Estimates of intergenerational economic mobility for a recent U.S. birth cohort published by Opportunity Insights reveal a striking empirical puzzle: while there is a substantial gap in the upward mobility outcomes achieved by low-income Black and White males there is no such racial mobility gap for females. This study examines municipal police force size as a potential driver of these disparate mobility patterns. Although a larger police force may enhance mobility outcomes for all low-income children through reducing exposure to crime, for Black males prior work suggests this will be offset by the disparate negative impact of increased contact with the criminal justice system. Analyzing a sample of 200 major U.S. cities, linear models find a positive association between the number of police officers per capita and the size of the racial mobility gap for males, but not for females. We go on to show more police personnel in the late 1990s is associated with an increased gap in the likelihood of incarceration for Black males relative to White males. Taken together, our findings point to the heterogeneous impacts of policing for different race-sex groups as one potential explanation for why we observe a racial mobility gap between Black and White males and why this gap is larger in some cities and smaller in others.
Labor unions play a key role in the defense of workers’ rights and in the construction of more egalitarian societies. Despite this, few empirical investigations have analyzed how attitudes toward labor unions are shaped by subjective manifestations of inequality. Bringing together the sociological and social-psychological research on inequality, in this article we do so by studying how attitudes towards unions are shaped by class identification and by ideal inequality, understood as the level of inequality that people consider ideal or fair. Using data from the 2020 Latinobarómetro survey for 18 Latin American countries, we find that pro-union attitudes are significantly higher among those who identify with the lower-middle class but not among those who identify with the lower class. We also find a negative relationship between ideal inequality, measured by a pseudo-Gini index of ideal inequality, and pro-union attitudes: those who want less economic inequality have more positive attitudes towards unions. Finally, we find that the effect of class identification and ideal inequality is moderated by individual political orientations. At the end of this article, we explain these findings and show how they contribute to the recent research on subjective inequality and attitudes toward labor unions.
The labor market exhibits persistent occupational segregation by gender, with women and men performing distinct job tasks within their occupations. Prior research suggests that non-routine job tasks generally lead to higher wages, especially in digitally advancing contexts. However, these findings are largely based on cross-sectional data and neglect gender as a relevant dimension of inequality. We analyze three-wave panel data over nine years from the German National Educational Panel Study to explore the relationship between changes in non-routine job tasks and wages by gender. Given the constrained wage-setting opportunities within German firms, we further examine whether the association between task changes and wages differs for employees with and without job changes, both within and across occupational segments. Our fixed-effect regression analyses reveal gender-specific associations between changes in non-routine job tasks and wage increases. Men benefit from performing more complex and autonomous tasks, with additional gains when an inter-segmental job change accompanies the increase in complex job tasks. Conversely, women do not see wage benefits from enhancements in either complex or autonomous job tasks. These findings underscore the gendered patterns of wage increases associated with advancements in non-routine job tasks, with men profiting intra-individually from shifts towards more non-routine job tasks.