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‘We Are Learning How To Organize Ourselves’: Feminist Intra-Movement Dynamics “我们正在学习如何组织自己”:女权运动内部动态
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241298223
Lucía Miranda Leibe, Micol Pizzolati
The paper explores activists’ political organization strategies and obstacles they faced in achieving consensus during the feminist protests that exploded in Chilean universities between April and May 2018. Drawing on the intra-movement dynamics literature and analyzing qualitative data about the mobilization in one of the oldest universities of the country, the research sheds light on the movement's internal dynamics, reviewing the activists’ decision-making processes and conflict management to position their demands in light of three styles of activism: autonomous, militant and performative. The study highlights that despite the substantial alignment of student demands with the feminist movement's goals, the political strategies implemented by each group differed substantially. The paper contributes to the understanding of how feminists deal with conflict to achieve consensus to position their demands.
本文探讨了2018年4月至5月在智利大学爆发的女权主义抗议活动中,活动人士在达成共识时所面临的政治组织策略和障碍。借鉴运动内部动态文献并分析该国最古老的大学之一动员的定性数据,该研究揭示了运动的内部动态,回顾了活动家的决策过程和冲突管理,以根据三种行动主义风格定位他们的要求:自主的,激进的和表演的。该研究强调,尽管学生的要求与女权运动的目标有很大的一致性,但每个群体实施的政治策略却有很大的不同。本文有助于理解女权主义者如何处理冲突以达成共识来定位自己的诉求。
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引用次数: 0
Imported Consumer Goods and Hegemony: External Constraints and Hegemonic Capacities of the Argentinian State 进口消费品与霸权:阿根廷国家的外部约束和霸权能力
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241298582
Tobias Boos
Debates about the link between the economic conjuncture and the fall of the so-called Pink Tide in Latin America often focus on the role played by raw material exports. However, this article shows that import dependency also played a significant role in the decline of the Argentinian iteration of the Pink Tide, also known as Kirchnerism. First, it analyses how imported consumer goods contributed to what is referred to as external constraints of the Argentinian economy. Second, from the perspective of hegemony theory, it argues that the Argentinian government alienated the middle class by implementing measures related to highly symbolic aspects of everyday life. Here, the article uses the term hegemonic capacities to analyze how structural constraints influenced the political room for maneuver of the Argentinian state. Its findings raise further theoretical questions about the relationship between economic and political constraints in the construction of hegemony for governments in Latin America.
关于经济危机与拉丁美洲所谓“粉红潮”(Pink Tide)消退之间关系的辩论,往往集中在原材料出口所起的作用上。然而,这篇文章表明,进口依赖也在阿根廷粉红浪潮的衰落中发挥了重要作用,也被称为基什内尔主义。首先,它分析了进口消费品是如何对阿根廷经济的外部制约作出贡献的。其次,从霸权理论的角度来看,它认为阿根廷政府通过实施与日常生活中高度象征性方面相关的措施而疏远了中产阶级。在这里,本文使用霸权能力一词来分析结构性约束如何影响阿根廷国家的政治回旋余地。其研究结果进一步提出了关于拉丁美洲各国政府霸权建构中经济和政治约束之间关系的理论问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Recovery of the Communal Lands: Territorial Struggle and Political Subjectivation in San Miguel Chimalapa, Mexico 公有土地的恢复:墨西哥圣米格尔-奇马拉帕的领土斗争与政治主体化
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241296443
María Fernanda Pérez Ochoa
This article addresses the struggle for the recovery of communal lands by groups inhabiting the Chimalapas region in the municipality of San Miguel Chimalapa, Oaxaca, between the 1970s and 1990s. I focus on the process of political subjectivation (or political subject formation), understood here as the sphere of politicization under which these sectors articulated discourses and practices of insubordination that allowed them to materialize their collective demand for access to communal lands. I begin with a historical overview of the private appropriation of land in the Chimalapas during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the emergence of agrarian problems in the region. I subsequently analyze the elements that allowed for the cohesion of this subject formation process and the deployment of land recovery strategies in eastern San Miguel. Finally, I address the internalization of the struggle experience among new sectors, and how land recovery has extended to the municipality’s southern border.El presente texto ofrece una aproximación a la lucha por la recuperación de tierras comunales emprendida por sectores chimalapas en el municipio de San Miguel Chimalapa, Oaxaca, entre las décadas de 1970 y 1990. Para ello, nos centramos en el proceso de subjetivación política, entendido como el ámbito de politización bajo el cual estos sectores articularon discursos y prácticas de insubordinación que les permitieron materializar su demanda colectiva de acceso a las tierras comunales. Iniciamos con un panorama histórico sobre la apropiación privada de la tierra en los Chimalapas durante los siglos XIX-XX y el surgimiento de la problemática agraria en esta región. Posteriormente, analizamos los elementos que cohesionaron el proceso de subjetivación y el despliegue de la recuperación de tierras de la zona oriente de San Miguel, para finalmente observar la interiorización de la experiencia de lucha en nuevos sectores y la expansión de la recuperación a la frontera sur del municipio.
本文论述了 20 世纪 70 年代至 90 年代瓦哈卡州圣米格尔-奇马拉帕市奇马拉帕斯地区的居民群体为收回公有土地而进行的斗争。我将重点放在政治主体化(或政治主体形成)的过程上,在这里,政治主体化被理解为政治化的范畴,在这一范畴下,这些群体将不服从的话语和实践表达出来,从而使他们获得公有土地的集体要求得以实现。我首先回顾了 19 世纪和 20 世纪奇马拉帕斯地区私人占有土地的历史,以及该地区出现的土地问题。随后,我分析了在圣米格尔东部凝聚这一主体形成过程和部署土地恢复战略的要素。最后,我探讨了新部门之间斗争经验的内部化,以及土地恢复如何扩展到该市南部边境。Para ello, nos centramos en el proceso de subjetivación política, entendido como el ámbito de politización bajo el cual estos sectores articularon discursos y prácticas de insubordinación que les permitieron materializar su demanda colectiva de acceso a las tierras comunales.我们从十九至二十世纪奇马拉帕斯土地私有化的历史全景和这一地区农业问题的形成入手。之后,我们分析了圣米格尔东部地区土地恢复过程中的凝聚因素和失败原因,最后观察了在新的地区进行的内部斗争和向城市南部边境地区的扩张。
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引用次数: 0
Education, Racism, and the Pandemic: A Pedagogical-Critical Analysis for Latin America 教育、种族主义和大流行病:拉丁美洲的教学批判分析
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241298593
Maikel Pons-Giralt, Oscar Ulloa-Guerra, Ricel Martínez-Sierra, Mirtha del Prado Morales, Mariana Ortega-Breña
The pandemic deepened social and educational inequality for Afro-descendants and indigenous people in Latin America and the Caribbean. A regional analytical overview with a focus on Brazil and on the social and educational challenges faced by these people and the epistemological, ontological, and pedagogical alternatives for the inclusion of racialized persons during the pandemic. The analysis points to the need for and the viabililty of exploring innovative pedagogical paths for promoting ethnic-racial inclusion and an antiracist form of education that responds to our contemporary context.La pandemia profundiza las brechas de desigualdad social y educacional para afrodescendientes e indígenas en América Latina y Caribe. Un panorama analítico regional, con foco en Brasil, acerca de los desafíos sociales y educacionales que enfrentan afrodescendientes e indígenas identifica fundamentos y experiencias que durante la pandemia constituyen alternativas epistemológicas, ontológicas y pedagógicas para la inclusión de personas racializadas. El análisis permite corroborar que es necesario y posible explorar caminos pedagógicos innovadores en la promoción de la inclusión étnico-racial y de una educación antirracista que contesten el escenario contemporáneo.
大流行病加深了拉丁美洲和加勒比地区非洲裔和土著人在社会和教育方面的不平等。以巴西为重点的地区分析概述了这些人面临的社会和教育挑战,以及在大流行病期间将种族化人群纳入其中的认识论、本体论和教学法替代方案。分析指出,有必要探索创新的教学方法,以促进民族-种族融合和反种族主义的教育形式,从而适应我们的当代环境,并使之具有可行性。以巴西为重点,对非洲裔和原住民所面临的社会和教育挑战进行了区域分析综述,确定了大流行病期间的基础和经验,这些基础和经验在认识论、本体论和教学法上构成了种族化人群融入的替代方案。分析证实,在促进民族-种族包容和反种族主义教育方面,有必要也有可能探索符合当 代情况的创新教学途径。
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引用次数: 0
Change in Governance Modes in Marine Protected Areas that Overlap with Fishing Territories: A Study of Cuba and Brazil 与捕鱼区重叠的海洋保护区治理模式的变化:古巴和巴西研究
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241262996
Manuela Dreyer da Silva, Cristina Frutuoso Teixeira, Raimundo Vento Tielves, Christian Luiz da Silva, Ania Bustio Ramos, Décio Estevão do Nascimento, Heather Heyes
This article discusses governance in Marine Protected Areas (MPAs), particularly the possibility of formulating arrangements capable of confronting the effects of the ocean grabbing process in fishing territories. Through the articulation of experiences in MPAs in Cuba and Brazil and the content analysis of technical-scientific documents produced on the daily governance of these areas, legal frameworks in both countries, and peer-reviewed articles, this study identifies vectors of change in established modes of governance. The identified vectors are potential verifiers of equity and socio-environmental justice criteria in governance processes that can encourage recognition of traditional fisher’s rights to deliberation on access and use of resources in these areas. On the other hand, the conclusions drawn also reveal the limits of these arrangements when considering the ambiguity of the legal regimes that outline the creation and implementation of MPAs.
本文讨论了海洋保护区(MPAs)的治理问题,特别是制定能够应对渔业领土海洋攫取过程影响的安排的可能性。通过对古巴和巴西海洋保护区经验的阐述,以及对这些区域日常治理技术科学文件、两国法律框架和同行评审文章的内容分析,本研究确定了既定治理模式的变革载体。所确定的载体是治理过程中公平和社会环境正义标准的潜在验证者,可以鼓励承认传统渔民对这些地区的资源获取和使用进行讨论的权利。另一方面,考虑到规定建立和实施海洋保护区的法律制度的模糊性,得出的结论也揭示了这些安排的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Autonomies and the Construction of Communal Economies in Zapotec Villages in Oaxaca, Mexico 墨西哥瓦哈卡萨波特克人村庄的自治和社区经济建设
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297919
Salvador Aquino Centeno, Maríana Ortega-Breña
San José, a Zapotec community in the Sierra Sur of Oaxaca, Mexico, has built certain autonomies over time while challenging the territorial policies designed by the Mexican state. This article goes beyond the focus on autonomies as jurisdictional rights recognized by the state and analyzes the de facto instances elaborated by communities to build economies as a support for self-determination. By strengthening its community organization, San José created a scheme of territorial possession to produce economies that enabled it to survive and challenge the Mexican state. It refused the government’s titling of its lands given this would subordinate the community’s interests to the territorial policies of the federal government. Instead, San José reconstructed colonial policies and institutions to appropriate its own territory and develop its own communal autonomy without relying on legal documentation from the Mexican state to endorse its rights to communal lands. The community created its own concepts of communal cultures by reconstructing mayordomías (civil-religious hierarchies), cofradías (religious brotherhoods), rancho culture, a municipal agency, ancestral memory, and the Zapotec language. On this basis they have built a communal autonomous model and maintain communal means of production such as labor and territory. San Jose’s experiences provide epistemologies and practices of how Indigenous communities can reduce inequalities in the centralizing contexts of neoliberal states that seek to eradicate Indigenous autonomies.San José, una comunidad zapoteca en la Sierra Sur de Oaxaca, México, ha construido autonomías a través del tiempo mientras ha desafiado las políticas territoriales diseñadas por el Estado mexicano. Mas allá de enfocar a las autonomías como derechos a una jurisdicción reconocida por el Estado, este artículo analiza las autonomías de facto que las comunidades elaboran para construir economías como sostén de la autodeterminación. A partir de fortalecer su organización comunitaria, San José creo un esquema de posesión territorial para producir economías que le permitieron sobrevivir y desafiar al Estado Mexicano en términos de no aceptar la titulación de sus tierras porque subordinaba los intereses de San José a las políticas territoriales del gobierno federal. San José reconstruyó las políticas e instituciones coloniales para apropiarse de su territorio y elaborar su propia autonomía comunitaria sin contar con documentación jurídica del Estado mexicano que avale sus tierras comunales. Creo sus propios conceptos de culturas comunales reconstruyendo las mayordomías, cofradías, la cultura de ranchos, la agencia municipal, la memoria ancestral y la lengua zapoteca para crear un modelo autonómico comunal y mantuvo los medios de producción comunales como el trabajo y el territorio. Las experiencias de San José aportan epistemologías y prácticas de cómo las comunidades indígenas pueden aminorar las desigualdades en contextos centralizado
圣何塞(San José)是墨西哥瓦哈卡州南部山区的一个萨波特克社区,随着时间的推移,该社区在挑战墨西哥州制定的领土政策的同时,也建立了一定的自治。这篇文章超越了将自治作为国家承认的管辖权利的关注点,而是分析了社区为建设经济作为自决的支持而制定的事实上的实例。通过加强社区组织,圣何塞创建了一个领土占有计划,以生产经济,使其能够生存并挑战墨西哥州。圣何塞拒绝政府为其土地颁发所有权证,因为这将使社区利益从属于联邦政府的领土政策。相反,圣何塞重新构建了殖民政策和制度,以占有自己的领土,发展自己的社区自治,而不依赖墨西哥州的法律文件来认可其对社区土地的权利。该社区通过重建 mayordomías(民间-宗教等级制度)、cofradías(宗教兄弟会)、牧场文化、市政机构、祖先记忆和萨波特克语,创造了自己的社区文化概念。在此基础上,他们建立了社区自治模式,并保持了劳动和领地等社区生产资料。圣何塞的经验为土著社区如何在新自由主义国家试图消灭土著自治的集权背景下减少不平等提供了认识论和实践。圣何塞是墨西哥瓦哈卡州南部山区的一个萨波特克族社区,该社区在挑战墨西哥国家制定的领土政策的同时,长期以来建立了自治。除了将自治视为国家承认的管辖权之外,本文还分析了社区为建设经济以支持自决而精心设计的事实上的自治。通过加强社区组织,圣何塞创建了一个领土占有计划,以产生经济,使其得以生存,并挑战墨西哥州不接受其土地所有权的做法,因为这使圣何塞的利益从属于联邦政府的领土政策。圣何塞重新构建了殖民政策和制度,在没有墨西哥州法律文件支持其社区土地的情况下,侵占其领土并制定自己的社区自治制度。圣何塞通过重建 mayordomías、cofradías、牧场文化、市政机构、祖先记忆和萨波特克语,创造了自己的社区文化概念,从而建立了社区自治模式,并保持了劳动力和领地等社区生产资料。圣何塞的经验提供了认识论和实践,说明在新自由主义国家试图消除土著自治的集权背景下,土著社区如何能够改善不平等现象。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World: Insights from Latin America and the Caribbean 导言:专制民粹主义与乡村世界:拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的启示
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297952
Daniela Andrade, Sergio Coronado
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引用次数: 0
Independence and Emancipation: Latin American Theorizations on the Concept of Autonomy 独立与解放:拉丁美洲关于自治概念的理论研究
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-14 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241296816
Gustavo Moura de Oliveira, Massimo Modonesi
From the 1990’s to the present, Latin America has been, as no other region in the world, a laboratory of autonomies —explicit or implicitly framed as such— situated in the cycle of anti-neoliberal struggles. Faced with this historical-political context, in this text we re-examine the conceptualization and theorizations around the idea of autonomy. Based on a review of the major Latin American conceptual contributions, we have organized our reflections along five lines of theorization: autonomy understood as negation, as independence, as counter-power (and as popular power), as emancipation and as community.
从 20 世纪 90 年代至今,拉丁美洲一直是世界上任何其他地区都不曾有过的自治实验室--或明或暗地以此为框架--处于反新自由主义斗争的循环之中。面对这一历史政治背景,我们在本文中重新审视了围绕自治理念的概念化和理论化。在对拉丁美洲主要概念性贡献进行回顾的基础上,我们按照五条理论路线组织了我们的思考:将自治理解为否定、独立、反权力(和民众权力)、解放和社区。
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引用次数: 0
Corporate Power vs. Popular Power in the Politics of Food in Venezuela 委内瑞拉食品政治中的企业力量与民众力量
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-12 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241294228
Ana Felicien, Christina M. Schiavoni, Liccia Romero
This article is an inquiry into the politics of food in Venezuela, addressing the question: What do food politics tell us about broader forms, organizations, and relations of power in Venezuela today? By digging into the past, it sheds light on the challenges and opportunities at present, examining: a) The ways in which food, through its material and symbolic power, has served as a vehicle for processes of social differentiation along lines of race, class, and gender – processes which continue to evolve into the present; b) The interplay of global and national food politics and the ways in which these connect to and play out at the level of everyday life; and c) How the contours of the Venezuelan food system have been shaped by the pushes and pulls of state, society, and capital over time, in a delicate balance of forces characterized by both deep tensions and deep ties.
本文是对委内瑞拉食品政治的探究,旨在解决以下问题:食品政治对当今委内瑞拉更广泛的权力形式、组织和关系有何启示?通过对过去的挖掘,本文揭示了当前的挑战和机遇,研究了a) 食物如何通过其物质和象征性力量,成为种族、阶级和性别社会分化进程的载体--这些进程一直持续到现在;b) 全球和国家粮食政治的相互作用,以及这些相互作用与日常生活的联系和发挥的方式;c) 委内瑞拉粮食系统的轮廓如何随着时间的推移,在国家、社会和资本的推动和拉动下,在以深度紧张和深度联系为特征的微妙力量平衡中形成。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental Devastation 环境破坏
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-11 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241266201
Tamar Diana Wilson
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引用次数: 0
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Latin American Perspectives
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