Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360903550207
C. Richard King
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Pub Date : 2009-06-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360902826970
Jesús F. de la Teja
Although a limited archival record prevents a full examination of sporting and recreational activities, the available evidence reveals that the people of early San Antonio entertained themselves in the same ways as people throughout the Spanish world. The record for any kind of organized sport is completely absent, and there are few references to ball games and children's play, but well-documented are the dances, cockfights, and card games that were the most common recreational activities among adults. Holidays offered opportunities for horse racing, bullfights and other special entertainments. Although the authorities frowned on many recreational activities, especially dancing and card games, as morally corrupting, the population in general found in these entertainments an escape from the uncertainties of life on an isolated and often hostile frontier. Early San Antonio, then, was home to Hispanic frontiersmen whose recreational activities reflected the Spanish origins of much of New Spain's popular culture.
{"title":"'Buena gana tenía de ir a jugar’: The Recreational World of Early San Antonio, Texas, 1718–1845 [1]","authors":"Jesús F. de la Teja","doi":"10.1080/09523360902826970","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09523360902826970","url":null,"abstract":"Although a limited archival record prevents a full examination of sporting and recreational activities, the available evidence reveals that the people of early San Antonio entertained themselves in the same ways as people throughout the Spanish world. The record for any kind of organized sport is completely absent, and there are few references to ball games and children's play, but well-documented are the dances, cockfights, and card games that were the most common recreational activities among adults. Holidays offered opportunities for horse racing, bullfights and other special entertainments. Although the authorities frowned on many recreational activities, especially dancing and card games, as morally corrupting, the population in general found in these entertainments an escape from the uncertainties of life on an isolated and often hostile frontier. Early San Antonio, then, was home to Hispanic frontiersmen whose recreational activities reflected the Spanish origins of much of New Spain's popular culture.","PeriodicalId":47491,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of the History of Sport","volume":"26 1","pages":"889 - 905"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2009-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09523360902826970","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60077865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"教育学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-05-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360902739223
In April 2001, I had the privilege of interviewing Pedro Ramı́rez Vázquez, chairman of the organizing committee for the 1968 Olympic Games in Mexico City. I ended the interview by recalling my own memories of the games, as a 12-year-old watching the events on a black-and-white television in England. For me, four salient moments stood out: Bob Beaman’s record-breaking long-jump; Dick Fosbury’s revolutionary technique in the high-jump; the raised fists of the African-American athletes; and, being British, the unforgettable commentary of David Coleman, as he saw David Hemery home to victory in the final of the men’s 400 metres hurdles. Expecting a positive reply, I asked if he was pleased that the majority of my recollections were of great sporting moments. He replied with a blunt ‘No’. Although he understood why I remembered what I had, he said that what the organizing committee had wanted above all else was for the world’s audience to remember Mexico. [1]. Bearing Ramı́rez Vázquez’s words in mind, this collection asks what Mexicans hoped to achieve by hosting the games and what image of Mexico they sought to portray. In doing so, it considers what these aspirations reveal about the nature of Mexican society 50 years after the Mexican Revolution (1910–17); a destructive civil war that was credited with having ended class privileges and ethnic tensions, and that had led Mexicans towards a bright future in which all its citizens had a stake. The 1968 games provided a rare opportunity for the nation to demonstrate such advances to a world-wide audience. It also presented an opportunity to separate substance from rhetoric and reveal the true extent of progress in post-revolutionary Mexico. Mexico’s bid to host the Olympic Games could hardly have come at a more contentious phase in international relations. As Cold War politics went, the 1960s was a particularly chilly period. The construction of the Berlin Wall, the Bay of Pigs fiasco and the Cuban Missile Crisis were all fresh in the minds of International Olympic Committee (IOC) delegates as they descended upon Baden-Baden in October 1963 to consider the candidates bidding for the 1968 games. In the years that followed, President John F. Kennedy and Malcolm X would be assassinated; the Vietnam War would escalate to new heights; Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara would be killed trying to export revolution to Latin America; and European colonialism would enter terminal decline as former African territories took on new names and new leaders and embarked on new disputes with their neighbours. In the year of the games themselves, Soviet tanks rolled into Prague; the streets of major European and US cities were filled with students who dared to ‘take on the system’; Martin Luther King The International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 26, No. 6, May 2009, 711–722
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Pub Date : 2008-09-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360802212230
I. van Hilvoorde
While sports and physical education originated in the nineteenth century, fitness on the other hand is generally seen as a typically late-twentieth-century phenomenon. In order to understand how the modern fitness culture has become what it is today, it is important to recognize how some of its roots had already evolved more than a century before. This article uses early developments of the ‘fitness industry’ in the Netherlands between 1850 and 1900 as an illustrative example. Against the background of the European struggle between Continental and Anglo-Saxon systems of physical education and sport, this article focuses on the connections that were made between industries, ideas, buildings, fitness equipment, manuals, magazines and the early body artists and entrepreneurs. The convergence between the early fitness industry and the ‘self-help industry’ contributed to a crucial shift from the ‘acrobatic, distant body’, to the commercialized, fit and good-looking bodies which were displayed and ‘sold’ as inspiring examples. This article questions some of the crucial preconditions of these processes of globalization of the early fitness industry.
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Pub Date : 2008-09-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360802212263
Tadhg Ó hannracháin
This article examines the cultural importance accorded to sporting activity by Ireland's largest sporting organisation, the Gaelic Athletic Association, during the 1930s. Making use of the source material provided by a short-lived paper funded by the GAA, as well as the minutes of its central organisational bodies, it examines the paradigm of opposed Irish and British civilisations which underpinned ideas of the cultural role of sport. The article suggests that many of the attitudes evinced by the GAA actually derived from nineteenth century and contemporary British notions of team games and athletic competition. Nevertheless, by transforming sporting choice and preference into a badge of national identity, the article suggests that the GAA performed an important role within the touchy nationalism of the newly independent Irish Free State, and its conviction of its own importance helped fuel the elaboration of a genuinely distinctive variant of the European practice of sport.
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Pub Date : 2008-06-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360802164787
The Shorter Oxford Dictionary defines Geopolitics as political relations between states as influenced by geography but also as a theory which regards the state as an organism with powers independent of and superior to those of its constituent groups or individuals. [4] Both meanings are secreted in the minatory comment by He Zhenliang, Chairman of the IOC Commission for the Culture of Olympic Education that the most significant outcome of the Beijing Games will be ‘the elevation of our Chinese people’s self-confidence and sense of pride’. [5] This assertion is not hard to understand. China’s ‘century of humiliation’ at the hands of first the West and then Japan remains a traumatic experience and arguably ‘has been a driving force . . . behind China’s exertions to press for global status in economics, in science and technology, in global politics and in sport.’ [6] Beijing 2008 is to assist the restoration of China’s national greatness through the erasing of the memory of a humbled, reduced and subordinate people and its replacement with a confident, risen and superordinate people: physical effort twisted into skeins of political action. Post 1949 this has been a designated task: ‘from the moment of the birth of the ‘‘New China’’’, sport has been . . . a means of internal and external projection illustrating the capacity of the system and people to more than hold their own with those of other nations. In short, sport has been the ‘stage’ on which the Chinese perform in pursuit of world recognition, respect and esteem.’ [7] New times have given new purpose to this performance as resources in recent decades have allowed stress to be placed on allusive winning ‘declamations’ in the global theatre of sport. Beijing 2008 will be the loudest. The International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 25, No. 7, June 2008, 751 – 757
《牛津简明词典》将地缘政治定义为受地理影响的国家之间的政治关系，但也将其视为一种理论，认为国家是一个有机体，其权力独立于其组成团体或个人，并优于这些团体或个人。在国际奥委会奥林匹克文化教育委员会主席何振梁的警告性评论中，这两种含义都隐藏在北京奥运会最重要的成果将是“提升我们中国人民的自信和自豪感”。这个论断并不难理解。中国先是被西方、然后是被日本“羞辱了一个世纪”，这仍然是一段痛苦的经历，可以说是一种推动力量……中国努力在经济、科技、全球政治和体育领域争取全球地位的背后。“b[6]北京2008奥运会是为了帮助中国恢复国家的伟大，通过抹去一个卑微、堕落和从属的人民的记忆，取而代之的是一个自信、上升和优越的人民:体力劳动扭曲成政治行动的枷锁。”这是1949年后被指定的任务:“从‘新中国’诞生的那一刻起”，体育已经……一种内部和外部投射的手段，说明系统和人民的能力超过其他国家的能力。简而言之，体育一直是中国人追求世界认可、尊重和尊重的“舞台”。随着近几十年的资源，全球体育舞台上的隐晦获胜“宣言”被置于压力之下，新时代赋予了这种表演新的目的。2008年北京奥运会将是最热闹的一届。《国际体育史杂志》Vol. 25, No. 7, June 2008, 751 - 757
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Pub Date : 2008-02-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360701740273
The United States has long been near the centre of two major developments in the history of the modern world: the rise and triumph of the nation and the evolution and spread of sport. In the United States sport and nationalism have long been intertwined. [1] In the revolutionary ferment of 1776 that gave birth to the new nation, founding father John Adams commanded his callow countrymen to celebrate future anniversaries of Declaration of Independence with, among other grand ceremonies, ‘games’ and ‘sports’. [2] The use of sport to define a variety of national identities and the feverish quest to construct national pastimes that differed from the games of their former colonial overlords in Great Britain litter the early history of the United States. In prize fights, yacht races and pedestrian spectacles, American athletes sought to uphold their new nation’s pride and reputation against the former motherland – of sport and of much of the rest of American national culture. In baseball and American football, the United States constructed nationalistic alternatives to the spreading menace of British cricket and British varieties of football. [3] As the twentieth century loomed, the United States was already well-practised in crafting patriotism on playing fields. A tradition of engaging in international competitions and interpreting the results of those clashes as markers of national status had been firmly laid down. Americans celebrated nationalism not only in Independence Day sports and games as John Adams had famously commanded, but throughout the rest of the calendar as well. In the last decade of the nineteenth century a new forum for international sport, and for the crafting of patriotism, debuted. In the modern Olympic Games France’s Baron Pierre de Coubertin created a powerful forum for the display of nations. Clothed in the rhetoric of international cosmopolitanism like the world’s fairs on which the Baron modelled much of the initial Olympic structure, the games, like world’s fairs, have historically provided opportunities for rabid displays of national chauvinism. The measurement of nations, as de Coubertin himself understood, resides at the centre of the Olympic movement, the same place it occupied in the world’s fair movement. [4] The United States was well-suited and well-situated to take advantage of the Olympian possibilities for the manufacture of patriotism. Beginning at the inaugural modern games at Athens in 1896, the United States launched a concerted effort to The International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 25, No. 2, February 15th 2008, 135 – 141
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Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360701701648
G. D. de Moore
This paper is based on Tom Wills, one of the great cricketers of the nineteenth century and the first to be called for throwing in Australia. Perhaps the most significant figure in the history of Australian sport because of his role in creating Australian Rules football, it was in cricket that he was best known during his lifetime. Playing for Victoria he became the greatest cricketer in the colonies and a favourite with crowds. The issues around how cricket authorities struggled to come to terms with him remain almost unchanged to this day.
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Pub Date : 2007-09-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360701507383
J. Mangan
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Pub Date : 2007-08-01DOI: 10.1080/09523360701376532
S. Collins
Despite the importance of the 1940 Tokyo Olympic Games in defining Japanese cultural nationalism and contributing to the legitimacy of the IOC in the tumultuous 1930s, a thorough history of the event has not been addressed in the English language. This study situates the 1940 Tokyo Games as key not only to the diplomatic history of Japan and the West, but also to the ideological production of 1930s Japan and to the crisis of the IOC’s legitimacy in the aftermath of the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The history of modern sports in Japan and Japan in the Olympic Movement is also traced in order to showcase Japan’s ability as a developed nation of Olympic sports and athletes.
{"title":"Introduction: 1940 Tokyo and Asian Olympics in the Olympic Movement","authors":"S. Collins","doi":"10.1080/09523360701376532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09523360701376532","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the importance of the 1940 Tokyo Olympic Games in defining Japanese cultural nationalism and contributing to the legitimacy of the IOC in the tumultuous 1930s, a thorough history of the event has not been addressed in the English language. This study situates the 1940 Tokyo Games as key not only to the diplomatic history of Japan and the West, but also to the ideological production of 1930s Japan and to the crisis of the IOC’s legitimacy in the aftermath of the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The history of modern sports in Japan and Japan in the Olympic Movement is also traced in order to showcase Japan’s ability as a developed nation of Olympic sports and athletes.","PeriodicalId":47491,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of the History of Sport","volume":"24 1","pages":"955 - 976"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2007-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09523360701376532","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60077107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"教育学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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