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The Political and Social Determinants of Football Hooliganism in Central Europe in the Interwar Period 两次世界大战期间中欧足球流氓行为的政治和社会决定因素
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2277216
Dariusz Wojtaszyn, Lorenzo Venuti
AbstractDuring the inter-war period (1918-1939) football in Central Europe developed highly successfully, second only to Great Britain – and it was in Central Europe that the international club competition the Mitropa Cup was established. This became the forerunner of later tournaments played under the auspices of UEFA. The rapid development of football also brought with it negative phenomena associated with football matches, mainly the problem of hooliganism. The consolidation of football through the Mitropa Cup has contributed to the spread of the hooligan phenomenon in the region and gave it additional boost. Central European stadiums became social outlets wherein it was possible express local and national sentiments, resentments, prejudices, and stereotypes.Keywords: FootballfansHooligansCentral EuropeMitropa Cup Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Alessandro Dal Lago, Descrizione di una battaglia. I rituali del calcio [Description of a Battle. The rituals of football] (Bologna: il Mulino, 1990), 166.2 Ibid; Paul Dietschy, Storia del calcio [History of Football] (Vadano al Lambro: Paginauno, 2014), 122–9.3 Some scholars have traced the birth of sports tourism back to the 1934 World Cup in Italy. See Dietschy, Storia del calcio, 156.4 Roman Horak and Wolfgang Maderthaner, Mehr als ein Spiel. Fußball und populare Kulturen im Wien der Moderne [More than just a game. Football and Popular Cultures in Modern Vienna] (Wien: Löcker, 1997).5 See Norbert Elias and Eric Dunning, Quest for Excitement. Sport and Leisure in the Civilizing Process (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986); Eric Dunning, Patrick J. Murphy and John Williams, The Roots of Football Hooliganism: An Historical and Sociological Study (London: Routledge, 1988); Robert W. Lewis, ‘Football Hooliganism in England before 1914: A Critique of the Dunning Thesis’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 13, no. 3 (1996): 310–39; Patrick Murphy, Eric Dunning and Joseph Maguire, ‘Football Spectator Violence and Disorder before the First World War: A Reply to R.W. Lewis’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 15, no. 1 (1998): 141–62; Martin Johnes, ‘Hooligans and barrackers: Crowd disorder and soccer in South Wales, c. 1906-1939’, Soccer & Society 1, no. 2 (2000): 19–35. For a long-term analysis, see John Williams, Eric Dunning, and Patrick Murphy, ‘The rise of the English soccer hooligan’, Youth and Society 17, no. 4 (1986): 362–80.6 Horak and Maderthaner, Mehr als ein Spiel; Matthias Marschik and Doris Sottopietra, Erbfeinde und Haßlieben. Konzept und Realität Mitteleuropas im Sport [Eternal Enemies and Hated Lovers. Concept and reality of Central Europe in sport] (Münster: LIT, 2000), 250–84; Szymon Bieniuk, ‘O piłkarskich trybunach Lwowa lat 30. XX wieku na łamach prasy sportowej: Wybrane kwestie’ [The football stands of 1930s Lviv in the sports press: Selected issues], Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstoch
34《意大利驻维也纳公使馆给外交部的报告》,1934年7月9日,罗马,908号箱,部长内阁和总秘书处(1923-1943)(G),意大利外交部档案(以下简称ASDMAE)。35《Elfajulak a Középeurópai Kupa mérkőzések》[中欧杯赛比赛失控],布达佩斯Hírlap, 1934年7月10日,12;' Telesna Vychova ', Lidove Noviny, 1934年7月8日,11.36 ' Admira -热那亚2-2 [Admira 2:2热那亚],Il Lavoro, 1937年7月5日,5.37 Leo Schidrowitz, Geschichte des Fußballsportes in Österreich[奥地利足球历史](维也纳:38 .热那亚财务主管致意大利罗马国家中央档案馆(以下简称ACS)总档案馆(AG)总务和保密性处(1861-1981)总务和保密性处(DGPS)内务部(MI)国家中央档案馆(以下简称ACS) 1937年7月10日致热那亚和威尼斯州警察局局长的信,1937年7月10日b. 26/b, 1879-1945年年度分类,AG, DGPS, MI,ac .40 Marschik and Sottopietra, Erbfeinde, 280-1.41《A Sparta lea meghamisitott középeurópai k<s:1> zdelmek győztese》,Nemzeti Sport, 1927年11月14日,2.42《Il cavalleresco contegno delle folle italiane e le intemperanze dei publiici d ' oltralpe》,《意大利民众的侠义行为和阿尔卑斯山另一边民众的愤怒》,Il Corriere della Sera, 1927年11月20日,第5页;“A bassaci közönség kövel dobálta A Sparta játékosait”(维也纳人群向斯巴达球员投掷石块),阿斯特,1927年11月15日,15;“Osztrák-cseh konfliktus fenyeget a Középeurópai Kupa döntőjének botránya miatt”[奥捷在中欧杯决赛丑闻上的冲突],Sporthirlap, 1927年11月17日;5.43“Echi della Coppa dell ' europa Centrale”[中欧杯的回声],La Gazzetta dello Sport, 1927年11月21日;4.44“Der Mitteleuropa-Cup Der Professionals - ein Riesenskandal”[中欧职业杯的巨大丑闻],arbeter - zeitung, 1927年11月14日,第6期。对社会民主主义的《劳动报》的批评在某种程度上与报纸的政治性质以及他们对职业足球及其伴随的资本主义大众文化的批评有关。45 ' Sparta vitezem Stredoevropeskeho poharu '[斯巴达赢得中欧杯赛],Lidove Noviny, 1927年11月14日,4.46同上。47 Marschik and Sottopietra, Erbfeinde, 222-4.48 Josef Huber, Die Geschichte des Wiener Fußballs 1923-1998。《维也纳足球1923-1998的历史》。[维也纳足球协会75年](Wien: WFB, 1998), 53.49 Marschik and Sottopietra, Erbfeinde, 270-1.50 R. Keifu主编,La Coupe des Nations。fuß ßball- europa - turnier 1930 in Genf[1930年在日内瓦举行的国家杯欧洲足球锦标赛](卡塞尔:Agon Sportverlag, 1993), 33.51 ' Le tournoi international de Football de gen<e:1> '[日内瓦国际足球锦标赛],La libert<s:1>, 1930年7月7日,第3页;“斯拉维亚蝙蝠第一维也纳3 <e:1> 1”[斯拉维亚3:1第一维也纳],Feuille d ' avis de neuchtel,1930年7月7日,5.52见Miklós Zeidler,关于匈牙利1920-1945年领土修订的想法(博尔德:社会科学专著,2007年)。53 ' Ferencváros -里彭西亚5:4 ' [Ferencváros 5:4里彭西亚],涅姆泽蒂体育,1938年7月11日,1.54 ' A második Ferencváros -里彭西亚mérkőzés '[第二场Ferencváros -里彭西亚比赛],涅姆泽蒂体育,1938年7月18日,3.55 Marschik and Sottopietra, Erbfeinde, 213.56 ' Hungária -别奥格拉斯基SK 4:0 ' [Hungária 4:0别奥格拉斯基SK],涅姆泽蒂体育,1927年8月29日,1.57同上,58 ' Spielbericht Polonia Warschau - Hakoah Wien '[波兰华沙-维也纳哈科亚的比赛报道],奥地利足球。网址:http://www.austriasoccer.at/data/spiele/1924/19240723polohako1.htm(访问日期:2022年4月21日)Adam Tycner, ' Wojsko, szable i pistolety na boiskach - wojny kiboli w II RP '[球场上的军队,军刀和枪支-第二共和国的球迷战争],history。Do rzeczy.pl, 2019年2月21日,https://superhistoria.pl/dwudziestolecie-miedzywojenne/94328/przedwojenni-polscy-kibice-pilka-nozna-w-ii-rp.html(访问于2022年4月21日)。《波兰战争》-奥地利足球。网址:http://www.austriasoccer.at/data/spiele/1924/19240723polohako1.htm(访问日期:2022年4月21日)以下是Österreichisches国家档案馆(档案馆,Auswärtige Angelegenheiten 1918-2005)进行的一项研究的结果:Österreichische Vertretungsbehörden在澳大利亚,新政治档案馆,联邦kanzleramt),国家中央档案馆(部长会议主席,国际部长),西班牙外交部长档案馆(总务部长),和Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár
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引用次数: 0
A History of World Taekwondo-Approved Competition Uniforms 世界跆拳道认可比赛制服的历史
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2264776
Cindy Park, Tae Yang Kim
AbstractThe purpose of this article is to explore the establishment of world taekwondo (WT)-approved competition uniforms, and to thereby present the factors that contributed to changes in the uniform and their significance. The first WT-approved competition uniforms were established in 1977 alongside a revision of the competition rules for World Taekwondo Championships. The major reasons for the establishment of the WTF-approved competition uniforms were to preserve the traditionality, legitimacy, and identity of taekwondo and to facilitate the sportsification and popularization of taekwondo as a sport. Following the establishment of WTF-approved competition uniforms consist of kyorugi and poomsae competition uniform. The three main factors of the change in the kyorugi competition uniform approved by the WTF are the intention to enhance the performance of the contestants, efficiency, and to preserve the identity of taekwondo as an Olympic sport. Also, the three main factors of the change in the poomsae competition uniform approved by the WTF are ameliorating the performance of the contestants and to enhance the efficiency to preserve the traditionality and legitimacy of taekwondo. The WTF-approved competition uniforms have been changed considering traditionality, legitimacy, identity, efficiency, and such attempts will continue in the future.Keywords: Doboktaekwondo uniformWTapproved competition uniformsworld taekwondo-approved kyorugi competition uniformworld taekwondo -approved poomsae competition uniform Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Jeong Hyeon Kwak, ‘An Exploration of the Controversy Over Taekwondo Dobok for Cultivation(道) and Taekwondo Competition Uniform(Competition Dress)’, Taekwondo Journal of Kukkiwon 8, no. 4 (2017): 191–211.2 International Wushu Federation homepage, http://www.iwuf.org/ (accessed March 1 2021).3 Ii Hyuk Lim and Yong Kyu Ahn, ‘Philosophical Consideration on Taekwondo Do'bok, Philosophy of Movement’, Journal of the Korean Society for the Philosophy of Sport, Dance & Martial Arts 20, no 2 (2012): 86.4 Chang Hyo Han, ‘A Study on the Amendments of Taekwondo Competition Rule s since 1945 (Masters thesis, Yongin University, 2004), 29; Kyung Hee Han. ‘A Study on Changing Factors of Competition Rules in Korea Taekwondo Assosiation’ (PhD thesis, Kookmin University, 2009), 20.5 Ii Hyuk, Lim and Yong Kyu Ahn, ‘Philosophical Consideration on Taekwondo Do'bok, Philosophy of Movement:’ Journal of the Korean Society for the Philosophy of Sport, Dance & Martial Arts 20, no. 2 (2012): 94.6 Jeong Hyeon Kwak, ‘An Exploration of the Controversy Over Taekwondo Dobok for Cultivation (道) and Taekwondo Competition Uniform (Competition Dress)’, Taekwondo Journal of Kukkiwon 8, no. 4 (2017): 192.7 The World Taekwondo Federation changed its acronym from WTF to WT as of June 2017.8 Korea Taekwondo Association homepage, https://www.koreataekwondo.co.kr/, Article 4 of the competition rul
9 (2016): 963-70.15 Choi,“新国拳授权跆拳道制服设计的发展”,325.16 Gi Hwang, SubakdoEncyclopedia(首尔):三江出版社,60.17 Kim等人,《跆拳道制服历史的调查》,969.18韩国跆拳道协会技术审议委员会竞赛分科细则第2条和裁判分科细则第2条对比赛的划分作了规定(全文修订,1972年3月1日)。通过对姜元植、李景明(2002)等人所著的《体育百科全书》(1974年)第7次全文修订本(韩文,1974年2月5日)、第5次修订本(1972年1月)、第6次修订本(1972年3月1日)的主要修复内容进行比较分析,可以参考上述内容。韩庆熙,“韩国跆拳道协会比赛规则变化因素的研究”(博士论文,国民大学,2010),218.19韩国跆拳道协会,跆拳道(韩国跆拳道协会,1972),27-8.20国跆拳道。《跆拳道的发展》,(Kukkiwon, 2018), 1.21玄石杨,“光复以来跆拳道全球化的转型(1945-2005)”,(博士论文,韩国国立体育大学,2005),128;韩昌孝,“1945年以来跆拳道比赛规则修订研究”(龙仁大学硕士论文,2004年),73.22韩昌孝,“比赛规则变化因素研究”,82.23同上,24 Mookas Media, 2010年11月22日;Jeong Hyeon, Kwak,“跆拳道制服的多样化和跆拳道的身份”,《韩国体育科学杂志》,第25期。3(2016): 32.25韩国跆拳道协会,跆拳道(Korea Taekwondo Association, 1978), 36.26世界跆拳道使用WT标志,韩国跆拳道协会使用KTA标志韩国跆拳道协会,跆拳道同上,29《跆拳道时报》,2010年7月15日。30专利信息网,2021年3月1日,http://kpat.kipris.or.kr/kpat/searchLogina.do?next = MainSearch#page2).31专利信息网KIPRIS, 20121.3.17韩国跆拳道协会,跆拳道,36;韩国跆拳道协会,2006年3月1日专利信息网KIPRIS;跆拳道比赛制服更新论坛,2006.34韩国跆拳道协会主页。(https://www.koreataekwondo.co.kr/f001?findex=&category_id=&sfield=post_both&skeyword=%EA%B3%B5%EC%9D%B8),韩国跆拳道协会于2017年12月14日制定,2018年12月19日修订的“各正式项目详细标准”。韩国跆拳道协会认证的各正式项目详细标准,202036韩国跆拳道协会官方比赛装备审批规定,2020,3.37 Mooto Media, 2006年11月17日。38《韩国经济日报》,2016年7月22日。39 Cindy、Park、Tae Yang Kim,“跆拳道防护装备变化对比赛变化的影响研究”,韩国体育科学杂志,第28期。3(2019): 12.40《跆拳道朝鲜》,2011.6.15 41《跆拳道朝鲜》,2017.9月28日42 Mookas Media, 2017.9月29日43 JTBC, 20119.12月19日44《韩国时报》,20119.9月5日45韩国跆拳道协会,跆拳道,(韩国跆拳道协会,2019),21.46国际奥委会,2021.3月31日47世界跆拳道主页,http://www.worldtaekwondo.org/index.html(访问于2022年4月25日)韩国时报,2018年7月11日;《跆拳道盒子媒体》,2019年9月27日。49 .世界跆拳道网站http://www.worldtaekwondo.org/index.html(2022年4月25日访问)2012年7月20日2015年7月20日路透社2012年7月2日安和安报道说,与旧的跆拳道服相比,跆拳道服更轻,接触型更强,能准确地显示目标部位。防止自己的犯规,以便清楚地识别击球点,尽量减少判断失误,保持对方球员的踢法,有助于踢法的顺利进行;Jin Young Ahn和Geun A An,“关于2020年东京奥运会跆拳道套装的讨论:以代表韩国的女运动员为重点”,《韩国体育杂志》,第18期。1(2020): 635.55《韩国时报》2011.7.22 56 Dolsilnai网站https://dolsilnai.co.kr/(2021年3月9日访问);世界跆拳道,2012.57韩国时报,2011年7月22日;Suk Kyung Lee,“Poomsae制服产品属性、品牌形象与质量满意度的关系”,《跆拳道学刊》第8期。4 (2012): 82.59 Dolsilnai主页https://dolsilnai.co.kr/(2021年3月9日访问)。 作者简介:cindy Park,韩国荣山大学亚洲武术系教授,拥有台湾师范大学和日本金泽大学博士学位。金泰阳,韩国荣山大学研究教授,获得中国上海体育大学博士学位。
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引用次数: 0
Mass Mobilization, Non-Competition and Proletarian Expertise: Mass Callisthenics and the Contested Egalitarian Politics in the Early People’s Republic of China, 1949–1976 群众动员、非竞争和无产阶级专长:1949-1976年早期中华人民共和国的群众健美操和有争议的平等主义政治
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2274048
Yiyang Wu
AbstractAfter the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoted ‘mass sports and physical culture’ (qunzhong tiyu) to justify its political claims and serve socialist construction. The relative ease of promoting its easily amendable forms and collective spirit earned mass callisthenics a distinctive role in Maoist physical culture. Much energy went into the distinctive creation of what became Mao-era China’s (1949-1976) two most pervasive and significantly symbolic forms of mass callisthenics: broadcast callisthenics (guangbo ticao) and production callisthenics (shengchan cao). However, this development was inundated with twists and turns for the CCP, sports leaders and experts, and ordinary participants due to the Party’s ambivalent egalitarian politics, which relied heavily on mass mobilization and revered proletarian expertise, reflecting its complicated and divided interpretation of the Soviet model and its recollection of its own revolutionary legacy. Through an analysis of abundant central and local materials, this article tells the unheeded story of mass callisthenics, which was a miniature of the contested anti-elitism movements of Mao-era China.Keywords: Mass callisthenicsMaoist egalitarian politicsthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP)physical education professionalsthe working class Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘Fulaishan jiedao houshiyao xiaoxue shisheng lexiang dijiutao guangbo ticao’[Students and teachers of Houshiyao primary school at Fulaishan subdistrict enjoy doing the ninth edition of broadcast callisthenics], November 12, 2019, https://www.meipian.cn/2ihxo5hb (accessed May 18, 2022).2 In Chinese, the term ‘tiyu’ covers all the English definitions of ‘sports’, ‘physical culture’ and ‘physical education’. Thus, I leave it untranslated in most parts of my writing and use these English terms in specific contexts. In this article, the term ‘mass tiyu’ (qunzhong tiyu) refers to sports and physical culture programmes that were designed for the general public. By contrast, the term ‘elite sports’ refers to programmes that aimed to cultivate specialist athletes.3 For callisthenics in modern China, see Andrew D. Morris, Marrow of the Nation: A History of Sport and Physical Culture in Republican China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004); Hwang Jinlin, Lishi, shenti, guojia: jindai zhongguo de shenti xing-cheng, 1895–1937 [History, body and the state: The formation of the body in modern China, 1895–1937] (Beijing: Xinxing chubanshe, 2006), 45–86; Robert Culp, ‘Rethinking Governmentality: Training, Cultivation, and Cultural Citizenship in Nationalist China’, The Journal of Asian Studies 65, no. 3 (2006): 529–48; Nicolas Schillinger, The Body and Military Masculinity in Late Qing and Early Republican China: The Art of Governing Soldiers (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2016). For callisthenics in socialist bloc
摘要1949年中华人民共和国成立后,中国共产党大力推行“群众性体育运动”,以证明其政治主张的正当性,为社会主义建设服务。大众健美操的形式和集体精神相对容易推广,这使它在毛主义体育文化中占有独特的地位。在毛时代的中国(1949-1976),大量的精力投入到两种最普遍和最具象征意义的大众健美操的独特创作中:广播健美操和制作健美操。然而,由于党的矛盾的平等主义政治,这一发展对中共、体育领导人和专家以及普通参与者来说充满了曲折和转折,这种政治严重依赖于群众动员和尊重无产阶级的专业知识,反映了它对苏联模式的复杂和分裂的解释,以及它对自己革命遗产的回忆。通过对大量中央和地方资料的分析,本文讲述了一个被忽视的群众性健美操故事,这是毛时代中国有争议的反精英运动的一个缩影。关键词:群众性健美操毛主义平等主义政治中国共产党体育工作者工人阶级披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1《福来山街道后石窑小雪乐生乐香dijiutao guangbo ticao》,2019年11月12日,https://www.meipian.cn/2ihxo5hb(访问日期:2022年5月18日)在中文中,“体育”一词涵盖了英语中“运动”、“体育文化”和“体育教育”的所有定义。因此,在我的大部分写作中,我没有翻译它,而是在特定的上下文中使用这些英语术语。在本文中,“群众性体育”一词指的是为大众设计的体育运动项目。相比之下,“精英运动”一词指的是旨在培养专业运动员的项目关于现代中国的健美操,见安德鲁·d·莫里斯:《民族精髓:民国时期中国的体育运动史》(加州伯克利:加州大学出版社,2004);黄金林、李石、沈提、郭佳:《历史、身体与国家:近代中国身体的形成,1895-1937》(北京:新兴社会,2006),45-86;罗伯特·卡尔普,“重新思考治理:民族主义中国的训练、培养和文化公民”,《亚洲研究杂志》,第65期。3 (2006): 529-48;尼古拉斯·施林格,《清末民初中国的身体与军事男子气概:治兵艺术》(兰哈姆医学博士:列克星敦图书,2016)。关于社会主义集团国家的健美操,见詹姆斯·赖尔丹,苏联社会的体育运动:俄罗斯和苏联体育运动的发展(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,1977);苏珊·格兰特:《苏联社会的体育文化和运动:20世纪20年代和30年代的宣传、文化适应和转型》(纽约:劳特利奇,泰勒和弗朗西斯集团,2014年);大卫·l·霍夫曼,“知识的身体:体育文化和新的苏联人”,在语言和革命:制造现代政治身份,编辑,伊加尔·哈芬(伦敦和波特兰:弗兰克卡斯,2002),228-42;莫莉·威尔金森·约翰逊:《培养社会主义公民:东德的体育与国家》(莱顿:布里尔出版社,2008年);Gyongyi Szabo Foldesi,“从大众体育到东欧“社会主义”国家的“全民体育”运动”,《国际体育社会学评论》,第26期。米歇尔·博宁:《迷惘的一代:中国知青年的乡村化(1968-1980)》(香港:中文大学出版社,2013),13-8.5见马克·塞尔登:《革命中的中国:重新审视延安之路》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,1995),249-54;余敏玲,“劳动是光荣的”:中华人民共和国的劳动模范”,《中国学习苏联》,主编。《体育、毛主义和北京奥运会:同一个世纪同一个意识形态》,《中国透视》,第1期。[j] .《中华民族的骨髓》,2008年第1期,第4 - 17页。然而,军事健美操(兵操)也因其野蛮而面临许多社会批评(同上,36 - 41,48 - 52)。 “奖杯主义”和“运动员制度”是近代中国社会评论家使用的术语,分别批评那些据称只是为了赢得奖杯而参加体育运动的人和那些为了选拔和培养优秀运动员而发展体育运动的人王增明、曾彪编。[刘志强,中国红色体体史[m] .西安:西北大学图书馆,2013,62-5,125-8.11 .]12 .国民政府是指由国民党领导的,从1925年到1948年统治中华民国的政府参见Andrew G. Walder,《毛领导下的中国:一场脱轨的革命》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2017),第39页;莫里斯·迈斯纳:《毛时代的中国及其后:中华人民共和国的历史》(纽约:自由出版社,1999),31 - 54页。托马斯·p·伯恩斯坦,“导论:向苏联学习的复杂性”,《中国向苏联学习》,伯恩斯坦和李主编,8。伯恩斯坦将三种苏联模式分类,并使用“革命斯大林主义”一词来描述苏联1929-1934.16的“社会主义攻势”苏珊·布朗内尔,为中国训练身体:人民共和国道德秩序中的体育(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,1995),19.17格雷斯·颜申,“二十世纪的科学主义”,现代中国宗教II, 1850-2015,编辑。文森特·古萨特,简·基利和约翰·拉格威(莱顿和波士顿):蒂莫西·齐克:《中国近代史上的知识分子》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2015),155;Eddy U,《创造知识分子:中国共产主义与一种分类的兴起》(加州奥克兰:加州大学出版社,2019),42-67页;迈斯纳,《毛的中国及其后》,44页;西格丽德·施马尔泽,《人民的北京人:二十世纪中国的大众科学与人类身份》(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2008),113-5.19伯恩斯坦,《导论》,8。技术精英主义是伯恩斯坦所定义的“官僚主义和中产阶级斯大林主义”的主要特征,如下所述参见吴绍祖主编,《中华人民共和国体育史,1949-1998》(北京:中国体育杂志,1999),第1-6页;阿曼达·舒曼,《1949-1966年中华人民共和国的社会主义体育政治》(博士论文)。,加州大学圣克鲁兹分校,2014),63-72;梁申、洪帆:《中华人民共和国建国初期的体育、意识形态与国家建设》,《国际体育史杂志》第38期。关于中国团体健美操的历史,见黄宽柔、毛学新、吴昕,《中国团体健美操的历史发展》,《国际体育史杂志》第28期,第22 - 22页。《北京第一届人民运动会筹备工作综述》,1950年7月,30.25冯文斌,《关于发展人民体育运动的几个问题》,1950年9月,4.26中国新民主主义青年团(1957年更名为中国共产主义青年团)在20世纪50年代初监督全国体育运动。ACSF于1952年正式成立,是中华人民共和国第一个全国性的体育组织冯,《电视健美操》,《苏联社会的体育》,137.29《广播健美操:电视健美操》《群众性体育运动半个世纪的记忆》,北京日报,2008年7月15日,1430年《关于推广广播健美操的联合通知》,1951年11月24日,《中华人民共和国体育文献(汇编一)》(北京:《群众体育运动的“火炬手”》,《新民周刊》,2019年11月20日,38.33见舒曼:《中华人民共和国社会主义体育政治》,72-7.34陈振华、卢恩春、李世明,《中国健美操和体操史》(武汉:武汉图书馆社,1990),605.35杨伟,《我的母亲杨烈》,载《潮安文史》(第11卷),编。 89参见Sigrid Schmalzer,《红色革命,绿色革命:社会主义中国的科学农业》(芝加哥和伦敦:芝加哥大学出版社,2016),47-99页,另见当时一些著名科学家的故事;Peter Neushul,王作月,“魔鬼与深海之间:曾志强、海水养殖与
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引用次数: 0
Placard Carriers and Flag Bearers: Gender Representation in the Summer Olympics’ Parade of Nations (1908–2021) 举牌者和旗手:1908-2021年夏季奥运会国家阅兵中的性别代表
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2269099
Daniel Malanski
From the inception of the Parade of Nations in London in 1908 to its latest instalment in Tokyo in 2020, billions have watched different generations of men and women entering the Olympic stadium carrying their nations’ flags as national heroes. As a product of modern Western civilisation, the Olympic movement mirrors the advances of an increasingly global society towards socially progressive agendas or otherwise. The twentieth century’s latter half was a period of profound and necessary changes in women’s rights. Gender inclusion, however, does not mean gender equality. Such an ongoing gradual process can be catalysed by more women being represented in leading roles formerly exclusively reserved for men. A multi-method longitudinal study of twenty-six summer Olympic opening ceremonies was conducted to measure the historical development of the likelihood of women being selected to be (and be represented to international audiences as) the main protagonists in the Parades of Nations. The data shows that despite the growing number of female flag bearers, since Munich 1972, women have been more likely to appear as aesthetically appealing event hostesses than the leaders of their teams.
从1908年伦敦举行的国家大游行开始,到2020年东京举行的最新一次国家大游行,数十亿人目睹了不同世代的男人和女人作为民族英雄,手持自己国家的国旗走进奥林匹克体育场。作为现代西方文明的产物,奥林匹克运动反映了一个日益全球化的社会在社会进步议程或其他方面的进步。20世纪后半叶是妇女权利发生深刻和必要变化的时期。然而,性别包容并不意味着性别平等。如果有更多的妇女担任以前只由男子担任的领导角色,就可以促进这一正在进行的渐进进程。对26个夏季奥运会开幕式进行了一项多方法纵向研究,以衡量女性被选为(并作为国际观众代表)国家阅兵主角的可能性的历史发展。数据显示,尽管女性旗手的数量在不断增加,但自1972年慕尼黑奥运会以来,女性更有可能成为具有审美吸引力的赛事主持人,而不是她们所在球队的领队。
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引用次数: 0
‘A Hero Who Made This Country Proud’: Boxing, Nation, and the Politics of Sport in Kenya, ca 1950–1980 《让这个国家骄傲的英雄》:拳击、民族和肯尼亚的体育政治,约1950-1980年
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2267451
Dawson McCall
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引用次数: 0
Modern Sports in Asia: Cultural Perspectives, Modern Sports in Asia: Cultural Perspectives , edited by Yonghan Cho and Charles Leary, London, Routledge, 2016, 126 pp., £35.09 (ebook), ISBN 9781315742526 现代体育在亚洲:文化视角,现代体育在亚洲:文化视角,赵永汉和查尔斯利里编辑,伦敦,劳特利奇出版社,2016年,126页,35.09英镑(电子书),ISBN 9781315742526
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2264077
Shu Wan
"Modern Sports in Asia: Cultural Perspectives,." The International Journal of the History of Sport, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
亚洲的现代体育:文化视角,>。《国际体育史杂志》,印刷前,第1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Putting Logos on the World’s Best Running Feet: The Emergence of Apparel Sponsors in Ethiopian and Kenyan Athletics 把商标印在世界上最好的跑步脚上:埃塞俄比亚和肯尼亚田径运动服装赞助商的出现
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2266395
Hannah Borenstein, Jörg Krieger
AbstractSince the 1990s, most athletics federations have undertaken sponsorship negotiations with private shoe/apparel corporations. While these deals bring great sums of cash into the sport, some of which trickles down to the athletes, a great deal of it is used to leverage both hard and soft power in different regions of the world. The sponsorship regulations of national athletics federations have been recently politicized because of the ways that they conflict with their individual sponsorship agreements with other companies. Few, however, have examined the historical lineages and concerns for Ethiopian and Kenyan athletes – who come from some of the most cash poor and talent rich regions of the athletics world. This paper charts the historical relations and implications of the changes to commercial development and sponsorship as it pertains to Ethiopia and Kenya to broaden the geopolitical scope on this issue. Drawing on archival material and interviews with athletes and agents, it becomes clear that sponsors had their eyes on far more than outfitting the world’s top distance runners with their logo. Rather, they were after soft power that would enable them greater control in the flow of goods and capital to and within these countries.Keywords: Track and fieldrunningsponsorshipshoe corporationseast Africa Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See for example: Bryce Dyer, ‘A Pragmatic Approach to Resolving Technological Unfairness: the Case of Nike’s Vaporfly and Alphafly Running Footwear’, Sports Medicine - Open 6, (2020): 21.2 In particular, recent years have seen the politicization of Rule 40 - largely politicized in the United States and the United Kingdom because they get more exposure, but this has been different in Africa because fewer sponsors and external stakeholders have been involved in the business of athletics. See: Sean Ingle, ‘British athletes launch legal action against BOA over sponsorship rules’, The Guardian, November 15, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2019/nov/15/british-athletes-launch-legal-action-boa-british-olympic-association-tokyo-2020 (accessed May 14, 2023).3 Scholars of sport have distinguished between pre-modern and modern sport by examining characteristics of the latter that dictate a broader array of shared games and activities. Allen Guttmann, for instance, cites specialization, quantification, bureaucratic organization, and quest for records, as a few main traits that separate modern sports from traditional sports. Allen Guttmann, From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern Sports (New York: Colombia University Press, 1978).4 Adom Getachew, Worldmaking after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 54.5 Ibid.6 Katrin Bromber, Sports & Modernity in Late Imperial Ethiopia (Martlesham: Boydell & Brewer, 2020), 35. https://boydellandbrewer.com/9781847012920/sports-and-modernity-in-late-imperial-ethi
(访问日期:2023年8月3日)Jeffrey Gettleman,“给肯尼亚的钱,被盗后,让耐克成为焦点”,《纽约时报》,2016年3月5日,https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/06/world/africa/nike-under-scrutiny-as-payments-for-kenya-runners-are-drained.html(访问于2023年5月2日)信函,Antonio Agostinho, Gianni Demadonna和Jan Scheers给AIMS, EAF, Jos hermen和国际田联,1996年1月1日,Folder '埃塞俄比亚-肯尼亚通信1994-1996,' WAA.62采访Spencer Nel(阿迪达斯全球体育营销总监),与作者讨论,2022年10月。参见:Christopher Kelsall,芝加哥马拉松或耐克是否阻止了与阿迪达斯签约的东非运动员参加芝加哥马拉松?《田径画报》,2021年10月29日,https://athleticsillustrated.com/did-the-chicago-marathon-or-nike-prevent-adidas-contracted-east-african-athletes-from-competing-in-chicago-marathon/(2023年5月2日访问)Jonathan Gault,“Seb Coe谈悉尼和阿什,钻石联赛,以及2026年的一个新的全球事件”,Letsrun.com, 2022年12月16日,https://www.letsrun.com/news/2022/12/seb-coe-on-sydney-athing-the-diamond-league-a-new-global-event-in-2026/(访问于2023年5月2日)。hannah Borenstein是芝加哥大学研究员协会的人类学家和哈珀-施密特研究员,也是社会科学学院分部的大学助理教授。Jörg KriegerJörg Krieger是丹麦奥胡斯大学公共卫生系副教授和挪威利勒哈默尔内陆应用科学大学副教授(20%)。
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引用次数: 0
Sport, Migration, and Gender in the Neoliberal Age Sport, Migration, and Gender in the Neoliberal Age , edited by Niko Besnier, Domenica Gisella Calabrò, and Daniel Guinness, London, Routledge, 2020, 274 pp, £39.99 (paperback), ISBN 9781138390652. 《新自由主义时代的体育、移民和性别》,尼科·贝尼耶、多梅尼卡·吉塞拉Calabrò和丹尼尔·吉尼斯编辑,伦敦,劳特利奇出版社,2020年,274页,39.99英镑(平装本),ISBN 9781138390652。
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2264078
Tarminder Kaur
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 James Ferguson, ‘The uses of Neoliberalism’, Antipode 41 (2010), 166.2 Verónica Gago, Neoliberalism from below: Popular pragmatics and baroque economies, (Duke University Press, 2017).
注1 James Ferguson,“新自由主义的使用”,Antipode 41 (2010), 166.2 Verónica Gago,新自由主义自下而上:流行语用学和巴洛克经济,(杜克大学出版社,2017)。
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引用次数: 0
Football’s Forgotten Years: Reclaiming the AFL Competition’s Earliest Era – 1870 to 1896 Football’s Forgotten Years: Reclaiming the AFL Competition’s Earliest Era – 1870 to 1896 , by Colin Carter, Melbourne, Slattery Books, 2022, 192 pp., AUD$29.95 (paperback), ISBN: 9-780645-097665 《足球被遗忘的岁月:找回AFL比赛最早的时代——1870年至1896年》,科林·卡特著,墨尔本,斯莱特里出版社,2022年,192页,29.95澳元(平装本),ISBN: 9-780645-097665
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2264082
Dale Blair
"Football’s Forgotten Years: Reclaiming the AFL Competition’s Earliest Era – 1870 to 1896." The International Journal of the History of Sport, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“足球被遗忘的年代:回顾AFL比赛的早期时代——1870年至1896年。”《国际体育史杂志》,印刷前,第1-2页
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引用次数: 0
‘God Bless Joan Payson’: The Surprising Coverage of the First Woman to Buy a Sports Team “上帝保佑琼·佩森”:第一个购买运动队的女性的惊人报道
4区 教育学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2023.2264775
Nicholas Hirshon
AbstractJoan Whitney Payson developed an extraordinary relationship with the press after becoming the first woman to buy a sports team in North America. As owner of the New York Mets from their inception in 1962 until her death in 1975, Payson made baseball writers feel appreciated, inviting them to help choose the team’s name, hiring a manager they loved, acquiring players they knew, and presenting them with World Series rings. One reporter who treated Payson well ended up on the Whitney payroll, hired by Joan’s brother, the publisher of the New York Herald Tribune. For half a century, Payson’s habit of downplaying her role with the team has produced an inaccurate public image of an uninvolved figurehead. This paper consults the Whitney family papers, period coverage, and original oral history interviews with players and sportswriters to reveal previously uncovered factors that prompted flattering coverage of ‘the mother of the Mets’.Keywords: Baseballsports journalismwomen in sportsteam ownersNew York Mets Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Dick Young, ‘Young Ideas’, New York Daily News, February 2, 1961, 68.2 ‘Commentator’, Time, January 25, 1937, 38; Harry Evans, ‘The Dance Revolution’, Harper’s Bazaar, September 1, 1937, 100, 157–60; Patricia Linden, ‘The Whitneys: A World of the Never-Idle Rich’, Town & Country, February 1981, 99–110; ‘Mrs. Charles Shipman Payson’, Vogue, January 18, 1930, 44; and ‘Society Snap-Shots’, Vogue, June 15, 1927, 70.3 Harold Rosenthal, ‘What’s in a Name? Mets Go from Able to Zorro’, New York Herald Tribune, February 2, 1961, 21.4 Cleveland Amory, ‘Mrs. Payson’s Ball Park’, Vogue, September 15, 1964, 144–5, 183–5.5 Frank Thomas, Ronnie Joyner, and Bill Bozman, ‘Kiss It Goodbye’!: The Frank Thomas Story (Dunkirk, MD: Pepperpot Productions, 2005), 352.6 Marty Appel, Casey Stengel: Baseball’s Greatest Character (New York: Anchor, 2017), 289; ‘How Cold Is New York’?, New York Herald Tribune, June 6, 1962, 26; and Leonard Shecter, Once Upon the Polo Grounds: The Mets That Were (New York: Dial Press, 1970), 45.7 Jimmy Breslin, I Want to Thank My Brain for Remembering Me (New York: Little, Brown, and Company, 1996), 134.8 See, for instance, Maury Allen, Now Wait a Minute, Casey! (New York: Doubleday & Company, 1965); Joseph Durso, Amazing: The Miracle of the Mets (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970); and George Vecsey, Joy in Mudville (New York: McCall Publishing Company, 1970).9 ‘John Hay Whitney and Betsey Cushing Whitney family papers’, https://archives.yale.edu/repositories/12/resources/4901; and Joan W. Payson biographical clipping file, National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum.10 Amory, ‘Mrs. Payson’s Ball Park’, 183; and Kathryn Livingston, ‘My Favorite Possession’, Town & Country, February 1970, 91–3.11 ‘The Life and Times and Loves of Joan Whitney Payson’, https://www.amazon.com/Life-Times-Loves-Whitney-Payson/dp/0471262935/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=joan+pa
83美联社,“道奇队必须交易斯奈德或穆恩”,旧金山审查员,1963年3月12日,45.84乔治·维西,“大都会队会买杜克吗?”《下周再来收听》,1963年3月21日《新闻日报》,17C。“杜克的背-大都会干掉了他”,纽约每日新闻,1963年4月2日,80;迪克·杨,《惊喜!“大都会队终于承认收购了斯ider”,纽约每日新闻,1963年4月2日,70.86乔·唐纳利,“大都会队老板用玫瑰说”,1963年4月20日,新闻日报,41.87乔治·维西,与作者的电话采访,2020年7月27日,88罗恩·亨特,与作者的电话采访,2020年4月28日,89伦纳德·科佩特,“今天湿湿的谢伊体育场为落成典礼进行救援”,纽约时报,1964年4月16日,46;吉姆·贝克尔,“谢伊体育场的故事:一座大都会的大厦”,埃尔米拉(纽约)星报,1964年4月18日,9.91。1965年2月10日,杰西·欧文斯与纽约大都会队的新闻发布会照片,105箱,文件夹4,杰西·欧文斯收藏,俄亥俄州立大学档案馆。96美联社,“杰西·欧文斯面临最严峻的考验”,劳德代尔堡新闻,1965年2月11日,1D。97《纽约棒球作家:一个时髦的团体》,《坦帕湾时报》,1965年3月8日,第1页。1998 ' 1964 New York Mets Statistics ', https://www.baseball-reference.com/teams/NYM/1964.shtml;和“1965年纽约大都会统计数据”,https://www.baseball-reference.com/teams/NYM/1965.shtml.99达雷尔·萨瑟兰,电话采访作者,2020年8月5日;克鲁格,报纸,709,717,730 - 2.101;乔克·惠特尼写给凯西·斯坦格尔,1963年9月4日;1963年9月23日,乔克·惠特尼写给凯西·斯坦格尔;汤姆·米尼致乔克·惠特尼,1963年9月24日;和凯西·斯坦格尔写给乔克·惠特尼的信,1963年10月22日,140号盒子,第10个文件夹,1938年MS,惠特尼纸业公司。102克鲁格,The Paper, 736.103乔克·惠特尼写给梅里安·c·库珀,1966年9月30日,140号盒子,第6个文件夹,1938年MS,惠特尼纸业公司。104乔克·惠特尼写给瑞迪·j·吉安,1966年9月30日,第140号盒子,第6个文件夹,1938年MS,惠特尼纸业公司。105“大都会佩森球场的城市综合大楼”?,坦帕湾时报,1963年1月18日,1C;约瑟夫·杜尔索太太。佩森当选大都会队主席,接替迪瓦恩”,纽约时报,1968年2月7日,55.106“女孩观看”,漫画1960-1969,超大号4,F-Hello,比尔加洛论文,锡拉丘兹大学图书馆特别收藏研究中心。这幅漫画刊登在1968年2月9日的《每日新闻》100页107登普西,“大都会队的佩森太太说”,28-33页;西德尼·菲尔兹,《遇见梅特夫人》,《纽约每日新闻》,1968年5月21日,第42页;和“暴风雨天气”-歌曲大都会队的“Prexy最喜欢”,体育新闻,1968年2月24日,36.108邓普西,“大都会队的佩森夫人说”,28-9.109罗恩·斯沃博达,“这里是Catch:奇迹大都会队的回忆录”(纽约:圣马丁出版社,2019),94.110鲍比·普菲尔,与作者的电话采访,2020年8月3日。《康复,4-3》,《纽约每日新闻》,1969年7月21日,54.112《在棒球全明星招待会上的讲话》,https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/remarks-the-baseball-all-star-reception.113例如,参见阿莫里夫人,Joseph Durso,“Joan Whitney Payson”,Vogue, 1970年6月,1993年,188-9.115 1969年7月13日的新闻箱笔记,第7箱,文件夹1,Richard Schaap Papers,康奈尔大学稀有和手稿收藏部。116 Wilson,“没有人比所有者Joan Payson更爱大都会”。117吉姆·麦卡利太太。《纽约每日新闻》,1969年10月7日,95.118阿尔·科恩,“大都会队的谋杀”有一个明星粉丝”,1969年10月15日,《每日新闻》,1A;美联社报道。《佩森没能看到最后的结局》,《纽约时报》1969年10月13日,第60页;和吉恩·沃德,“琼·佩森:“多么漂亮的短打,多么漂亮的跑动””,1969年10月16日,纽约每日新闻,109.119鲍勃·米克林,“唱歌的大都会队并不令人惊讶”,1969年10月15日,新闻日报,72A。120“你要有心”,1969年10月20日,布莱登顿先驱报,1.121“额外!特写“神奇的大都会”,蒙特克莱尔(新泽西)时报,1970年7月30日,第12期;1970年10月6日《旧金山审查员》第34期:《神奇的大都会》特别特写;和“体育特稿“神奇的“大都会””,哥伦布(NE)电报,1970年9月9日,8.122阿佩尔,凯西·斯坦格尔,289.123南希·奥斯古德,“大都会小姐”的揭幕式?No, Siree ',圣彼得堡时报,1965年3月12日,3D.124菲尔兹,《遇见梅特夫人》艾莫里,”夫人。玛丽·c·布伦南,《帕特·尼克松:夹在家庭主妇和女权主义者之间》,http://hnn.us/articles/137010.html。
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