City & Community最新文献

英文中文

About the Authors 关于作者

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12524

引用次数: 0

Extreme Cities: The Peril and Promise of Urban Life in the Age of Climate Change, by Ashley Dawson. London and New York: Verso. 2017. 384 pp. 《极端城市:气候变化时代城市生活的危险与希望》，阿什利·道森著。伦敦和纽约:Verso, 2017。384页。

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-10-05 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12406

Lisa Benton-Short

In short, this book fills an important gap in our understanding of how to manage risk in contemporary society. It should be of use to sociologists interested in risk and disasters, owing to Coaffee’s rich engagement with existing sociological theory. Moreover, due to its expansive use of diverse empirical examples, Coaffee’s book should be of interest to scholars and policy professionals working in the areas of climate change adaptation, the stability of financial systems, urban security, and infrastructure. In the midst of a pandemic, it is difficult to think of more important questions than those asking how to deal with complex and uncertain risks in an increasingly interconnected world. In Futureproof, Coaffee suggests resilience-thinking as a potential guide for answering this question.

引用次数: 1

About the Authors 关于作者

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-10-05 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12523

引用次数: 0

Futureproof: How to Build Resilience in an Uncertain World, by Jon Coaffee. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2019. ISBN 9780300228670; 281 pp. $30 hardcover. 《未来证明:如何在一个不确定的世界中建立弹性》，作者:Jon coffee。康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社，2019年。ISBN 9780300228670;281页，精装本30美元。

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-10-05 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12522

Malcolm Araos

How can we prepare for and respond to increasingly complex risks and destructive events? In his new book Futureproof: How to Build Resilience in an Uncertain World, Jon Coaffee sketches a contemporary world fraught with intractable uncertainty and punctuated by moments of disaster: climate chaos is becoming a normalized condition as hurricanes, wildfires, and heat waves tear through communities across the world with increasing ferocity each year. Critical infrastructure, such as power grids, water supply, and transportation networks face decades of neglect and threaten to crumble, not least due to climate disasters, depriving us of crucial services we take for granted every day. An uptick in politically motivated-violence against civilians in cities has raised new questions about how to make urban environments more secure for citizens. Finally, we do not know if and when financial institutions, through unscrupulous trading behavior, will cause the collapse of unregulated financial markets as they did in 2008, resulting in the mass foreclosure of homes across the country and other forms of economic suffering. How can we grapple with these challenges in the face of the enormous complexity and interconnectedness of 21st century society, with a view toward keeping our communities safe and vital systems ticking along? Jon Coaffee, a professor of urban geography and director of the Resilient Cities Laboratory at Warwick University, finds promise in the increasingly popular concept of resilience. At its most humble, resilience describes the ability of an entity (e.g. a person) or a system (e.g. a power grid) to withstand shocks (e.g. a storm) and bounce back to its previous state. How quickly can a city, for example, return to normal functioning after a hurricane? At its most ambitious, resilience is a worldview. For advocates, resilience-thinking can help radically re-scheme society’s relationship with risk, the unknown, and potential disasters. While previous modes of risk management focused on forecasting and preventing disasters, resilience-thinking begins with the assumption that problems cannot be prevented, and instead embraces flexibility and adaptability. Disasters cannot be avoided, resilience promoters say, but our systems can be re-designed to better absorb their impacts and re-tooled to be more agile in recovery. Coaffee’s theoretical contribution is to put discussions of resilience in the realm of sociology. Since the introduction of the concept into the field of landscape ecology in the 1970s, resilience-thinking has become popular in disciplines such as engineering and disaster management, but the social sciences have been slow to engage. As a correction,

{"title":"Futureproof: How to Build Resilience in an Uncertain World, by Jon Coaffee. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2019. ISBN 9780300228670; 281 pp. $30 hardcover.","authors":"Malcolm Araos","doi":"10.1111/cico.12522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/cico.12522","url":null,"abstract":"How can we prepare for and respond to increasingly complex risks and destructive events? In his new book Futureproof: How to Build Resilience in an Uncertain World, Jon Coaffee sketches a contemporary world fraught with intractable uncertainty and punctuated by moments of disaster: climate chaos is becoming a normalized condition as hurricanes, wildfires, and heat waves tear through communities across the world with increasing ferocity each year. Critical infrastructure, such as power grids, water supply, and transportation networks face decades of neglect and threaten to crumble, not least due to climate disasters, depriving us of crucial services we take for granted every day. An uptick in politically motivated-violence against civilians in cities has raised new questions about how to make urban environments more secure for citizens. Finally, we do not know if and when financial institutions, through unscrupulous trading behavior, will cause the collapse of unregulated financial markets as they did in 2008, resulting in the mass foreclosure of homes across the country and other forms of economic suffering. How can we grapple with these challenges in the face of the enormous complexity and interconnectedness of 21st century society, with a view toward keeping our communities safe and vital systems ticking along? Jon Coaffee, a professor of urban geography and director of the Resilient Cities Laboratory at Warwick University, finds promise in the increasingly popular concept of resilience. At its most humble, resilience describes the ability of an entity (e.g. a person) or a system (e.g. a power grid) to withstand shocks (e.g. a storm) and bounce back to its previous state. How quickly can a city, for example, return to normal functioning after a hurricane? At its most ambitious, resilience is a worldview. For advocates, resilience-thinking can help radically re-scheme society’s relationship with risk, the unknown, and potential disasters. While previous modes of risk management focused on forecasting and preventing disasters, resilience-thinking begins with the assumption that problems cannot be prevented, and instead embraces flexibility and adaptability. Disasters cannot be avoided, resilience promoters say, but our systems can be re-designed to better absorb their impacts and re-tooled to be more agile in recovery. Coaffee’s theoretical contribution is to put discussions of resilience in the realm of sociology. Since the introduction of the concept into the field of landscape ecology in the 1970s, resilience-thinking has become popular in disciplines such as engineering and disaster management, but the social sciences have been slow to engage. As a correction,","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"802-804"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12522","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137487874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Racial Violence, White Spaces, and Neighborhood Vulnerability 种族暴力、白人空间和邻里脆弱性

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12521

Bruce D. Haynes

I used to be a faithful supporter of the Policeman Benevolent Association. For just a $25 contribution, the local PBA would issue a decal with a badge-like insignia that you could affix to the driver’s side backdoor window. It signaled that you were a “tax paying citizen,” employed, and on the right side of the law. As a young black man, I suspected at the time that the decal also signaled that I had connections, through family or friends, to law enforcement. Which I did. My father was a parole officer in the South Bronx, and I grew up with respect for the law and the people who enforced it. But that’s not why I made a point of supporting the PBA. Getting a decal served as a talisman, distinguishingme, hopefully, from other blackmen that the police would pull over, providing me with some measure of protection from potential abuse. I mademy first donation to the PBA when Imoved to the suburbs of Yonkers in my late twenties. I continued payments into my thirties, when I joined the faculty at Yale University in New Haven, and then into my forties, when I crossed coasts to join to faculty at the University of California, Davis. Although I’ve been stopped dozens of times over the years, often without any clear reason, I’ve never been roughed up or bullied by the police. Some of my friends have not been so lucky. Back in 1995, the year I defended my doctoral dissertation, Earl G. Graves Jr.—my basketball buddy and the senior vice president for advertising and marketing at Black Enterprise magazine—was shaken down at New York’s Penn Station. Dressed in full business attire, holding an orange juice in his hand, and stepping off a Metro-North train on an early workday morning, Graves somehow aroused the suspicions of the police. The New York Times reported that Graves was accosted and quickly hustled to a nearby wall by two Metro-North police officers as they “...lifted my arms in the air, relieved me of my briefcase and frisked me from top to bottom.” Growing up black in the city, you had to learn to circumvent unwelcoming (and often white) neighborhoods as well as crooked beat cops in your own neighborhood, some of whom who took their “license to kill” personally. Yet as a cocky teenager from Harlem, I used to feel like the entire city was my playground. In my mid-teens, many a time my

我曾经是警察慈善协会的忠实支持者。只需25美元的捐款，当地PBA就会发放一个带有徽章状徽章的贴纸，你可以把它贴在驾驶员侧后门窗户上。这表明你是一个“纳税公民”，有工作，站在法律的正确一边。作为一个年轻的黑人，我当时怀疑贴纸也表明我通过家人或朋友与执法部门有联系。我做到了。我父亲是南布朗克斯的一名假释官，我从小就尊重法律和执行法律的人。但这并不是我支持PBA的原因。得到一个贴花就像一个护身符，希望能将我与警察拦下的其他黑人区分开来，为我提供某种程度的保护，使我免受潜在的虐待。我20多岁时搬到扬克斯郊区，第一次向PBA捐款。我30多岁时加入纽黑文耶鲁大学，然后40多岁时穿越海岸加入加州大学戴维斯分校。尽管这些年来我被拦了几十次，通常没有任何明确的理由，但我从未被警察粗暴对待或欺负过。我的一些朋友就没那么幸运了。早在1995年，也就是我为博士论文辩护的那一年，我的篮球好友、《黑人企业》杂志负责广告和营销的高级副总裁小厄尔·G·格雷夫斯在纽约宾夕法尼亚车站被震撼了。格雷夫斯穿着全套商务装，手里拿着橙汁，在一个工作日的清晨下了地铁北线的火车，不知怎么引起了警方的怀疑。《纽约时报》报道称，格雷夫斯被两名Metro North警察搭讪，并迅速推到附近的墙上，当时他们“……把我的胳膊举到空中，从公文包里拿出来，从上到下搜查我。”，其中一些人拿着他们的“杀人执照”。然而，作为一个来自哈莱姆区的自大少年，我曾经觉得整个城市都是我的游乐场。在我十几岁的时候，很多时候

{"title":"Racial Violence, White Spaces, and Neighborhood Vulnerability","authors":"Bruce D. Haynes","doi":"10.1111/cico.12521","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12521","url":null,"abstract":"I used to be a faithful supporter of the Policeman Benevolent Association. For just a $25 contribution, the local PBA would issue a decal with a badge-like insignia that you could affix to the driver’s side backdoor window. It signaled that you were a “tax paying citizen,” employed, and on the right side of the law. As a young black man, I suspected at the time that the decal also signaled that I had connections, through family or friends, to law enforcement. Which I did. My father was a parole officer in the South Bronx, and I grew up with respect for the law and the people who enforced it. But that’s not why I made a point of supporting the PBA. Getting a decal served as a talisman, distinguishingme, hopefully, from other blackmen that the police would pull over, providing me with some measure of protection from potential abuse. I mademy first donation to the PBA when Imoved to the suburbs of Yonkers in my late twenties. I continued payments into my thirties, when I joined the faculty at Yale University in New Haven, and then into my forties, when I crossed coasts to join to faculty at the University of California, Davis. Although I’ve been stopped dozens of times over the years, often without any clear reason, I’ve never been roughed up or bullied by the police. Some of my friends have not been so lucky. Back in 1995, the year I defended my doctoral dissertation, Earl G. Graves Jr.—my basketball buddy and the senior vice president for advertising and marketing at Black Enterprise magazine—was shaken down at New York’s Penn Station. Dressed in full business attire, holding an orange juice in his hand, and stepping off a Metro-North train on an early workday morning, Graves somehow aroused the suspicions of the police. The New York Times reported that Graves was accosted and quickly hustled to a nearby wall by two Metro-North police officers as they “...lifted my arms in the air, relieved me of my briefcase and frisked me from top to bottom.” Growing up black in the city, you had to learn to circumvent unwelcoming (and often white) neighborhoods as well as crooked beat cops in your own neighborhood, some of whom who took their “license to kill” personally. Yet as a cocky teenager from Harlem, I used to feel like the entire city was my playground. In my mid-teens, many a time my","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"531-537"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12521","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47050520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Policing the Block: Pandemics, Systemic Racism, and the Blood of America 《街区治安:流行病、系统性种族主义和美国的鲜血》

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-09-10 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12517

Alyasah Ali Sewell

The Coronavirus Pandemic has altered the ways we use shared space fundamentally. Policymakers across the nation have enabled police to deploy the power of the state to limit unnecessary and dense usage of public spaces and private gatherings. Such social distancing policies are critical in flattening the pandemic curve of an effective and efficient airborne virus and lessening the public health burden of an already-strained health care system. Yet, the stickiness of systemic racism persists. Racial inequities underpin the facesgoverning the matrices of the pandemic, policing, and protests.

冠状病毒大流行从根本上改变了我们使用共享空间的方式。全国各地的政策制定者使警察能够部署国家权力，以限制对公共空间和私人聚会的不必要和密集使用。这种保持社会距离的政策对于使一种有效和高效的空气传播病毒的大流行曲线趋于平缓，以及减轻本已紧张的卫生保健系统的公共卫生负担至关重要。然而，系统性种族主义的粘性仍然存在。种族不平等是流行病、治安和抗议活动的基础。

引用次数: 23

Rending the “Cosmopolitan Canopy”: COVID-19 and Urban Public Space 重塑“世界主义遮篷”：新冠肺炎-19与城市公共空间

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-09-04 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12516

Philip Kasinitz

I am writing during the “socially distanced” summer of Covid. This means that, like almost everyone else, I am trying to figure out what this “new normal” means. Aside from the horrendous toll, the disease itself has taken on family, friends, and colleagues, we are all increasingly aware of the havoc that the necessary efforts to contain its spread are now wreaking on economic and social life, and, in particular, on the public life of cities. Those of us lucky enough to be able to work from home now joke about what the blurring of the line between public and domestic space means for our everyday lives: attending “zoom” meetings in sweat pants (or no pants); how long it has been since we have put on a dress or a suit; the little glimpses of the private lives of our colleagues and bosses that spill over onto the screens. Yet, I don't think we have fully begun to grasp the implications of the sudden withdrawal from public life has meant for our social relations and our politics.Of course, trying to figure out what this all means while the crisis is still going on is a risky business. By the time you read these words, there is a good chance many of these observations will seem very dated, if not dead wrong! As Nygaard and his colleagues remind us, "history shows us that the ways we organize our cities are often resistant to abrupt change—even in response to catastrophic events” (Nygaard et al. 2020). Or to quote the warning of a recent Noble prize winner: “don't speak too soon for the wheel's still in spin.” Listening to the pundits forecast the end of dense cities and predicting a new middle-class exodus to the suburbs and exurbs, one cannot help but be reminded of the aftermath of “9/11” when many leading thinkers quickly pronounced concentration in central cities a thing of the past and pointed toward a “poly-nucleated” urban future. In the wake of the collapse of the towers, we were told that no one would ever want to work in a tall building again, and certainly no one would want to live in one. Yet, a decade after the towers fell Frank Gehry's “Eight Spruce Street,” at the time the tallest residential building in the western hemisphere, opened a few hundred yards from the World Trade Center site. Today the three tallest residential buildings in the world are all in Manhattan, which should, if nothing else, teach us to be cautious about cliché ridden predictions of urban doom.Still, there are some things we can say about the dangers of sudden withdrawal from public space if only because the responses to pandemic are accelerating trends that were already underway. The first to note that while the pandemic affects people everywhere, its impacts are greatest in the cities. Or as Nicole Gelinas recently put it, “Covid-19 has hit the cities so hard because of what they do so well: bring people closely together for fun and profit” (Gelinas 2020:A19). Being in public—that is, in the presence of strangers in spa

COVAX是获得新冠肺炎工具（ACT）加速器的疫苗支柱，与CEPI、全球疫苗免疫联盟、疫苗联盟和世界卫生组织（世界卫生组织）发生冲突，他们正在与发达国家和发展中国家的疫苗制造商合作

{"title":"Rending the “Cosmopolitan Canopy”: COVID-19 and Urban Public Space","authors":"Philip Kasinitz","doi":"10.1111/cico.12516","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12516","url":null,"abstract":"I am writing during the “socially distanced” summer of Covid. This means that, like almost everyone else, I am trying to figure out what this “new normal” means. Aside from the horrendous toll, the disease itself has taken on family, friends, and colleagues, we are all increasingly aware of the havoc that the necessary efforts to contain its spread are now wreaking on economic and social life, and, in particular, on the public life of cities. Those of us lucky enough to be able to work from home now joke about what the blurring of the line between public and domestic space means for our everyday lives: attending “zoom” meetings in sweat pants (or no pants); how long it has been since we have put on a dress or a suit; the little glimpses of the private lives of our colleagues and bosses that spill over onto the screens. Yet, I don't think we have fully begun to grasp the implications of the sudden withdrawal from public life has meant for our social relations and our politics.Of course, trying to figure out what this all means while the crisis is still going on is a risky business. By the time you read these words, there is a good chance many of these observations will seem very dated, if not dead wrong! As Nygaard and his colleagues remind us, \"history shows us that the ways we organize our cities are often resistant to abrupt change—even in response to catastrophic events” (Nygaard et al. 2020). Or to quote the warning of a recent Noble prize winner: “don't speak too soon for the wheel's still in spin.” Listening to the pundits forecast the end of dense cities and predicting a new middle-class exodus to the suburbs and exurbs, one cannot help but be reminded of the aftermath of “9/11” when many leading thinkers quickly pronounced concentration in central cities a thing of the past and pointed toward a “poly-nucleated” urban future. In the wake of the collapse of the towers, we were told that no one would ever want to work in a tall building again, and certainly no one would want to live in one. Yet, a decade after the towers fell Frank Gehry's “Eight Spruce Street,” at the time the tallest residential building in the western hemisphere, opened a few hundred yards from the World Trade Center site. Today the three tallest residential buildings in the world are all in Manhattan, which should, if nothing else, teach us to be cautious about cliché ridden predictions of urban doom.Still, there are some things we can say about the dangers of sudden withdrawal from public space if only because the responses to pandemic are accelerating trends that were already underway. The first to note that while the pandemic affects people everywhere, its impacts are greatest in the cities. Or as Nicole Gelinas recently put it, “Covid-19 has hit the cities so hard because of what they do so well: bring people closely together for fun and profit” (Gelinas 2020:A19). Being in public—that is, in the presence of strangers in spa","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"489-495"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12516","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47511001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 7

Racism: A Public Health Crisis 种族主义：公共卫生危机

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-09-04 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12518

Katie L. Acosta

The impact of COVID-19 on racially minoritized communities in the United States has forced us all to look square in the face of the systemic racism that is embedded in every fabric of our society. As the number of infected people continues to rise, the racial disparities are glaringly obvious. Black and Latinx communities have been hit considerably harder by this pandemic. Both racial/ethnic groups have seen rates of infection well above their percentage in the general population and African Americans have seen rates of death from COVID-19 as high as twice their percentage in the general population. These numbers bear witness to the high cost of racism in the United States.

2019冠状病毒病对美国少数种族社区的影响迫使我们所有人在面对植根于我们社会每一个结构中的系统性种族主义时都要正视。随着感染人数的持续上升，种族差异明显。黑人和拉丁裔社区在这场疫情中受到的打击要严重得多。两个种族/族裔群体的感染率都远高于其在普通人口中的百分比，非裔美国人的新冠肺炎死亡率高达其在普通人群中百分比的两倍。这些数字证明了美国种族主义的高昂代价。

引用次数: 49

“Not Just a Lateral Move”: Residential Decisions and the Reproduction of Urban Inequality “不只是横向移动”:居住决策与城市不平等的再生产

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-09-03 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12515

Stefanie DeLuca, Christine Jang-Trettien

Despite decades of research on residential mobility and neighborhood effects, we know comparatively less about how people sort across geography. In recent years, scholars have been calling for research that considers residential selection as a social stratification process. In this paper, we present findings from work our team has done over the last 17 years to explore how people end up living where they do, relying in large part on systematically sampled in–depth narrative interviews with families. We focus on four key decisions: whether to move; where to move; whether to send children to school in the neighborhood; and whether to rent or own a home. We found that many residential mobility decisions among the poor were “reactive,” with unpredictable shocks forcing families out of their homes. As a result of reactive moving, housing search time frames became shorter and poor parents employed short–term survival solutions to secure housing instead of long–term investment thinking about neighborhood and school district quality. These shocks, constraints, and compressed time frames led parents to decouple some dimensions of neighborhoods and schools from the housing search process while maximizing others, like immediacy of shelter, unit quality, and proximity to work and child care. Finally, we found that policies can significantly shape and better support some of these decisions. Combined, our research revealed some of the processes that underlie locational attainment and the intergenerational transmission of neighborhood context.

尽管对住宅流动性和邻里效应进行了几十年的研究，但我们对人们如何在地理上进行分类的了解相对较少。近年来，学者们一直呼吁将住宅选择视为一个社会分层过程进行研究。在这篇论文中，我们展示了我们的团队在过去17年中所做的工作的发现，这些工作在很大程度上依赖于对家庭的系统抽样深度叙事采访，以探索人们最终是如何生活在他们所居住的地方的。我们专注于四个关键决策：是否搬迁；在哪里移动；是否将孩子送到附近的学校；以及是租房还是买房。我们发现，穷人中的许多住房流动决策是“反应性的”，不可预测的冲击迫使家庭离开家园。由于被动搬家，寻找住房的时间变得更短，贫困父母采用短期生存解决方案来保障住房，而不是考虑社区和学区质量的长期投资。这些冲击、限制和压缩的时间框架导致家长将社区和学校的某些方面与住房搜索过程脱钩，同时最大限度地提高其他方面，如住所的即时性、单元质量以及接近工作和儿童保育。最后，我们发现，政策可以显著影响并更好地支持其中一些决策。综合起来，我们的研究揭示了位置成就和邻里环境代际传递的一些过程。

{"title":"“Not Just a Lateral Move”: Residential Decisions and the Reproduction of Urban Inequality","authors":"Stefanie DeLuca, Christine Jang-Trettien","doi":"10.1111/cico.12515","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12515","url":null,"abstract":"Despite decades of research on residential mobility and neighborhood effects, we know comparatively less about how people sort across geography. In recent years, scholars have been calling for research that considers residential selection as a social stratification process. In this paper, we present findings from work our team has done over the last 17 years to explore how people end up living where they do, relying in large part on systematically sampled in–depth narrative interviews with families. We focus on four key decisions: whether to move; where to move; whether to send children to school in the neighborhood; and whether to rent or own a home. We found that many residential mobility decisions among the poor were “reactive,” with unpredictable shocks forcing families out of their homes. As a result of reactive moving, housing search time frames became shorter and poor parents employed short–term survival solutions to secure housing instead of long–term investment thinking about neighborhood and school district quality. These shocks, constraints, and compressed time frames led parents to decouple some dimensions of neighborhoods and schools from the housing search process while maximizing others, like immediacy of shelter, unit quality, and proximity to work and child care. Finally, we found that policies can significantly shape and better support some of these decisions. Combined, our research revealed some of the processes that underlie locational attainment and the intergenerational transmission of neighborhood context.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"451-488"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12515","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44795716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 19

Examining the Relationship Between Institutionalized Racism and COVID-19 审视制度化种族主义与COVID-19之间的关系

IF 2.5 3区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

City & Community

Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1111/cico.12520

Tyler Gay, Sam Hammer, Erin Ruel

In 2020, protests erupted around police brutality and other forms of institutional and systematic racism within the justice system. These same forms of structural racism exist in the medical and healthcare industries, and explain fundamentally, why we have large, ongoing, racial health disparities in all health outcomes including COVID-19 (Harris et al. 2006; House 2002; Matthew 2015; Washington 2006). COVID-19 is an acute (short-term), infectious illness that has become an epidemic in the United States. COVID-19 spreads through the air; therefore, it ought to affect people equally. Unfortunately, we are already seeing substantial racial inequality in COVID-19 infections. African Americans are experiencing three times the rate of COVID infection and nearly six times the death rate of White majority counties (Garg et al. 2020; Scott 2020; Webb et al. 2020; Yancy 2020).

In this essay, we examine Black–White racial health disparities and their social determinants. We argue that racism, whether called systematic, structural, or institutionalized (for the sake of this essay these terms are interchangeable), is the primary cause of both explicit and implicit race-based discrimination. Furthermore, we will present and refute biological, behavioral, and social class explanations for racial health disparities. Next, we use the institutionalized racism framework to examine COVID-19. We finish with a set of proposals designed to interrupt the association of racism with health outcomes.

There is a large body of research on racial disparities in chronic health conditions. Chronic conditions, such as heart disease, diabetes, and hypertension are life-long illnesses and syndromes managed through medical treatments. Today, they are the top causes of death (Rana et al. 2020). African Americans have more chronic conditions such as hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and lung disease than Whites, increasing their risk of death from COVID-19 (Garg et al. 2020).

What causes African Americans to have more chronic conditions and be more likely to contract infectious diseases such as COVID-19? Dressler et al. (2005) find that most research looks to five types of explanations for racial health disparities, genetic, behavioral, socio-economic, structural-constructivist, and psychosocial stress. We can dismiss the genetic explanation because race is socially constructed as W. E. B. Dubois demonstrated back in 1906. He found that from 1725 to 1853, while Whites lived longer than Black folks, life expectancy improved similarly for both populations, and that differences in mortality rates among Black folks living in different cities were due to environmental differences. Therefore, genetic inferiority could not explain Black peoples life’ span (DuBois 2003).

The research is clear that

2020年，围绕警察暴行和司法系统内其他形式的制度性和系统性种族主义爆发了抗议活动。这些相同形式的结构性种族主义存在于医疗保健行业，并从根本上解释了为什么我们在包括新冠肺炎在内的所有健康结果中都存在巨大、持续的种族健康差异（Harris et al.2006；House 2002；Matthew 2015；Washington 2006）。新冠肺炎是一种急性（短期）传染病，已在美国流行。新冠肺炎通过空气传播；因此，它应该平等地影响人们。不幸的是，我们已经在新冠肺炎感染中看到了严重的种族不平等。非裔美国人的新冠肺炎感染率是白人占多数的县的三倍，死亡率几乎是白人占大多数的县的六倍（Garg等人，2020；斯科特2020；韦布等人2020；扬西2020）。在这篇文章中，我们研究了黑人和白人的种族健康差异及其社会决定因素。我们认为，种族主义，无论是被称为系统性的、结构性的还是制度化的（为了本文的目的，这些术语是可互换的），都是显性和隐性种族歧视的主要原因。此外，我们将提出并反驳对种族健康差异的生物学、行为学和社会阶层的解释。接下来，我们使用制度化的种族主义框架来研究新冠肺炎。最后，我们提出了一系列旨在中断种族主义与健康结果之间联系的建议。有大量关于慢性健康状况中种族差异的研究。慢性疾病，如心脏病、糖尿病和高血压，是通过药物治疗管理的终身疾病和综合征。如今，它们是导致死亡的首要原因（Rana等人，2020）。非裔美国人比白人有更多的慢性疾病，如高血压、糖尿病、心血管疾病和肺病，这增加了他们死于新冠肺炎的风险（Garg等人，2020）。是什么导致非裔美国人患上更多慢性病，更容易感染新冠肺炎等传染病？Dressler等人（2005）发现，大多数研究都着眼于对种族健康差异的五种解释，即遗传、行为、社会经济、结构建构主义和心理社会压力。我们可以忽略基因解释，因为种族是社会建构的，正如W·E·B·杜波依斯在1906年所证明的那样。他发现，从1725年到1853年，虽然白人的寿命比黑人长，但两种人群的预期寿命都有相似的提高，而生活在不同城市的黑人死亡率的差异是由于环境差异造成的。因此，基因自卑不能解释黑人的寿命（DuBois，2003）。

{"title":"Examining the Relationship Between Institutionalized Racism and COVID-19","authors":"Tyler Gay, Sam Hammer, Erin Ruel","doi":"10.1111/cico.12520","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12520","url":null,"abstract":"In 2020, protests erupted around police brutality and other forms of institutional and systematic racism within the justice system. These same forms of structural racism exist in the medical and healthcare industries, and explain fundamentally, why we have large, ongoing, racial health disparities in all health outcomes including COVID-19 (Harris et al. 2006; House 2002; Matthew 2015; Washington 2006). COVID-19 is an acute (short-term), infectious illness that has become an epidemic in the United States. COVID-19 spreads through the air; therefore, it ought to affect people equally. Unfortunately, we are already seeing substantial racial inequality in COVID-19 infections. African Americans are experiencing three times the rate of COVID infection and nearly six times the death rate of White majority counties (Garg et al. 2020; Scott 2020; Webb et al. 2020; Yancy 2020).In this essay, we examine Black–White racial health disparities and their social determinants. We argue that racism, whether called systematic, structural, or institutionalized (for the sake of this essay these terms are interchangeable), is the primary cause of both explicit and implicit race-based discrimination. Furthermore, we will present and refute biological, behavioral, and social class explanations for racial health disparities. Next, we use the institutionalized racism framework to examine COVID-19. We finish with a set of proposals designed to interrupt the association of racism with health outcomes.There is a large body of research on racial disparities in chronic health conditions. Chronic conditions, such as heart disease, diabetes, and hypertension are life-long illnesses and syndromes managed through medical treatments. Today, they are the top causes of death (Rana et al. 2020). African Americans have more chronic conditions such as hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and lung disease than Whites, increasing their risk of death from COVID-19 (Garg et al. 2020).What causes African Americans to have more chronic conditions and be more likely to contract infectious diseases such as COVID-19? Dressler et al. (2005) find that most research looks to five types of explanations for racial health disparities, genetic, behavioral, socio-economic, structural-constructivist, and psychosocial stress. We can dismiss the genetic explanation because race is socially constructed as W. E. B. Dubois demonstrated back in 1906. He found that from 1725 to 1853, while Whites lived longer than Black folks, life expectancy improved similarly for both populations, and that differences in mortality rates among Black folks living in different cities were due to environmental differences. Therefore, genetic inferiority could not explain Black peoples life’ span (DuBois 2003).The research is clear that","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"523-530"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12520","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47447141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 5

首页上一页

下一页尾页

类型

全部化学•材料生命科学医学物理工程技术环境•农林材料科学地球科学法学管理学化学环境科学与生态学计算机科学教育学经济学农林科学人文科学生物学数学物理与天体物理心理学综合性期刊其他工业工程理学历史学农学文学信息工程

数据库

全部 ACS Publications Elsevier ieeexplore Springer The Royal Society of Chemistry Wiley

期刊

City & Community

全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.

﹀