Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2232940
M. Rabinovych
ABSTRACT This article dismantles the popular myth that the strategic framing of the EU’s trade with Russia following the 2014 ‘Ukraine crisis’ was nurtured by the liberal peace logic, and the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine should be thus seen as an ultimate failure of a ‘liberal peace’ hypothesis. To challenge this argument, we provide a nuanced conceptualization of the trade-peace and trade-security nexuses in EU trade policy and apply it to the case of EU-Russia trade relations (2014–2022). We find that the trade-peace and trade-security nexuses in the EU’s framing of its approach to Russia has been shaped by the bargaining and restrictive logics. Though the case of Russia’s war against Ukraine does not immediately refute the liberal peace theory, we call for the critical reconsideration of the connections between peace and security concerns in the strategic and legal framing of the EU’s trade policy.
{"title":"Striving for trade not peace? Revisiting trade-peace and trade-security nexuses in the EU’s trade policy strategy amidst the Russia-Ukraine war","authors":"M. Rabinovych","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2232940","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2232940","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article dismantles the popular myth that the strategic framing of the EU’s trade with Russia following the 2014 ‘Ukraine crisis’ was nurtured by the liberal peace logic, and the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine should be thus seen as an ultimate failure of a ‘liberal peace’ hypothesis. To challenge this argument, we provide a nuanced conceptualization of the trade-peace and trade-security nexuses in EU trade policy and apply it to the case of EU-Russia trade relations (2014–2022). We find that the trade-peace and trade-security nexuses in the EU’s framing of its approach to Russia has been shaped by the bargaining and restrictive logics. Though the case of Russia’s war against Ukraine does not immediately refute the liberal peace theory, we call for the critical reconsideration of the connections between peace and security concerns in the strategic and legal framing of the EU’s trade policy.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45972202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-21DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2220879
Katarzyna Granat
ABSTRACT This article studies the positions of political parties around the rule of law crisis in the European Union (EU). What factors explain their position in this crisis? The theoretical expectations focus on populism and government status as the drivers of party positions towards a Member State violating the rule of law. This article assesses these expectations through a comparative case study of the actions of different EU political parties during the first term of the Law and Justice government in Poland (2015–2019). The article examines the relevant documents such as debates and resolutions of parliaments within the EU. It concludes that populist parties are more likely to support the Law and Justice party than mainstream parties, and that parties in government are less likely to challenge Law and Justice than opposition parties. These findings provide important insights into the dynamics of parties’ positioning on the rule of law crisis.
{"title":"The parliamentary politics of the rule of law crisis in the EU","authors":"Katarzyna Granat","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2220879","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2220879","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article studies the positions of political parties around the rule of law crisis in the European Union (EU). What factors explain their position in this crisis? The theoretical expectations focus on populism and government status as the drivers of party positions towards a Member State violating the rule of law. This article assesses these expectations through a comparative case study of the actions of different EU political parties during the first term of the Law and Justice government in Poland (2015–2019). The article examines the relevant documents such as debates and resolutions of parliaments within the EU. It concludes that populist parties are more likely to support the Law and Justice party than mainstream parties, and that parties in government are less likely to challenge Law and Justice than opposition parties. These findings provide important insights into the dynamics of parties’ positioning on the rule of law crisis.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41813621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-11DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2222337
M. Mangenot
ABSTRACT To explore what we call the ‘European art of governing’, this article examines the Cabinets of the members of the European Commission. They function at the interface between levels and modes of governance, between the Commission and Member State governments, between national interests (of capitals) and sectoral interests (their portfolios). A new interpretation of the ‘denationalization’ process is given, focusing more on profiles than on practices. Cabinets have been remarkably stable since the end of the 1960s in their role as conduits of collegiality. However they also reflect a new form of ‘intergovernmentalization’ of the Commission. Using a historical and sociological approach, the article shows how collegiality at the Commission has been exercised since the Delors period of presidentialization and Juncker’s introduction of real Vice-Presidents, generating complex forms of competition between horizontal and vertical coordination processes.
{"title":"The European art of governing. The tension between collegiality and national interests in the Cabinets of the European Commissioners","authors":"M. Mangenot","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2222337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2222337","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT To explore what we call the ‘European art of governing’, this article examines the Cabinets of the members of the European Commission. They function at the interface between levels and modes of governance, between the Commission and Member State governments, between national interests (of capitals) and sectoral interests (their portfolios). A new interpretation of the ‘denationalization’ process is given, focusing more on profiles than on practices. Cabinets have been remarkably stable since the end of the 1960s in their role as conduits of collegiality. However they also reflect a new form of ‘intergovernmentalization’ of the Commission. Using a historical and sociological approach, the article shows how collegiality at the Commission has been exercised since the Delors period of presidentialization and Juncker’s introduction of real Vice-Presidents, generating complex forms of competition between horizontal and vertical coordination processes.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45864912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-09DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2220894
Alexander Schilin
After the sovereign debt crisis, scholars concluded that euro area member states (EAMS) and non-EAMS embarked on diverging paths of integration. Yet, their united response countering the economic consequences of the COVID-19 crisis contradicts the path-dependency argument. This article takes an ideational approach. It demonstrates that the different crisis outcomes regarding differentiated integration (DI) in Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) coincide with variations of how DI influenced elite crisis perceptions as an idea. While policymakers perceived the sovereign debt crisis as a currency area crisis with threats and spillovers applying to EAMS, they interpreted the COVID-19 crisis as a health emergency threatening all EU member states. These differences in elite crisis perceptions facilitated different outcomes regarding DI despite unchanged economic and fiscal circumstances among EAMS and non-EAMS. The findings challenge deterministic assumptions on the self-reinforcing nature of DI in EMU and establish DI as an idea structuring elite perceptions. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Journal of European Integration is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
{"title":"EU or Euro Area Crisis? Studying Differentiated Integration as an Idea Structuring Elite Perceptions of the Sovereign Debt and the COVID-19 Crisis","authors":"Alexander Schilin","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2220894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2220894","url":null,"abstract":"After the sovereign debt crisis, scholars concluded that euro area member states (EAMS) and non-EAMS embarked on diverging paths of integration. Yet, their united response countering the economic consequences of the COVID-19 crisis contradicts the path-dependency argument. This article takes an ideational approach. It demonstrates that the different crisis outcomes regarding differentiated integration (DI) in Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) coincide with variations of how DI influenced elite crisis perceptions as an idea. While policymakers perceived the sovereign debt crisis as a currency area crisis with threats and spillovers applying to EAMS, they interpreted the COVID-19 crisis as a health emergency threatening all EU member states. These differences in elite crisis perceptions facilitated different outcomes regarding DI despite unchanged economic and fiscal circumstances among EAMS and non-EAMS. The findings challenge deterministic assumptions on the self-reinforcing nature of DI in EMU and establish DI as an idea structuring elite perceptions. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Journal of European Integration is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44446681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-09DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2220073
Stijn van Kessel, Adam Fagan
ABSTRACT The ‘politicisation of Europe’ has mainly been discussed with reference to Eurosceptic parties in the ‘conventional’ political arena. From the perspective of the anti-Brexit campaign in the UK and Pulse of Europe in Germany, this article focuses on grassroots pro-European mobilisation to explore the potential of politicisation ‘from below’. The two movements stood out in their ability to provoke considerable levels of grassroot mobilisation. We argue, however, that both movements reached a strategic impasse that was marked by a lack of clarity about their desired future of Europe, and which hampered their ability to generate political change. Our comparative analysis of campaign materials and interview data reveals that these movements struggled to articulate a) diagnostic frames that struck the right balance between problematising the current political situation whilst supporting the established order, and b) prognostic frames that extended much beyond the defence of the status quo (ante).
{"title":"Defending Europe from below: pro-European activism in Germany and the UK and its contribution to the politicisation of Europe","authors":"Stijn van Kessel, Adam Fagan","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2220073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2220073","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The ‘politicisation of Europe’ has mainly been discussed with reference to Eurosceptic parties in the ‘conventional’ political arena. From the perspective of the anti-Brexit campaign in the UK and Pulse of Europe in Germany, this article focuses on grassroots pro-European mobilisation to explore the potential of politicisation ‘from below’. The two movements stood out in their ability to provoke considerable levels of grassroot mobilisation. We argue, however, that both movements reached a strategic impasse that was marked by a lack of clarity about their desired future of Europe, and which hampered their ability to generate political change. Our comparative analysis of campaign materials and interview data reveals that these movements struggled to articulate a) diagnostic frames that struck the right balance between problematising the current political situation whilst supporting the established order, and b) prognostic frames that extended much beyond the defence of the status quo (ante).","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46939328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2220878
Gertjan Muyters, Bart Maddens
ABSTRACT This article investigates the differences between candidate turnover at national legislative and European Parliament elections. Multilevel analysis is applied on original data containing 2754 electoral lists, clustered within 79 political parties, within 48 national and European elections. These comparative data allow (1) to test hypotheses on second-order EU elections within the context of electoral recruitment and (2) to measure the effect of systemic turnover drivers, which in turn may differ for EP elections. As such, this paper builds further on the emerging literature on candidate renewal by offering a comparative perspective and understanding the particular dynamic for EP elections. Results suggest that candidate turnover is lower at EP elections. Moreover, the effects of turnover drivers differ at EP elections: candidate turnover is lower on lists of fringe parties at the European level and elections with higher electoral volatility are characterised by higher candidate turnover, particularly at European elections.
{"title":"Candidate turnover in EP- versus national elections: a new perspective on the second-order logic? A comparative analysis","authors":"Gertjan Muyters, Bart Maddens","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2220878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2220878","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates the differences between candidate turnover at national legislative and European Parliament elections. Multilevel analysis is applied on original data containing 2754 electoral lists, clustered within 79 political parties, within 48 national and European elections. These comparative data allow (1) to test hypotheses on second-order EU elections within the context of electoral recruitment and (2) to measure the effect of systemic turnover drivers, which in turn may differ for EP elections. As such, this paper builds further on the emerging literature on candidate renewal by offering a comparative perspective and understanding the particular dynamic for EP elections. Results suggest that candidate turnover is lower at EP elections. Moreover, the effects of turnover drivers differ at EP elections: candidate turnover is lower on lists of fringe parties at the European level and elections with higher electoral volatility are characterised by higher candidate turnover, particularly at European elections.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42504935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-31DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2212851
Gal Ariely, Hila Zahavi, Tal Hasdai-Rippa
ABSTRACT This article proposes that national identity is regarded as a key cultural filter for understanding external perceptions of the EU among the public. It examines the relationship between national identity and attitudes toward the EU in Israel while considering the distinction between national identification and national chauvinism via two survey studies. Study 1 (N = 1050) used Israel’s hosting of the Eurovision Song Contest 2019 to explore the relations between national identification/chauvinism and general sympathy for the EU. Study 2 (N = 657) inspected the extent to which national identification and national chauvinism are related to perceptions of the EU as a normative power. The findings indicate that national identification and chauvinism relate dissimilarly to attitudes toward the EU and that exposure to the Eurovision Song Contest also interacted with these relations. These findings emphasize the function of national identity as a cultural filter.
{"title":"National identity as a cultural filter: External perceptions of the EU in Israel","authors":"Gal Ariely, Hila Zahavi, Tal Hasdai-Rippa","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2212851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2212851","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article proposes that national identity is regarded as a key cultural filter for understanding external perceptions of the EU among the public. It examines the relationship between national identity and attitudes toward the EU in Israel while considering the distinction between national identification and national chauvinism via two survey studies. Study 1 (N = 1050) used Israel’s hosting of the Eurovision Song Contest 2019 to explore the relations between national identification/chauvinism and general sympathy for the EU. Study 2 (N = 657) inspected the extent to which national identification and national chauvinism are related to perceptions of the EU as a normative power. The findings indicate that national identification and chauvinism relate dissimilarly to attitudes toward the EU and that exposure to the Eurovision Song Contest also interacted with these relations. These findings emphasize the function of national identity as a cultural filter.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47420394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2212318
S. Bora, Christian Lequesne
ABSTRACT Scholars working on sovereignty in the EU have been quick to dismiss the French governments’ European sovereignty discourse as a metaphor. In this article, we situate our argument and methodology within the broader literature on sovereignty conflicts in the EU. We demonstrate that the use of sovereignty regarding European integration has evolved in French Presidents’ discourses throughout the Vth Republic. Far from being an invention of President Macron, the term European sovereignty builds on existing discourses by past French presidents since the Mitterrand years. The term European sovereignty has so far been successful and aligned with a more general tendency towards ‘rebordering’ the EU. Important normative issues however remain. Legitimizing the EU on the basis of security concerns can threaten its liberal and cosmopolitan foundations. Second, redefining sovereignty as a capacity to act rather than a legitimate right to rule may prove to be unsustainable.
{"title":"French presidents and the discursive use of European Sovereignty: more than a metaphor","authors":"S. Bora, Christian Lequesne","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2212318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2212318","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholars working on sovereignty in the EU have been quick to dismiss the French governments’ European sovereignty discourse as a metaphor. In this article, we situate our argument and methodology within the broader literature on sovereignty conflicts in the EU. We demonstrate that the use of sovereignty regarding European integration has evolved in French Presidents’ discourses throughout the Vth Republic. Far from being an invention of President Macron, the term European sovereignty builds on existing discourses by past French presidents since the Mitterrand years. The term European sovereignty has so far been successful and aligned with a more general tendency towards ‘rebordering’ the EU. Important normative issues however remain. Legitimizing the EU on the basis of security concerns can threaten its liberal and cosmopolitan foundations. Second, redefining sovereignty as a capacity to act rather than a legitimate right to rule may prove to be unsustainable.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47550831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-12DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2210967
Tiziano Zgaga
ABSTRACT NextGenerationEU, the recovery programme adopted during the COVID-19 pandemic, did not provide the EU with fiscal sovereignty. Fiscal sovereignty remains under the control of the member states which are, however, constrained by the Stability and Growth Pact. Comparative federalism shows that central fiscal sovereignty requires granting the power to tax to the centre but without impairing the fiscal sovereignty of the units. The co-existence of two distinct, yet connected, fiscal sovereignties (EU and member states) would mean departing from the regulatory model of fiscal integration created with the Maastricht Treaty, and would thus require treaty change. Future research should perform a more thorough comparison between the EU and fiscally centralized and decentralized federations. Qualitative comparative analysis could complement process tracing and systematic content analysis to identify combinations of conditions that make the co-existence of fiscal sovereignties possible in consolidated federal polities – and still impossible in the EU. Books reviewed Paul Dermine (2022) The New Economic Governance of the Eurozone. A Rule of Law Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Federico Fabbrini (2022) EU Fiscal Capacity. Legal Integration After COVID-19 and the War in Ukraine. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Brady Gordon (2022) The Constitutional Boundaries of European Fiscal Federalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tomasz P. Woźniakowski (2022) Fiscal Unions. Economic Integration in Europe and the United States. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
{"title":"The fiscal sovereignty of the European Union after the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine","authors":"Tiziano Zgaga","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2210967","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2210967","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT NextGenerationEU, the recovery programme adopted during the COVID-19 pandemic, did not provide the EU with fiscal sovereignty. Fiscal sovereignty remains under the control of the member states which are, however, constrained by the Stability and Growth Pact. Comparative federalism shows that central fiscal sovereignty requires granting the power to tax to the centre but without impairing the fiscal sovereignty of the units. The co-existence of two distinct, yet connected, fiscal sovereignties (EU and member states) would mean departing from the regulatory model of fiscal integration created with the Maastricht Treaty, and would thus require treaty change. Future research should perform a more thorough comparison between the EU and fiscally centralized and decentralized federations. Qualitative comparative analysis could complement process tracing and systematic content analysis to identify combinations of conditions that make the co-existence of fiscal sovereignties possible in consolidated federal polities – and still impossible in the EU. Books reviewed Paul Dermine (2022) The New Economic Governance of the Eurozone. A Rule of Law Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Federico Fabbrini (2022) EU Fiscal Capacity. Legal Integration After COVID-19 and the War in Ukraine. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Brady Gordon (2022) The Constitutional Boundaries of European Fiscal Federalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tomasz P. Woźniakowski (2022) Fiscal Unions. Economic Integration in Europe and the United States. Oxford: Oxford University Press.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49232691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2209273
S. Smeets, D. Beach
ABSTRACT This article analyses the EU’s third attempt to reform its asylum and migration regime. Our focus is on process management. Instead of looking at positions or policy substance, we analyse how to manage the migration reform negotiations. We use the method of embedded process tracing to analyse, in real-time, the interplay between the member states and EU institutions, from the Commission’s Pact on Migration of September 2020 until the end of the French Presidency in June 2022. On a conceptual level, we unpack the notion of an the EU that is ‘failing forward’ in this, and in other major, crisis reforms. We argue that this failing forward notion obscures a variety of patterns of intra- and inter-institutional coordination. We conclude that, in spite of déjà vu sentiments, the role of the European Council, the Commission, and the Council of Ministers was notably different during this round, and arguably more effective.
{"title":"‘It is like déjà vu all over again’ an inside analysis of the management of EU migration reform","authors":"S. Smeets, D. Beach","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2209273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2209273","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the EU’s third attempt to reform its asylum and migration regime. Our focus is on process management. Instead of looking at positions or policy substance, we analyse how to manage the migration reform negotiations. We use the method of embedded process tracing to analyse, in real-time, the interplay between the member states and EU institutions, from the Commission’s Pact on Migration of September 2020 until the end of the French Presidency in June 2022. On a conceptual level, we unpack the notion of an the EU that is ‘failing forward’ in this, and in other major, crisis reforms. We argue that this failing forward notion obscures a variety of patterns of intra- and inter-institutional coordination. We conclude that, in spite of déjà vu sentiments, the role of the European Council, the Commission, and the Council of Ministers was notably different during this round, and arguably more effective.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47117419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：