In short, this book fills an important gap in our understanding of how to manage risk in contemporary society. It should be of use to sociologists interested in risk and disasters, owing to Coaffee’s rich engagement with existing sociological theory. Moreover, due to its expansive use of diverse empirical examples, Coaffee’s book should be of interest to scholars and policy professionals working in the areas of climate change adaptation, the stability of financial systems, urban security, and infrastructure. In the midst of a pandemic, it is difficult to think of more important questions than those asking how to deal with complex and uncertain risks in an increasingly interconnected world. In Futureproof, Coaffee suggests resilience-thinking as a potential guide for answering this question.
{"title":"Extreme Cities: The Peril and Promise of Urban Life in the Age of Climate Change, by Ashley Dawson. London and New York: Verso. 2017. 384 pp.","authors":"Lisa Benton-Short","doi":"10.1111/cico.12406","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12406","url":null,"abstract":"In short, this book fills an important gap in our understanding of how to manage risk in contemporary society. It should be of use to sociologists interested in risk and disasters, owing to Coaffee’s rich engagement with existing sociological theory. Moreover, due to its expansive use of diverse empirical examples, Coaffee’s book should be of interest to scholars and policy professionals working in the areas of climate change adaptation, the stability of financial systems, urban security, and infrastructure. In the midst of a pandemic, it is difficult to think of more important questions than those asking how to deal with complex and uncertain risks in an increasingly interconnected world. In Futureproof, Coaffee suggests resilience-thinking as a potential guide for answering this question.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"804-806"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12406","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43784833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How can we prepare for and respond to increasingly complex risks and destructive events? In his new book Futureproof: How to Build Resilience in an Uncertain World, Jon Coaffee sketches a contemporary world fraught with intractable uncertainty and punctuated by moments of disaster: climate chaos is becoming a normalized condition as hurricanes, wildfires, and heat waves tear through communities across the world with increasing ferocity each year. Critical infrastructure, such as power grids, water supply, and transportation networks face decades of neglect and threaten to crumble, not least due to climate disasters, depriving us of crucial services we take for granted every day. An uptick in politically motivated-violence against civilians in cities has raised new questions about how to make urban environments more secure for citizens. Finally, we do not know if and when financial institutions, through unscrupulous trading behavior, will cause the collapse of unregulated financial markets as they did in 2008, resulting in the mass foreclosure of homes across the country and other forms of economic suffering. How can we grapple with these challenges in the face of the enormous complexity and interconnectedness of 21st century society, with a view toward keeping our communities safe and vital systems ticking along? Jon Coaffee, a professor of urban geography and director of the Resilient Cities Laboratory at Warwick University, finds promise in the increasingly popular concept of resilience. At its most humble, resilience describes the ability of an entity (e.g. a person) or a system (e.g. a power grid) to withstand shocks (e.g. a storm) and bounce back to its previous state. How quickly can a city, for example, return to normal functioning after a hurricane? At its most ambitious, resilience is a worldview. For advocates, resilience-thinking can help radically re-scheme society’s relationship with risk, the unknown, and potential disasters. While previous modes of risk management focused on forecasting and preventing disasters, resilience-thinking begins with the assumption that problems cannot be prevented, and instead embraces flexibility and adaptability. Disasters cannot be avoided, resilience promoters say, but our systems can be re-designed to better absorb their impacts and re-tooled to be more agile in recovery. Coaffee’s theoretical contribution is to put discussions of resilience in the realm of sociology. Since the introduction of the concept into the field of landscape ecology in the 1970s, resilience-thinking has become popular in disciplines such as engineering and disaster management, but the social sciences have been slow to engage. As a correction,
{"title":"Futureproof: How to Build Resilience in an Uncertain World, by Jon Coaffee. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2019. ISBN 9780300228670; 281 pp. $30 hardcover.","authors":"Malcolm Araos","doi":"10.1111/cico.12522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/cico.12522","url":null,"abstract":"How can we prepare for and respond to increasingly complex risks and destructive events? In his new book Futureproof: How to Build Resilience in an Uncertain World, Jon Coaffee sketches a contemporary world fraught with intractable uncertainty and punctuated by moments of disaster: climate chaos is becoming a normalized condition as hurricanes, wildfires, and heat waves tear through communities across the world with increasing ferocity each year. Critical infrastructure, such as power grids, water supply, and transportation networks face decades of neglect and threaten to crumble, not least due to climate disasters, depriving us of crucial services we take for granted every day. An uptick in politically motivated-violence against civilians in cities has raised new questions about how to make urban environments more secure for citizens. Finally, we do not know if and when financial institutions, through unscrupulous trading behavior, will cause the collapse of unregulated financial markets as they did in 2008, resulting in the mass foreclosure of homes across the country and other forms of economic suffering. How can we grapple with these challenges in the face of the enormous complexity and interconnectedness of 21st century society, with a view toward keeping our communities safe and vital systems ticking along? Jon Coaffee, a professor of urban geography and director of the Resilient Cities Laboratory at Warwick University, finds promise in the increasingly popular concept of resilience. At its most humble, resilience describes the ability of an entity (e.g. a person) or a system (e.g. a power grid) to withstand shocks (e.g. a storm) and bounce back to its previous state. How quickly can a city, for example, return to normal functioning after a hurricane? At its most ambitious, resilience is a worldview. For advocates, resilience-thinking can help radically re-scheme society’s relationship with risk, the unknown, and potential disasters. While previous modes of risk management focused on forecasting and preventing disasters, resilience-thinking begins with the assumption that problems cannot be prevented, and instead embraces flexibility and adaptability. Disasters cannot be avoided, resilience promoters say, but our systems can be re-designed to better absorb their impacts and re-tooled to be more agile in recovery. Coaffee’s theoretical contribution is to put discussions of resilience in the realm of sociology. Since the introduction of the concept into the field of landscape ecology in the 1970s, resilience-thinking has become popular in disciplines such as engineering and disaster management, but the social sciences have been slow to engage. As a correction,","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"802-804"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12522","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137487874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I used to be a faithful supporter of the Policeman Benevolent Association. For just a $25 contribution, the local PBA would issue a decal with a badge-like insignia that you could affix to the driver’s side backdoor window. It signaled that you were a “tax paying citizen,” employed, and on the right side of the law. As a young black man, I suspected at the time that the decal also signaled that I had connections, through family or friends, to law enforcement. Which I did. My father was a parole officer in the South Bronx, and I grew up with respect for the law and the people who enforced it. But that’s not why I made a point of supporting the PBA. Getting a decal served as a talisman, distinguishingme, hopefully, from other blackmen that the police would pull over, providing me with some measure of protection from potential abuse. I mademy first donation to the PBA when Imoved to the suburbs of Yonkers in my late twenties. I continued payments into my thirties, when I joined the faculty at Yale University in New Haven, and then into my forties, when I crossed coasts to join to faculty at the University of California, Davis. Although I’ve been stopped dozens of times over the years, often without any clear reason, I’ve never been roughed up or bullied by the police. Some of my friends have not been so lucky. Back in 1995, the year I defended my doctoral dissertation, Earl G. Graves Jr.—my basketball buddy and the senior vice president for advertising and marketing at Black Enterprise magazine—was shaken down at New York’s Penn Station. Dressed in full business attire, holding an orange juice in his hand, and stepping off a Metro-North train on an early workday morning, Graves somehow aroused the suspicions of the police. The New York Times reported that Graves was accosted and quickly hustled to a nearby wall by two Metro-North police officers as they “...lifted my arms in the air, relieved me of my briefcase and frisked me from top to bottom.” Growing up black in the city, you had to learn to circumvent unwelcoming (and often white) neighborhoods as well as crooked beat cops in your own neighborhood, some of whom who took their “license to kill” personally. Yet as a cocky teenager from Harlem, I used to feel like the entire city was my playground. In my mid-teens, many a time my
{"title":"Racial Violence, White Spaces, and Neighborhood Vulnerability","authors":"Bruce D. Haynes","doi":"10.1111/cico.12521","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12521","url":null,"abstract":"I used to be a faithful supporter of the Policeman Benevolent Association. For just a $25 contribution, the local PBA would issue a decal with a badge-like insignia that you could affix to the driver’s side backdoor window. It signaled that you were a “tax paying citizen,” employed, and on the right side of the law. As a young black man, I suspected at the time that the decal also signaled that I had connections, through family or friends, to law enforcement. Which I did. My father was a parole officer in the South Bronx, and I grew up with respect for the law and the people who enforced it. But that’s not why I made a point of supporting the PBA. Getting a decal served as a talisman, distinguishingme, hopefully, from other blackmen that the police would pull over, providing me with some measure of protection from potential abuse. I mademy first donation to the PBA when Imoved to the suburbs of Yonkers in my late twenties. I continued payments into my thirties, when I joined the faculty at Yale University in New Haven, and then into my forties, when I crossed coasts to join to faculty at the University of California, Davis. Although I’ve been stopped dozens of times over the years, often without any clear reason, I’ve never been roughed up or bullied by the police. Some of my friends have not been so lucky. Back in 1995, the year I defended my doctoral dissertation, Earl G. Graves Jr.—my basketball buddy and the senior vice president for advertising and marketing at Black Enterprise magazine—was shaken down at New York’s Penn Station. Dressed in full business attire, holding an orange juice in his hand, and stepping off a Metro-North train on an early workday morning, Graves somehow aroused the suspicions of the police. The New York Times reported that Graves was accosted and quickly hustled to a nearby wall by two Metro-North police officers as they “...lifted my arms in the air, relieved me of my briefcase and frisked me from top to bottom.” Growing up black in the city, you had to learn to circumvent unwelcoming (and often white) neighborhoods as well as crooked beat cops in your own neighborhood, some of whom who took their “license to kill” personally. Yet as a cocky teenager from Harlem, I used to feel like the entire city was my playground. In my mid-teens, many a time my","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"531-537"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12521","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47050520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Coronavirus Pandemic has altered the ways we use shared space fundamentally. Policymakers across the nation have enabled police to deploy the power of the state to limit unnecessary and dense usage of public spaces and private gatherings. Such social distancing policies are critical in flattening the pandemic curve of an effective and efficient airborne virus and lessening the public health burden of an already-strained health care system. Yet, the stickiness of systemic racism persists. Racial inequities underpin the facesgoverning the matrices of the pandemic, policing, and protests.
{"title":"Policing the Block: Pandemics, Systemic Racism, and the Blood of America","authors":"Alyasah Ali Sewell","doi":"10.1111/cico.12517","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12517","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Coronavirus Pandemic has altered the ways we use shared space fundamentally. Policymakers across the nation have enabled police to deploy the power of the state to limit unnecessary and dense usage of public spaces and private gatherings. Such social distancing policies are critical in flattening the pandemic curve of an effective and efficient airborne virus and lessening the public health burden of an already-strained health care system. Yet, the stickiness of systemic racism persists. Racial inequities underpin the facesgoverning the matrices of the pandemic, policing, and protests.</p>","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"496-505"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12517","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42647811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>I am writing during the “socially distanced” summer of Covid. This means that, like almost everyone else, I am trying to figure out what this “new normal” means. Aside from the horrendous toll, the disease itself has taken on family, friends, and colleagues, we are all increasingly aware of the havoc that the necessary efforts to contain its spread are now wreaking on economic and social life, and, in particular, on the public life of cities. Those of us lucky enough to be able to work from home now joke about what the blurring of the line between public and domestic space means for our everyday lives: attending “zoom” meetings in sweat pants (or no pants); how long it has been since we have put on a dress or a suit; the little glimpses of the private lives of our colleagues and bosses that spill over onto the screens. Yet, I don't think we have fully begun to grasp the implications of the sudden withdrawal from public life has meant for our social relations and our politics.</p><p>Of course, trying to figure out what this all means while the crisis is still going on is a risky business. By the time you read these words, there is a good chance many of these observations will seem very dated, if not dead wrong! As Nygaard and his colleagues remind us, "history shows us that the ways we organize our cities are often resistant to abrupt change—even in response to catastrophic events” (Nygaard et al. <span>2020</span>). Or to quote the warning of a recent Noble prize winner: “don't speak too soon for the wheel's still in spin.” Listening to the pundits forecast the end of dense cities and predicting a new middle-class exodus to the suburbs and exurbs, one cannot help but be reminded of the aftermath of “9/11” when many leading thinkers quickly pronounced concentration in central cities a thing of the past and pointed toward a “poly-nucleated” urban future. In the wake of the collapse of the towers, we were told that no one would ever want to work in a tall building again, and certainly no one would want to live in one. Yet, a decade after the towers fell Frank Gehry's “Eight Spruce Street,” at the time the tallest residential building in the western hemisphere, opened a few hundred yards from the World Trade Center site. Today the three tallest residential buildings in the world are all in Manhattan, which should, if nothing else, teach us to be cautious about cliché ridden predictions of urban doom.</p><p>Still, there are some things we can say about the dangers of sudden withdrawal from public space if only because the responses to pandemic are accelerating trends that were already underway. The first to note that while the pandemic affects people everywhere, its impacts are greatest in the cities. Or as Nicole Gelinas recently put it, “Covid-19 has hit the cities so hard because of what they do so well: bring people closely together for fun and profit” (Gelinas <span>2020</span>:A19). Being in public—that is, in the presence of strangers in spa
{"title":"Rending the “Cosmopolitan Canopy”: COVID-19 and Urban Public Space","authors":"Philip Kasinitz","doi":"10.1111/cico.12516","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12516","url":null,"abstract":"<p>I am writing during the “socially distanced” summer of Covid. This means that, like almost everyone else, I am trying to figure out what this “new normal” means. Aside from the horrendous toll, the disease itself has taken on family, friends, and colleagues, we are all increasingly aware of the havoc that the necessary efforts to contain its spread are now wreaking on economic and social life, and, in particular, on the public life of cities. Those of us lucky enough to be able to work from home now joke about what the blurring of the line between public and domestic space means for our everyday lives: attending “zoom” meetings in sweat pants (or no pants); how long it has been since we have put on a dress or a suit; the little glimpses of the private lives of our colleagues and bosses that spill over onto the screens. Yet, I don't think we have fully begun to grasp the implications of the sudden withdrawal from public life has meant for our social relations and our politics.</p><p>Of course, trying to figure out what this all means while the crisis is still going on is a risky business. By the time you read these words, there is a good chance many of these observations will seem very dated, if not dead wrong! As Nygaard and his colleagues remind us, \"history shows us that the ways we organize our cities are often resistant to abrupt change—even in response to catastrophic events” (Nygaard et al. <span>2020</span>). Or to quote the warning of a recent Noble prize winner: “don't speak too soon for the wheel's still in spin.” Listening to the pundits forecast the end of dense cities and predicting a new middle-class exodus to the suburbs and exurbs, one cannot help but be reminded of the aftermath of “9/11” when many leading thinkers quickly pronounced concentration in central cities a thing of the past and pointed toward a “poly-nucleated” urban future. In the wake of the collapse of the towers, we were told that no one would ever want to work in a tall building again, and certainly no one would want to live in one. Yet, a decade after the towers fell Frank Gehry's “Eight Spruce Street,” at the time the tallest residential building in the western hemisphere, opened a few hundred yards from the World Trade Center site. Today the three tallest residential buildings in the world are all in Manhattan, which should, if nothing else, teach us to be cautious about cliché ridden predictions of urban doom.</p><p>Still, there are some things we can say about the dangers of sudden withdrawal from public space if only because the responses to pandemic are accelerating trends that were already underway. The first to note that while the pandemic affects people everywhere, its impacts are greatest in the cities. Or as Nicole Gelinas recently put it, “Covid-19 has hit the cities so hard because of what they do so well: bring people closely together for fun and profit” (Gelinas <span>2020</span>:A19). Being in public—that is, in the presence of strangers in spa","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"489-495"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12516","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47511001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The impact of COVID-19 on racially minoritized communities in the United States has forced us all to look square in the face of the systemic racism that is embedded in every fabric of our society. As the number of infected people continues to rise, the racial disparities are glaringly obvious. Black and Latinx communities have been hit considerably harder by this pandemic. Both racial/ethnic groups have seen rates of infection well above their percentage in the general population and African Americans have seen rates of death from COVID-19 as high as twice their percentage in the general population. These numbers bear witness to the high cost of racism in the United States.
{"title":"Racism: A Public Health Crisis","authors":"Katie L. Acosta","doi":"10.1111/cico.12518","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12518","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The impact of COVID-19 on racially minoritized communities in the United States has forced us all to look square in the face of the systemic racism that is embedded in every fabric of our society. As the number of infected people continues to rise, the racial disparities are glaringly obvious. Black and Latinx communities have been hit considerably harder by this pandemic. Both racial/ethnic groups have seen rates of infection well above their percentage in the general population and African Americans have seen rates of death from COVID-19 as high as twice their percentage in the general population. These numbers bear witness to the high cost of racism in the United States.</p>","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"506-515"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12518","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49203343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite decades of research on residential mobility and neighborhood effects, we know comparatively less about how people sort across geography. In recent years, scholars have been calling for research that considers residential selection as a social stratification process. In this paper, we present findings from work our team has done over the last 17 years to explore how people end up living where they do, relying in large part on systematically sampled in–depth narrative interviews with families. We focus on four key decisions: whether to move; where to move; whether to send children to school in the neighborhood; and whether to rent or own a home. We found that many residential mobility decisions among the poor were “reactive,” with unpredictable shocks forcing families out of their homes. As a result of reactive moving, housing search time frames became shorter and poor parents employed short–term survival solutions to secure housing instead of long–term investment thinking about neighborhood and school district quality. These shocks, constraints, and compressed time frames led parents to decouple some dimensions of neighborhoods and schools from the housing search process while maximizing others, like immediacy of shelter, unit quality, and proximity to work and child care. Finally, we found that policies can significantly shape and better support some of these decisions. Combined, our research revealed some of the processes that underlie locational attainment and the intergenerational transmission of neighborhood context.
{"title":"“Not Just a Lateral Move”: Residential Decisions and the Reproduction of Urban Inequality","authors":"Stefanie DeLuca, Christine Jang-Trettien","doi":"10.1111/cico.12515","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12515","url":null,"abstract":"Despite decades of research on residential mobility and neighborhood effects, we know comparatively less about how people sort across geography. In recent years, scholars have been calling for research that considers residential selection as a social stratification process. In this paper, we present findings from work our team has done over the last 17 years to explore how people end up living where they do, relying in large part on systematically sampled in–depth narrative interviews with families. We focus on four key decisions: whether to move; where to move; whether to send children to school in the neighborhood; and whether to rent or own a home. We found that many residential mobility decisions among the poor were “reactive,” with unpredictable shocks forcing families out of their homes. As a result of reactive moving, housing search time frames became shorter and poor parents employed short–term survival solutions to secure housing instead of long–term investment thinking about neighborhood and school district quality. These shocks, constraints, and compressed time frames led parents to decouple some dimensions of neighborhoods and schools from the housing search process while maximizing others, like immediacy of shelter, unit quality, and proximity to work and child care. Finally, we found that policies can significantly shape and better support some of these decisions. Combined, our research revealed some of the processes that underlie locational attainment and the intergenerational transmission of neighborhood context.","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"451-488"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12515","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44795716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>In 2020, protests erupted around police brutality and other forms of institutional and systematic racism within the justice system. These same forms of structural racism exist in the medical and healthcare industries, and explain fundamentally, why we have large, ongoing, racial health disparities in all health outcomes including COVID-19 (Harris et al. <span>2006</span>; House <span>2002</span>; Matthew <span>2015</span>; Washington <span>2006</span>). COVID-19 is an acute (short-term), infectious illness that has become an epidemic in the United States. COVID-19 spreads through the air; therefore, it ought to affect people equally. Unfortunately, we are already seeing substantial racial inequality in COVID-19 infections. African Americans are experiencing three times the rate of COVID infection and nearly six times the death rate of White majority counties (Garg et al. <span>2020</span>; Scott <span>2020</span>; Webb et al. <span>2020</span>; Yancy <span>2020</span>).</p><p>In this essay, we examine Black–White racial health disparities and their social determinants. We argue that racism, whether called systematic, structural, or institutionalized (for the sake of this essay these terms are interchangeable), is the primary cause of both explicit and implicit race-based discrimination. Furthermore, we will present and refute biological, behavioral, and social class explanations for racial health disparities. Next, we use the institutionalized racism framework to examine COVID-19. We finish with a set of proposals designed to interrupt the association of racism with health outcomes.</p><p>There is a large body of research on racial disparities in chronic health conditions. Chronic conditions, such as heart disease, diabetes, and hypertension are life-long illnesses and syndromes managed through medical treatments. Today, they are the top causes of death (Rana et al. <span>2020</span>). African Americans have more chronic conditions such as hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and lung disease than Whites, increasing their risk of death from COVID-19 (Garg et al. <span>2020</span>).</p><p>What causes African Americans to have more chronic conditions and be more likely to contract infectious diseases such as COVID-19? Dressler et al. (<span>2005</span>) find that most research looks to five types of explanations for racial health disparities, genetic, behavioral, socio-economic, structural-constructivist, and psychosocial stress. We can dismiss the genetic explanation because race is socially constructed as W. E. B. Dubois demonstrated back in 1906. He found that from 1725 to 1853, while Whites lived longer than Black folks, life expectancy improved similarly for both populations, and that differences in mortality rates among Black folks living in different cities were due to environmental differences. Therefore, genetic inferiority could not explain Black peoples life’ span (DuBois <span>2003</span>).</p><p>The research is clear that
2020年，围绕警察暴行和司法系统内其他形式的制度性和系统性种族主义爆发了抗议活动。这些相同形式的结构性种族主义存在于医疗保健行业，并从根本上解释了为什么我们在包括新冠肺炎在内的所有健康结果中都存在巨大、持续的种族健康差异（Harris et al.2006；House 2002；Matthew 2015；Washington 2006）。新冠肺炎是一种急性（短期）传染病，已在美国流行。新冠肺炎通过空气传播；因此，它应该平等地影响人们。不幸的是，我们已经在新冠肺炎感染中看到了严重的种族不平等。非裔美国人的新冠肺炎感染率是白人占多数的县的三倍，死亡率几乎是白人占大多数的县的六倍（Garg等人，2020；斯科特2020；韦布等人2020；扬西2020）。在这篇文章中，我们研究了黑人和白人的种族健康差异及其社会决定因素。我们认为，种族主义，无论是被称为系统性的、结构性的还是制度化的（为了本文的目的，这些术语是可互换的），都是显性和隐性种族歧视的主要原因。此外，我们将提出并反驳对种族健康差异的生物学、行为学和社会阶层的解释。接下来，我们使用制度化的种族主义框架来研究新冠肺炎。最后，我们提出了一系列旨在中断种族主义与健康结果之间联系的建议。有大量关于慢性健康状况中种族差异的研究。慢性疾病，如心脏病、糖尿病和高血压，是通过药物治疗管理的终身疾病和综合征。如今，它们是导致死亡的首要原因（Rana等人，2020）。非裔美国人比白人有更多的慢性疾病，如高血压、糖尿病、心血管疾病和肺病，这增加了他们死于新冠肺炎的风险（Garg等人，2020）。是什么导致非裔美国人患上更多慢性病，更容易感染新冠肺炎等传染病？Dressler等人（2005）发现，大多数研究都着眼于对种族健康差异的五种解释，即遗传、行为、社会经济、结构建构主义和心理社会压力。我们可以忽略基因解释，因为种族是社会建构的，正如W·E·B·杜波依斯在1906年所证明的那样。他发现，从1725年到1853年，虽然白人的寿命比黑人长，但两种人群的预期寿命都有相似的提高，而生活在不同城市的黑人死亡率的差异是由于环境差异造成的。因此，基因自卑不能解释黑人的寿命（DuBois，2003）。
{"title":"Examining the Relationship Between Institutionalized Racism and COVID-19","authors":"Tyler Gay, Sam Hammer, Erin Ruel","doi":"10.1111/cico.12520","DOIUrl":"10.1111/cico.12520","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In 2020, protests erupted around police brutality and other forms of institutional and systematic racism within the justice system. These same forms of structural racism exist in the medical and healthcare industries, and explain fundamentally, why we have large, ongoing, racial health disparities in all health outcomes including COVID-19 (Harris et al. <span>2006</span>; House <span>2002</span>; Matthew <span>2015</span>; Washington <span>2006</span>). COVID-19 is an acute (short-term), infectious illness that has become an epidemic in the United States. COVID-19 spreads through the air; therefore, it ought to affect people equally. Unfortunately, we are already seeing substantial racial inequality in COVID-19 infections. African Americans are experiencing three times the rate of COVID infection and nearly six times the death rate of White majority counties (Garg et al. <span>2020</span>; Scott <span>2020</span>; Webb et al. <span>2020</span>; Yancy <span>2020</span>).</p><p>In this essay, we examine Black–White racial health disparities and their social determinants. We argue that racism, whether called systematic, structural, or institutionalized (for the sake of this essay these terms are interchangeable), is the primary cause of both explicit and implicit race-based discrimination. Furthermore, we will present and refute biological, behavioral, and social class explanations for racial health disparities. Next, we use the institutionalized racism framework to examine COVID-19. We finish with a set of proposals designed to interrupt the association of racism with health outcomes.</p><p>There is a large body of research on racial disparities in chronic health conditions. Chronic conditions, such as heart disease, diabetes, and hypertension are life-long illnesses and syndromes managed through medical treatments. Today, they are the top causes of death (Rana et al. <span>2020</span>). African Americans have more chronic conditions such as hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and lung disease than Whites, increasing their risk of death from COVID-19 (Garg et al. <span>2020</span>).</p><p>What causes African Americans to have more chronic conditions and be more likely to contract infectious diseases such as COVID-19? Dressler et al. (<span>2005</span>) find that most research looks to five types of explanations for racial health disparities, genetic, behavioral, socio-economic, structural-constructivist, and psychosocial stress. We can dismiss the genetic explanation because race is socially constructed as W. E. B. Dubois demonstrated back in 1906. He found that from 1725 to 1853, while Whites lived longer than Black folks, life expectancy improved similarly for both populations, and that differences in mortality rates among Black folks living in different cities were due to environmental differences. Therefore, genetic inferiority could not explain Black peoples life’ span (DuBois <span>2003</span>).</p><p>The research is clear that","PeriodicalId":47486,"journal":{"name":"City & Community","volume":"19 3","pages":"523-530"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/cico.12520","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47447141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：