Pub Date : 2021-03-01DOI: 10.1177/15356841211006494
Valerie E Stahl
If simplified, twentieth-century United States housing policy could be boiled down to two intersecting principles: the federal government’s facilitation of homeownership through Federal Housing Administration (FHA) loans, and the systematic exclusion of people of color, particularly of African Americans, from accessing such programs. Housing and community development scholars are all too familiar with how federal policies and the real estate industry have worked together to create segregated cities and suburbs. In the years following white flight, however, African American homeownership in urban neighborhoods is seldom discussed. In Race for Profit, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor describes an unfamiliar period of federal housing policy that occurred under familiar terms. The more familiar story is how poor African American families with extremely limited access to housing options were exploited via the private ecosystem of lenders, real estate agents, and property owners that sustained the federal program. What is novel about Taylor’s account are the details of the short-lived Section 235 program, which facilitated homeownership loans to poor and working-class individuals, many of whom were Black women. The HUD Act of 1968 included a provision that created the Section 235 program, which provided subsidies directly to private lenders so that lower-income home buyers could in turn access credit and mortgage interest rates that were as low as 1 percent. Just as municipalities phased out redlining and created lending opportunities in urban neighborhoods, the HUD Act of 1968 opened up FHA loans to a class of buyers who were previously excluded from homeownership. To theorize what took place under the Section 235 and similar programs, Taylor uses the concise and compelling term predatory inclusion, which she describes as granting African Americans access to publicly subsidized financial services while also ignoring how structural racism that was deeply embedded in the housing market would serve to further disadvantage Black homeowners. As Taylor puts it, “where white housing was seen as an asset developed through inclusion and the accruable possibilities of its surrounding property, Black housing was marked by its distress and isolation, where value was extracted, not imbued” (p. 11). The concept of predatory inclusion is best encapsulated in Taylor’s vivid descriptions of what families endured as they tried to gain access to the American Dream. Under Section 235, no contact with HUD or other government officials was required, and potential homeowners often exclusively worked with private mortgage lenders and real estate agents. Taylor details how many were unwittingly steered into homeownership, often in cases where prices were artificially inflated and properties were in a state of deep disrepair. She recounts the story of the mother of nine in Paterson, NJ, who bought a home with a faulty plumbing system for $12,500 after it was sold to a broker earlier th
{"title":"Book Review: Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership","authors":"Valerie E Stahl","doi":"10.1177/15356841211006494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/15356841211006494","url":null,"abstract":"If simplified, twentieth-century United States housing policy could be boiled down to two intersecting principles: the federal government’s facilitation of homeownership through Federal Housing Administration (FHA) loans, and the systematic exclusion of people of color, particularly of African Americans, from accessing such programs. Housing and community development scholars are all too familiar with how federal policies and the real estate industry have worked together to create segregated cities and suburbs. In the years following white flight, however, African American homeownership in urban neighborhoods is seldom discussed. In Race for Profit, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor describes an unfamiliar period of federal housing policy that occurred under familiar terms. The more familiar story is how poor African American families with extremely limited access to housing options were exploited via the private ecosystem of lenders, real estate agents, and property owners that sustained the federal program. What is novel about Taylor’s account are the details of the short-lived Section 235 program, which facilitated homeownership loans to poor and working-class individuals, many of whom were Black women. The HUD Act of 1968 included a provision that created the Section 235 program, which provided subsidies directly to private lenders so that lower-income home buyers could in turn access credit and mortgage interest rates that were as low as 1 percent. Just as municipalities phased out redlining and created lending opportunities in urban neighborhoods, the HUD Act of 1968 opened up FHA loans to a class of buyers who were previously excluded from homeownership. To theorize what took place under the Section 235 and similar programs, Taylor uses the concise and compelling term predatory inclusion, which she describes as granting African Americans access to publicly subsidized financial services while also ignoring how structural racism that was deeply embedded in the housing market would serve to further disadvantage Black homeowners. As Taylor puts it, “where white housing was seen as an asset developed through inclusion and the accruable possibilities of its surrounding property, Black housing was marked by its distress and isolation, where value was extracted, not imbued” (p. 11). The concept of predatory inclusion is best encapsulated in Taylor’s vivid descriptions of what families endured as they tried to gain access to the American Dream. Under Section 235, no contact with HUD or other government officials was required, and potential homeowners often exclusively worked with private mortgage lenders and real estate agents. Taylor details how many were unwittingly steered into homeownership, often in cases where prices were artificially inflated and properties were in a state of deep disrepair. She recounts the story of the mother of nine in Paterson, NJ, who bought a home with a faulty plumbing system for $12,500 after it was sold to a broker earlier th","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"20 1","pages":"73 - 75"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/15356841211006494","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41936999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This special issue serves as a much–needed platform to interrogate the role of theory and the Global South in urban research. The editors call for a new global urban sociology that decenters the US as the point of reference and constructs theory on the basis of non–US, not just US, cities. Theorizing urban life should not be unidirectional, as is often the case when US concepts are exported uncritically to cities elsewhere. Cities in the Global South are important cases for theorizing and understanding urban life more generally, and findings from these cities apply beyond the cases themselves. They can even be used to better understand urban life within the US. The editors take inspiration from Raymond Williams’ work
{"title":"Afterword","authors":"Victoria Reyes","doi":"10.1111/cico.12508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/cico.12508","url":null,"abstract":"This special issue serves as a much–needed platform to interrogate the role of theory and the Global South in urban research. The editors call for a new global urban sociology that decenters the US as the point of reference and constructs theory on the basis of non–US, not just US, cities. Theorizing urban life should not be unidirectional, as is often the case when US concepts are exported uncritically to cities elsewhere. Cities in the Global South are important cases for theorizing and understanding urban life more generally, and findings from these cities apply beyond the cases themselves. They can even be used to better understand urban life within the US. The editors take inspiration from Raymond Williams’ work","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"20 1","pages":"71 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12508","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43480565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-17DOI: 10.1177/1535684121990799
Jesús M. González-Pérez
Racial/ethnic segregation is a cause of urban inequality. This, in turn, perpetuates disadvantaged groups’ spatial segregation and difficulty in upward mobility. Planned racial and social segregation through a process of redlining almost one hundred years ago is fundamental to understanding today’s patterns of urban inequality. The aim of this study is to analyze the links between racial/ethnic segregation and inequality in Kansas City (MO). After studying the origins and significance of redlining in the city, an analysis is made of the distribution and segregation of the African American and Hispanic populations at an intra-urban level in addition to an analysis of urban inequality at a census tract level, using economic and housing indicators. We conclude that Kansas City is a divided city. The processes of segregation and inequality are clearly interrelated. The historical redlining map of racial segregation is reflected in today’s socio-spatial map of inequality.
{"title":"Racial/Ethnic Segregation and Urban Inequality in Kansas City, Missouri: A Divided City","authors":"Jesús M. González-Pérez","doi":"10.1177/1535684121990799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1535684121990799","url":null,"abstract":"Racial/ethnic segregation is a cause of urban inequality. This, in turn, perpetuates disadvantaged groups’ spatial segregation and difficulty in upward mobility. Planned racial and social segregation through a process of redlining almost one hundred years ago is fundamental to understanding today’s patterns of urban inequality. The aim of this study is to analyze the links between racial/ethnic segregation and inequality in Kansas City (MO). After studying the origins and significance of redlining in the city, an analysis is made of the distribution and segregation of the African American and Hispanic populations at an intra-urban level in addition to an analysis of urban inequality at a census tract level, using economic and housing indicators. We conclude that Kansas City is a divided city. The processes of segregation and inequality are clearly interrelated. The historical redlining map of racial segregation is reflected in today’s socio-spatial map of inequality.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"20 1","pages":"346 - 370"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1535684121990799","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48004649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-03DOI: 10.1177/1535684120981344
Allen Hyde, Mary J. Fischer
Fueled by increased socioeconomic status (SES), geographic mobility, and access to lending, Latino home buying expanded during the recent housing boom. However, less is known about the types of neighborhoods Latino homebuyers accessed during this time. To address this gap, we explore how SES, mortgage type, and the metropolitan racial and ethnic context affected the racial and ethnic composition of neighborhoods for new white and Latino homeowners. We use data from the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act to explore these processes in 317 U.S. metropolitan areas from 2000 to 2010. Overall, we find evidence supporting both spatial assimilation theory and place stratification theory: while increased SES and loan amounts led to more white neighbors for both white and Latino homebuyers, subprime loans and the racial and ethnic context of metropolitan areas continue to constrain neighborhood attainment for Latinos.
{"title":"New Faces, New Neighbors? How Latino Population Growth and Lending Expansion Shapes the Neighborhood Racial and Ethnic Composition for White and Latino Homebuyers","authors":"Allen Hyde, Mary J. Fischer","doi":"10.1177/1535684120981344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1535684120981344","url":null,"abstract":"Fueled by increased socioeconomic status (SES), geographic mobility, and access to lending, Latino home buying expanded during the recent housing boom. However, less is known about the types of neighborhoods Latino homebuyers accessed during this time. To address this gap, we explore how SES, mortgage type, and the metropolitan racial and ethnic context affected the racial and ethnic composition of neighborhoods for new white and Latino homeowners. We use data from the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act to explore these processes in 317 U.S. metropolitan areas from 2000 to 2010. Overall, we find evidence supporting both spatial assimilation theory and place stratification theory: while increased SES and loan amounts led to more white neighbors for both white and Latino homebuyers, subprime loans and the racial and ethnic context of metropolitan areas continue to constrain neighborhood attainment for Latinos.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"20 1","pages":"99 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1535684120981344","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41976673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-18DOI: 10.1177/1535684120981010
Thomas Siskar, M. Evans
We use the 2013 American Housing Survey to examine which households are more likely to experience a forced move compared to a voluntary move. We examine how household vulnerability varies by racial and socioeconomic stratification, as well as other household demographics among homeowners and renters. We analyze household-level predictors of experiencing an inclusively defined forced move, including moves caused by disasters, private and government displacement, and eviction (for renters) or foreclosure (for homeowners). Comparing an inclusive definition of displacement to voluntary mobility, we find that lower levels of education, income, and the presence of a disabled household member increase the likelihood of displacement for homeowners. Among renters, the presence of children, older households, and being native-born increase the odds of displacement, but a female-headed household reduces them. When examining type-specific displacement, we find variation in who is most susceptible to experience a forced move.
{"title":"Predicting Mobility: Who Is Forced to Move?","authors":"Thomas Siskar, M. Evans","doi":"10.1177/1535684120981010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1535684120981010","url":null,"abstract":"We use the 2013 American Housing Survey to examine which households are more likely to experience a forced move compared to a voluntary move. We examine how household vulnerability varies by racial and socioeconomic stratification, as well as other household demographics among homeowners and renters. We analyze household-level predictors of experiencing an inclusively defined forced move, including moves caused by disasters, private and government displacement, and eviction (for renters) or foreclosure (for homeowners). Comparing an inclusive definition of displacement to voluntary mobility, we find that lower levels of education, income, and the presence of a disabled household member increase the likelihood of displacement for homeowners. Among renters, the presence of children, older households, and being native-born increase the odds of displacement, but a female-headed household reduces them. When examining type-specific displacement, we find variation in who is most susceptible to experience a forced move.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"20 1","pages":"141 - 159"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1535684120981010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43070122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-18DOI: 10.1177/1535684120981011
M. Underhill
Drawing on 40 interviews with white parents in two mixed-income neighborhoods—one that is majority-white and the other that is multiracial—this article examines how residence in socioeconomically diverse neighborhoods conditions the parenting practices of middle-class whites, specifically concerning parents’ management of their children’s contact with the poor. The data reveal that white parents in both neighborhoods work to ensure symbolic and spatial distance between their children and their poor neighbors resulting in distinctive patterns of micro-segregation in each neighborhood. However, how parents engage in this work depends on the race of their neighbors and the block-level geography of their community. I find that parents deploy more contact-avoidant practices toward their poor white rather than their poor black neighbors. Among participants, poor whites conjure feelings of disgust and are actively avoided, whereas poor black residents provoke feelings of ambivalence, as contact with them is judged to be both valuable and threatening.
{"title":"Managing Difference: White Parenting Practices in Socioeconomically Diverse Neighborhoods","authors":"M. Underhill","doi":"10.1177/1535684120981011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1535684120981011","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on 40 interviews with white parents in two mixed-income neighborhoods—one that is majority-white and the other that is multiracial—this article examines how residence in socioeconomically diverse neighborhoods conditions the parenting practices of middle-class whites, specifically concerning parents’ management of their children’s contact with the poor. The data reveal that white parents in both neighborhoods work to ensure symbolic and spatial distance between their children and their poor neighbors resulting in distinctive patterns of micro-segregation in each neighborhood. However, how parents engage in this work depends on the race of their neighbors and the block-level geography of their community. I find that parents deploy more contact-avoidant practices toward their poor white rather than their poor black neighbors. Among participants, poor whites conjure feelings of disgust and are actively avoided, whereas poor black residents provoke feelings of ambivalence, as contact with them is judged to be both valuable and threatening.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"20 1","pages":"79 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1535684120981011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44618846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-18DOI: 10.1177/1535684120981022
Monika Murzyn-Kupisz, Jarosław Działek
Expectations of bohemian inclinations of artists and their need to immerse in buzz shape the popular image of artistic professionals and often become a point of departure for public policies. The aim of our study, moving beyond preconceived notions on artists’ social and spatial preferences, has been to take a more nuanced look at artists’ attitudes toward buzz and its presence in urban settings. Drawing on the results of a research project conducted in two Polish cities, we have considered to what extent buzz is indeed an important artistic resource in contemporary urban centers and in what locations and types of spaces it is experienced by artists. We have also taken into account artists’ use of the opposite of buzz, that is, silence and solitude, in their urban creative strategies as well as analyzed what factors impact on the diversity of artists’ attitudes, needs, and strategies toward buzz-rich environments. Research findings point to the complexity of artists’ strategies toward buzz which might in turn translate into specific spatial strategies and choices they make within cities.
{"title":"Immersion in Buzz or Withdrawal to Solitude? Artists’ Creative and Social Strategies in Urban Settings","authors":"Monika Murzyn-Kupisz, Jarosław Działek","doi":"10.1177/1535684120981022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1535684120981022","url":null,"abstract":"Expectations of bohemian inclinations of artists and their need to immerse in buzz shape the popular image of artistic professionals and often become a point of departure for public policies. The aim of our study, moving beyond preconceived notions on artists’ social and spatial preferences, has been to take a more nuanced look at artists’ attitudes toward buzz and its presence in urban settings. Drawing on the results of a research project conducted in two Polish cities, we have considered to what extent buzz is indeed an important artistic resource in contemporary urban centers and in what locations and types of spaces it is experienced by artists. We have also taken into account artists’ use of the opposite of buzz, that is, silence and solitude, in their urban creative strategies as well as analyzed what factors impact on the diversity of artists’ attitudes, needs, and strategies toward buzz-rich environments. Research findings point to the complexity of artists’ strategies toward buzz which might in turn translate into specific spatial strategies and choices they make within cities.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"20 1","pages":"160 - 184"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1535684120981022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43910325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-17DOI: 10.1177/1535684120980992
Jason Settels
American cities and neighborhoods vary in their residents’ typical levels of mental health. Despite scholarship emphasizing that we cannot thoroughly understand city and neighborhood problems without investigating how they are intertwined, limited research examines how city and neighborhood effects interact as they impact health. I investigate these interactions through a study of the effects of the Great Recession of 2007–2009. Using Waves 1 (2005–2006) and 2 (2010–2011) of the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project survey (N = 1,341) and in accordance with the compound disadvantage model, I find through fixed-effects linear regression models that city- and neighborhood-level economic declines combine multiplicatively as they impact older Americans’ depressive symptoms. I furthermore find that this effect is only partly based on personal socioeconomic changes, suggesting contextual channels of effect. My results show that we cannot fully understand the effects of city-level changes without also considering neighborhood-level changes.
{"title":"Compound Disadvantage between Economic Declines at the City and Neighborhood Levels for Older Americans’ Depressive Symptoms","authors":"Jason Settels","doi":"10.1177/1535684120980992","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1535684120980992","url":null,"abstract":"American cities and neighborhoods vary in their residents’ typical levels of mental health. Despite scholarship emphasizing that we cannot thoroughly understand city and neighborhood problems without investigating how they are intertwined, limited research examines how city and neighborhood effects interact as they impact health. I investigate these interactions through a study of the effects of the Great Recession of 2007–2009. Using Waves 1 (2005–2006) and 2 (2010–2011) of the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project survey (N = 1,341) and in accordance with the compound disadvantage model, I find through fixed-effects linear regression models that city- and neighborhood-level economic declines combine multiplicatively as they impact older Americans’ depressive symptoms. I furthermore find that this effect is only partly based on personal socioeconomic changes, suggesting contextual channels of effect. My results show that we cannot fully understand the effects of city-level changes without also considering neighborhood-level changes.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"20 1","pages":"260 - 288"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1535684120980992","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49639182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1177/15356841221108901
Maria Abascal, Flavien Ganter
We explore what people mean by “diversity” when they use the term to describe real communities. “Diversity” can refer to multiple differences—ethnoracial, economic, and so on. It may also refer to multiple dimensions of the same difference, that is, heterogeneity or group representation. Analyzing a survey of Chicago-area residents, we ask: (1) When people describe a community as diverse, on which kinds of differences are they drawing? (2) Within each relevant difference, are evaluations of diversity predicted by heterogeneity, the share of specific groups, or both? Findings suggest that respondents associate diversity primarily with a community’s ethnoracial attributes and secondarily with its economic attributes. Within ethnoracial attributes, both heterogeneity and the share of disadvantaged ethnoracial groups, especially Blacks, predict assessed diversity. Within economic attributes, income inequality predicts assessed diversity, albeit negatively; the representation of poor people does not. Qualitative responses reveal varied understandings of diversity while confirming the dominance of ethnoracial attributes.
{"title":"Know It When You See It? The Qualities of the Communities People Describe as “Diverse” (or Not)","authors":"Maria Abascal, Flavien Ganter","doi":"10.1177/15356841221108901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/15356841221108901","url":null,"abstract":"We explore what people mean by “diversity” when they use the term to describe real communities. “Diversity” can refer to multiple differences—ethnoracial, economic, and so on. It may also refer to multiple dimensions of the same difference, that is, heterogeneity or group representation. Analyzing a survey of Chicago-area residents, we ask: (1) When people describe a community as diverse, on which kinds of differences are they drawing? (2) Within each relevant difference, are evaluations of diversity predicted by heterogeneity, the share of specific groups, or both? Findings suggest that respondents associate diversity primarily with a community’s ethnoracial attributes and secondarily with its economic attributes. Within ethnoracial attributes, both heterogeneity and the share of disadvantaged ethnoracial groups, especially Blacks, predict assessed diversity. Within economic attributes, income inequality predicts assessed diversity, albeit negatively; the representation of poor people does not. Qualitative responses reveal varied understandings of diversity while confirming the dominance of ethnoracial attributes.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"21 1","pages":"314 - 339"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45045015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：