala Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Erik Andermo of the Swedish Institute of International Affairs, and Liliia Makashova examine a pattern of conspiratorial ideas that circulate throughout the Russian defense community. According to the authors, leading think tanks promote a worldview stressing Russian victimization. Supposed threats from the United States and NATO justify Russian foreign policy and domestic repression. The authors leave open the possibility that these theories do not really influence Russian decision makers at high levels, who may operate according to a more level-headed assessment of state interests and the balance of powers. Even in this case, however, the presence of entrenched conspiratorial thinking may act as a constraint on policymakers. Negotiating with the West might prove difficult to justify to domestic audiences who have absorbed worst-case assumptions about Western intentions. Will Russia expand its military campaign? In ‘Russian strategy towards the Nordic region: Tracing continuity and change,’ Karen-Anna Eggen of the Norwegian Institute for Defence Studies examines whether Russian activism in Ukraine foreshadows a more active policy in Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and Iceland, along with Artic Ocean and Baltic Sea. Eggen sees continuity in Russia’s goals in the region. It has consistently sought to maximize its own political influence, minimizing that of the","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83042877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-08DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2045583
Alon Posner
ABSTRACT The Apartheid-era South African military (SADF) underwent dramatic peacetime changes, from a small and underfunded expeditionary element of Commonwealth forces in the 1950s to a regime bulwark with regional capabilities under ‘Total Strategy’ in the mid-1970s. By comparing internal assessments, changes in the SADF’s official view of future wars are traced through security crises of the 1960s and 1970s. Shifting future war perceptions were shaped by the interplay of organizational-political needs during crises of legitimacy for the military. These shifts in future war perception motivated strategic and operational-tactical doctrinal change and shaped the military’s view of security crises.
{"title":"Imagining total onslaught: South African military threat scenarios and doctrinal change, 1953–1975","authors":"Alon Posner","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2022.2045583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2022.2045583","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Apartheid-era South African military (SADF) underwent dramatic peacetime changes, from a small and underfunded expeditionary element of Commonwealth forces in the 1950s to a regime bulwark with regional capabilities under ‘Total Strategy’ in the mid-1970s. By comparing internal assessments, changes in the SADF’s official view of future wars are traced through security crises of the 1960s and 1970s. Shifting future war perceptions were shaped by the interplay of organizational-political needs during crises of legitimacy for the military. These shifts in future war perception motivated strategic and operational-tactical doctrinal change and shaped the military’s view of security crises.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85702812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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