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Impact of Structural Barriers on Undocumented Migrants at Risk of Chagas Disease in Switzerland: A Double Burden of Neglect 结构性障碍对瑞士面临恰加斯病风险的无证移民的影响:忽视的双重负担
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241308853
Elise Rapp
Chagas disease, a major public health concern in Latin America, has become a global public health challenge. Switzerland is considered an example in providing healthcare access to migrants, however, Chagas disease remains largely underdiagnosed in the estimated three to four thousand Latin American migrants infected. This paper discusses the sociopolitical and economic factors that contribute to the neglect of Chagas disease in Switzerland. People with irregular migration status face structural constraints that hinder their access to care. The Latin American population in Switzerland, regardless of legal status, faces health inequalities due to the lack of services providing care for Chagas disease. Through a discussion of global inequalities and neoliberal markets, this paper argues that to provide migrants (regardless of their migratory status) with the optimal level of health care, Chagas disease must be considered a local public health issue, rather than an imported Latin American disease.
恰加斯病是拉丁美洲的一个重大公共卫生问题,已成为一项全球公共卫生挑战。瑞士被认为是向移民提供医疗保健的一个例子,然而,在估计感染了恰加斯病的3000至4000名拉丁美洲移民中,很大程度上仍未得到诊断。本文讨论了社会政治和经济因素,有助于忽视恰加斯病在瑞士。具有非正常移徙身份的人面临结构性限制,阻碍他们获得护理。在瑞士的拉丁美洲人口,无论其法律地位如何,都因缺乏恰加斯病护理服务而面临健康不平等。通过对全球不平等和新自由主义市场的讨论,本文认为,为了向移民(无论其移民身份如何)提供最佳水平的医疗保健,必须将恰加斯病视为当地的公共卫生问题,而不是一种进口的拉丁美洲疾病。
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引用次数: 0
Un Niño, Una Radio: Local Responses to Covid-19 in the Peruvian Amazon unNiño, Una电台:秘鲁亚马逊地区当地应对Covid-19
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-26 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241300299
Diana Tung
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引用次数: 0
Feminist Politics, Coalition Building, and Movement Legacies: Abortion Rights Activism in Argentina since the 2001 Crisis 女权主义政治、联盟建设和运动遗产:2001年危机以来阿根廷的堕胎权利运动
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-11 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297582
Elizabeth Borland, Barbara Sutton
Around two decades after Argentina’s 2001 crisis, the abortion rights movement flourished, becoming a powerful force against obstacles to reproductive justice in the country and mobilizing massive numbers of people from all walks of life to successfully demand the legalization of abortion. The National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion was launched in 2005, but the seeds for several of its key features were planted during the collective action surrounding the crisis. This study draws on 105 qualitative interviews with abortion rights advocates, feminists, and activist women in a variety of organizations in Argentina, collected in different stages between 2002 and 2020, to examine how the events of 2001 influenced later organizing. The analysis reveals two central features of the Campaign that can be traced back to mobilization in the crisis: the legacy of a style of politics centered around broad coalition building with diverse constituencies that cross social categories; and lessons about how to advance focused and strategic goals while still engaging broad sectors of society. Broad organizing can be in tension with the narrowing of goals, yet grappling with this tension is necessary for inclusive and effective action. Argentina’s social movement experience shows how activists have managed to successfully advance the targeted cause of abortion rights without relinquishing their desire and efforts to “ cambiarlo todo” (change everything) so reminiscent of the spirit of the 2001 uprising.
在阿根廷2001年的危机发生大约20年后,堕胎权利运动蓬勃发展,成为反对该国生殖正义障碍的强大力量,并动员了大量各行各业的人,成功地要求堕胎合法化。全国合法、安全和自由堕胎权运动于2005年发起,但其几个主要特征的种子是在围绕危机的集体行动中播下的。本研究在2002年至2020年的不同阶段对阿根廷各种组织中的堕胎权利倡导者、女权主义者和活动家妇女进行了105次定性访谈,以研究2001年的事件如何影响后来的组织。分析揭示了这场运动的两个核心特征,它们可以追溯到危机中的动员:一种政治风格的遗产,其核心是与跨社会类别的不同选区建立广泛的联盟;以及如何推进重点突出的战略目标,同时与社会各界广泛接触的经验教训。广泛的组织可能会与目标的缩小产生紧张关系,但要采取包容和有效的行动,就必须克服这种紧张关系。阿根廷的社会运动经验表明,活动人士如何成功推进堕胎权的目标事业,同时又不放弃“改变一切”(cambiarlo todo)的愿望和努力,这让人想起2001年起义的精神。
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引用次数: 0
On the Health of Bolivian Women Migrant Domestic Workers The Chagas Political Economy in Catalonia 论玻利维亚移徙家政女工的健康&加泰隆尼亚的恰加斯政治经济
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-11 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241300301
María Offenhenden, Laia Ventura-Garcia
Based on an ethnographic study conducted in Catalonia, this paper analyzes the links between migration, precarity, and health among Bolivian women affected by Chagas disease. In a context characterized by precarious migratory conditions tied to the growing internationalization of reproductive labor and these women workers’ insertion into the domestic sphere, an analysis of the political economy of health is key to understanding the processes through which they may seek care, as well as their possibilities for managing Chagas.
基于在加泰罗尼亚进行的一项民族志研究,本文分析了受恰加斯病影响的玻利维亚妇女的移徙、不稳定和健康之间的联系。在与生殖劳动日益国际化和这些女工进入家庭领域相关的不稳定移徙条件的背景下,分析卫生的政治经济是了解她们寻求护理的过程以及她们管理南美锥虫病的可能性的关键。
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引用次数: 0
Populist Rhetoric and Political Polarization: Insights from Venezuela 民粹主义修辞和政治两极分化:来自委内瑞拉的见解
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-10 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241298581
Judith Teichman
While much of the literature on populism has focused on the role of the populist leader in creating political polarization, this work asks what role context, particularly anti-populism, plays in exacerbating the often vitriolic nature of populist rhetoric. This work explores this question by examining the speeches of Hugo Chavez, President of Venezuela, from 1998 to 2012. It argues that Chavez’s populist rhetoric, initially conciliatory, developed its radical, polarizing features over time in response to the interplay between contextual circumstances (particularly opposition actions and rhetoric) and social welfare goals. The Venezuelan case offers insight into how anti-populism can contribute to populism’s polarizing process and challenges more commonly accepted notions of the primacy of the populist leader in bringing about political polarization. While critiques of populism have often focused on the threat to political rights posed by populism, this analysis suggests that anti-populism’s neglect of social rights and disparagement of popular identity claims may play a role in exacerbating the deep divide between populists and anti-populists.
虽然许多关于民粹主义的文献都集中在民粹主义领导人在制造政治两极分化方面的作用上,但这项工作询问了背景,特别是反民粹主义,在加剧民粹主义言论往往尖刻的本质方面发挥了什么作用。本作品通过研究委内瑞拉总统乌戈·查韦斯1998年至2012年的演讲来探讨这个问题。文章认为,查韦斯的民粹主义言论,最初是和解的,随着时间的推移,随着上下文环境(特别是反对派的行动和言论)与社会福利目标之间的相互作用,发展出了激进的、两极分化的特征。委内瑞拉的案例让我们深入了解了反民粹主义如何助长民粹主义的两极分化进程,并挑战了更普遍接受的民粹主义领导人在造成政治两极分化方面的首要地位的观念。虽然对民粹主义的批评往往集中在民粹主义对政治权利的威胁上,但这一分析表明,反民粹主义对社会权利的忽视和对大众身份要求的贬低,可能在加剧民粹主义者和反民粹主义者之间的深刻分歧方面发挥了作用。
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引用次数: 0
Performance, Democracy, and the Commune in the Black Sheep Revolution 黑羊革命中的表演、民主与公社
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-10 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297904
Angela Marino
This article analyzes cultural production in theaters across three pivotal historical moments from the 1980s to the present, including the theater as ruins, refuge, and resistance. It begins with the theater in ruins as depicted in the 1986 film, The Black Sheep, by the legendary playwright, director, and filmmaker, Román Chalbaud, in which a commune of artists, outcasts, and misfits squat in the theater, taking shelter from a storm of state-sponsored neoliberal austerity, corruption, and persecution in the pre-Chávez era of Venezuela. The article then turns to the work of community groups during Chávez-led revolutionary reforms to recuperate abandoned theaters as vital spaces for democratic assembly through municipal government programs. The last section of the article juxtaposes the advanced democratization of theaters and cultural production in Caracas during the Maduro era with a phase of violent street mobilizations in middle-class and wealthy sectors of the city (known as guarimbas), to raise questions about the role of the media as an intervening character in global theaters of illusion. Where the spotlight shifts in location from stages to streets, and the street to the screen, the actual conditions of democratized access are happening behind the unlit marquis, a global majority operating in an ‘underground’ commune in the same scenario as the film. Except in this case, the military-media arm of the US polices the ‘streets’ of the global media commons to malign the Bolivarian Revolution as a black sheep political project. The conclusion points to the media’s role in promoting a dangerous misperception of reality by erasing the constituent power of a revolutionary society and the perpetuation of violence against them.
本文分析了从20世纪80年代至今的三个关键历史时刻的剧院文化生产,包括剧院作为废墟、避难所和抵抗。故事始于1986年由传奇剧作家、导演和电影制作人Román Chalbaud执导的电影《黑羊》(the Black Sheep)中描绘的一座废墟剧院。在pre-Chávez委内瑞拉时代,一群艺术家、被放逐者和不合群的人蹲在剧院里,躲避国家支持的新自由主义紧缩、腐败和迫害的风暴。然后,文章转向Chávez-led革命改革期间社区团体的工作,通过市政府计划,将废弃的剧院恢复为民主集会的重要空间。文章的最后一部分将马杜罗时代加拉加斯剧院和文化生产的先进民主化与城市中产阶级和富裕阶层(称为guarimbas)的暴力街头动员阶段并置,以提出媒体在全球幻觉剧院中作为干预角色的问题。当聚光灯从舞台转移到街道,街道转移到屏幕时,民主化的实际情况发生在未被照亮的侯爵背后,在与电影相同的场景中,全球大多数人在一个“地下”公社中运作。除了在这种情况下,美国的军事媒体部门在全球媒体公地的“街道”上巡逻,将玻利瓦尔革命诋毁为一个败家子的政治项目。结论指出,媒体通过抹杀革命社会的组成力量和对他们的长期暴力,在促进对现实的危险误解方面发挥了作用。
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引用次数: 0
Emancipatory Rural Politics in Latin America 2010-2020: Alliance-Building, Right-Wing Populisms and Political Transitions 拉丁美洲解放农村政治2010-2020:联盟建设、右翼民粹主义和政治转型
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-10 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297512
Sergio Coronado
The 2010s could be defined for Latin America as a period of multiple and interrelated transitions. The decay of the “Pink Tide” and the reemergence of different strands of right-wing, authoritarian, and populist political projects was shaped by the impacts of convergent social and ecological crises in the region, particularly in the disputes over extractivism and environmental affairs. This paper examines such transitions in the Latin American region by considering the emancipatory character of different forms of rural political mobilization that confront not only the rise of contemporary forms of right-wing populism and authoritarianism but also their political source, that is, the social fragmentation produced by decades of enforcement of economic and political neoliberalism.
对拉丁美洲来说,2010年代可以定义为一个多重且相互关联的过渡时期。“粉红浪潮”的衰落和右翼、威权主义和民粹主义政治项目的不同分支的重新出现,是由该地区趋同的社会和生态危机的影响所塑造的,特别是在关于采掘和环境事务的争议中。本文通过考虑不同形式的农村政治动员的解放性质来考察拉丁美洲地区的这种转变,这些动员不仅面对当代形式的右翼民粹主义和威权主义的兴起,而且还面对其政治来源,即几十年来实施经济和政治新自由主义所产生的社会分裂。
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引用次数: 0
Looking Beyond Vector Control to Address Mosquito-Borne Diseases: Critical Approaches to Public Health in Honduras 超越媒介控制,解决蚊媒疾病:洪都拉斯公共卫生的关键方法
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-10 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241299733
José Enrique Hasemann-Lara
Global systems of capitalist production shape local experiences with health and disease, as well as approaches to infectious disease control. Through participants’ descriptions of health-disease experiences, I explore an alternate route for the prevention and control of mosquito-borne diseases in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, beyond a strict focus on vector control. I identify three local enunciations of health-disease processes through the experiences of five different stakeholders. These local enunciations demonstrate a nuanced understanding of health-disease processes and are indicative of unfulfilled local needs and aspirations. Importantly, these local enunciations point to different experiences of dispossession (e.g., material, political, subjective) under neoliberal regimes.
资本主义生产的全球体系塑造了当地的健康和疾病经验,以及传染病控制的方法。通过参与者对健康疾病经历的描述,我探索了在洪都拉斯特古西加尔巴预防和控制蚊媒疾病的替代途径,而不是严格关注病媒控制。我通过五个不同利益攸关方的经验确定了三种关于健康-疾病过程的地方表述。这些地方宣言表明了对健康-疾病过程的细微理解,并表明了未满足的地方需求和愿望。重要的是,这些地方宣言指出了新自由主义政权下不同的剥夺经历(例如,物质的、政治的、主观的)。
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引用次数: 0
Building Food Markets as a Method for Confronting the Rise of Authoritarian Populism: How the New Political Regime Has Forced Rural Movements to Create New Action Repertoires in Southern Brazil 建立食品市场作为对抗威权民粹主义兴起的方法:新政权如何迫使巴西南部的农村运动创造新的行动纲领
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-09 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297581
Estevan Felipe Pizarro Muñoz, Camila Penna de Castro, Paulo André Niederle
This article examines how the political construction of food markets acts as a strategy for collective action with regards to three rural movements in Brazil: CONTAG, the MST, and Rede Ecovida. Each used food markets to confront the effects of a regime change that occurred with the rise of a populist authoritarian government. The research for this article was conducted between October 2017 and December 2020 through documentary analysis, observation, and interviews with social leaders. The results show how, since Jair Bolsonaro’s election as president, building new markets became vital to movements that sought to resist the influence of authoritarian populism as well as those that sought to dismantle public policies. A comparative analysis between the three movements also demonstrates how their diverse forms of organization and different political projects led to variations in how markets became privileged within larger political campaigns.O artigo discute a construção política de mercados alimentares como estratégia de ação coletiva de três movimentos rurais brasileiros (CONTAG, MST e Rede Ecovida) em face da mudança de regime ocasionada pela ascensão de um governo populista autoritário. A pesquisa foi realizada entre outubro de 2017 e dezembro de 2020, por meio de análise documental, observação e entrevistas com lideranças sociais. Os resultados apontam que, a partir da chegada de Jair Bolsonaro à presidência, a construção de novos mercados tornou-se um componente essencial de resistência ao populismo autoritário e ao consequente desmantelamento das políticas públicas. A análise comparativa entre os três movimentos também demonstra que seus distintos formatos organizacionais e projetos políticos repercutem em diferenças com relação aos mercados privilegiados pela ação política.
本文探讨了巴西的三个农村运动:CONTAG、MST 和 Rede Ecovida 如何将粮食市场的政治建设作为集体行动的策略。这三个运动都利用粮食市场来对抗随着民粹主义专制政府的崛起而发生的政权更迭所带来的影响。本文的研究是在 2017 年 10 月至 2020 年 12 月期间通过文献分析、观察和对社会领袖的访谈进行的。研究结果表明,自雅尔-博尔索纳罗当选总统以来,建设新市场对于那些试图抵制专制民粹主义影响的运动以及那些试图废除公共政策的运动来说是如何变得至关重要的。文章讨论了巴西三个农村运动(CONTAG、MST 和 Rede Ecovida)面对专制民粹主义政府崛起带来的政权更迭,将粮食市场的政治建设作为集体行动策略的情况。研究在 2017 年 10 月至 2020 年 12 月期间进行,通过文献分析、观察和对社会领袖的访谈进行。研究结果表明,自雅伊尔-博尔索纳罗就任总统以来,新市场的建设已成为抵制专制民粹主义和随之而来的公共政策解体的重要组成部分。对这三个运动的比较分析还表明,它们不同的组织形式和政治项目对政治行动所青睐的市场产生了影响。
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引用次数: 0
From Disappearance to Hope: The Construction of the Brazilian Indigenous Movement’s Imaginary (1974-1977) 从消失到希望:巴西土著运动想象的建构(1974-1977)
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-12-02 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241296815
Carlos Benitez Trinidad, Poliene Soares dos Santos Bicalho
This article analyzes the construction of the imaginary created by the Brazilian Indigenous Movement against the historical representations imposed by the non-indigenous, of disappearance, and backwardness. It is based on the study of the speeches of the assemblies of Indigenous chiefs between 1974 and 1977. The crisis of institutional Indigenism, military authoritarianism, and developmentalism announced the extinction of Indigenous peoples. Faced with ethnocidal integrationism, the Indigenous chiefs had to deal with the challenge of ethnic differences, external influence, and dehumanizing stereotypes to build a new ideological framework. This research focuses on the mechanisms that led from an imaginary of disappearance to one of hope in a context of aggressive growth of neoliberal threats against Indigenous lands.
本文分析了巴西土著运动所创造的想象的建构,反对非土著、消失和落后强加的历史表征。它是根据对1974年至1977年土著酋长会议发言的研究编写的。制度土著主义、军事威权主义和发展主义的危机宣告了土著民族的灭绝。面对种族灭绝的融合主义,土著酋长必须应对种族差异、外部影响和非人性化的刻板印象的挑战,以建立一个新的意识形态框架。本研究的重点是在新自由主义对土著土地威胁的积极增长的背景下,从消失的想象到希望的想象的机制。
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引用次数: 0
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Latin American Perspectives
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