Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2212122
Agnieszka K. Cianciara
ABSTRACT This article seeks to shed light on the evolution of demand for differentiation in Poland. First, it argues that since EU accession Poland has moved from instrumental towards quasi-constitutional differentiated integration, and towards differentiated disintegration de facto. Second, it conceptualizes non-compliance in the rule of law area as a manifestation of differentiated disintegration de facto understood as polity-related deliberate and enduring circumvention of EU legal framework. Third, it argues that this mode of de facto differentiation constitutes a challenger strategy of Poland’s populists in power aimed at undermining the foundations of the European polity. Accordingly, the Polish case provides an illustration of ‘post-functionalism reversed’: it is not a Eurosceptic public that constrains a pro-integrationist government, but a Eurosceptic government that drives differentiation and disintegration without explicit support from the largely pro-integrationist public.
{"title":"De facto differentiated disintegration in the European Union. The case of Poland","authors":"Agnieszka K. Cianciara","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2212122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2212122","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article seeks to shed light on the evolution of demand for differentiation in Poland. First, it argues that since EU accession Poland has moved from instrumental towards quasi-constitutional differentiated integration, and towards differentiated disintegration de facto. Second, it conceptualizes non-compliance in the rule of law area as a manifestation of differentiated disintegration de facto understood as polity-related deliberate and enduring circumvention of EU legal framework. Third, it argues that this mode of de facto differentiation constitutes a challenger strategy of Poland’s populists in power aimed at undermining the foundations of the European polity. Accordingly, the Polish case provides an illustration of ‘post-functionalism reversed’: it is not a Eurosceptic public that constrains a pro-integrationist government, but a Eurosceptic government that drives differentiation and disintegration without explicit support from the largely pro-integrationist public.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44422470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-18DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2201699
Christakis Georgiou
ABSTRACT The debate on the necessity of a federal fiscal capacity in the EU has featured prominently on the EU’s agenda over the past decade. New Generation EU marks a historic breakthrough in that regard. This breakthrough has been accomplished in order to fulfil macroeconomic stabilization functions, but the bulk of the funding has been earmarked for green transition projects. This paper asks whether a federal budget has added value in relation to the green transition and provides a theoretically informed answer. It ends with a call to revise articles 311 and 312 TFEU so as to grant fiscal powers to the EU
{"title":"Federal fiscal capacity and the challenge of the green transition in the EU","authors":"Christakis Georgiou","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2201699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2201699","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The debate on the necessity of a federal fiscal capacity in the EU has featured prominently on the EU’s agenda over the past decade. New Generation EU marks a historic breakthrough in that regard. This breakthrough has been accomplished in order to fulfil macroeconomic stabilization functions, but the bulk of the funding has been earmarked for green transition projects. This paper asks whether a federal budget has added value in relation to the green transition and provides a theoretically informed answer. It ends with a call to revise articles 311 and 312 TFEU so as to grant fiscal powers to the EU","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43534994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2190109
J. Jauhiainen, Heidi Erbsen
ABSTRACT The war in Ukraine in 2022 resulted in the rapid, large-scale migration of Ukrainians both inside Ukraine and to the European Union (EU). In response, the European Commission and Council activated the ‘Temporary Protection Directive’ (TPD, 2001) which had been dormant for two decades. This granted Ukrainians fleeing to the EU residence permits, access to the labor market, accommodation, medical care, education for minors, and social and welfare assistance. We analyzed how war-fleeing Ukrainians were received in the EU at three territorial-administrative levels. Through discourse analysis at the supranational (EC and CE), national (Estonian) and subnational (local Estonian) levels and a survey on how 500 temporary protected Ukrainians in Estonia were covered by the TPD, we highlight the hierarchic implementation of the TPD. This case shows the potential and pitfalls of participatory multilevel governance (MLG) for a more sustainable presence and future for the Ukrainian (temporary) diaspora in the EU.
{"title":"Multilevel governance in the temporal protection and integration of Ukrainians within the European Union: the case of Estonia","authors":"J. Jauhiainen, Heidi Erbsen","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2190109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2190109","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The war in Ukraine in 2022 resulted in the rapid, large-scale migration of Ukrainians both inside Ukraine and to the European Union (EU). In response, the European Commission and Council activated the ‘Temporary Protection Directive’ (TPD, 2001) which had been dormant for two decades. This granted Ukrainians fleeing to the EU residence permits, access to the labor market, accommodation, medical care, education for minors, and social and welfare assistance. We analyzed how war-fleeing Ukrainians were received in the EU at three territorial-administrative levels. Through discourse analysis at the supranational (EC and CE), national (Estonian) and subnational (local Estonian) levels and a survey on how 500 temporary protected Ukrainians in Estonia were covered by the TPD, we highlight the hierarchic implementation of the TPD. This case shows the potential and pitfalls of participatory multilevel governance (MLG) for a more sustainable presence and future for the Ukrainian (temporary) diaspora in the EU.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49638199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2190107
N. Chaban, Ole Elgström
ABSTRACT Employing a perceptual approach to EU foreign policy studies, we argue that extensive changes following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 have created important opportunities for diminishing many of the perceptual gaps that existed between the EU and Ukraine following the annexation of Crimea. We distinguish between changes in Ukraine’s and the EU’s attitudes towards each other, contextual changes as a result of the war and changes in EU policy on the candidacy of Ukraine – shifts that open up new avenues for closing existing perceptual gaps but also create challenges for EU diplomacy. We apply this theorisation to understand one aspect of Europe’s transformation in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine – the transformation of the EU’s public diplomacy. We venture that the opportunities for perceptual changes that have occurred may only be realized if the EU commits to a ‘new’ public diplomacy.
{"title":"Russia’s war in Ukraine and transformation of EU public diplomacy: challenges and opportunities","authors":"N. Chaban, Ole Elgström","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2190107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2190107","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Employing a perceptual approach to EU foreign policy studies, we argue that extensive changes following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 have created important opportunities for diminishing many of the perceptual gaps that existed between the EU and Ukraine following the annexation of Crimea. We distinguish between changes in Ukraine’s and the EU’s attitudes towards each other, contextual changes as a result of the war and changes in EU policy on the candidacy of Ukraine – shifts that open up new avenues for closing existing perceptual gaps but also create challenges for EU diplomacy. We apply this theorisation to understand one aspect of Europe’s transformation in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine – the transformation of the EU’s public diplomacy. We venture that the opportunities for perceptual changes that have occurred may only be realized if the EU commits to a ‘new’ public diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48463713","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2190110
Vladimír Handl, Tomáš Nigrin, Martin Mejstřík
ABSTRACT During Angela Merkel’s term as Chancellor, Germany did not play a leading role in the realm of security and defense; moreover, estrangement with the German government’s allies based on its attitude towards Putin’s Russia slowly grew. Since Russia’s war against Ukraine began, the situation has changed dramatically. This article will show the different reactions of the Visegrád 4 (V4) countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary) to the Zeitenwende [turning point] in Germany, focusing on Germany´s relationship with Russia, its energy security policy, defense, and support for Ukraine. The question is whether Germany is shaping the Zeitenwende into a 180° turnaround in policy or a 360° pirouette resulting in continuity of its former policies and further mutual loss of trust. Germany is unlikely to become a pre-eminent military leader but can make positive contributions if it implements the Zeitenwende and regains the trust of its eastern partners.
{"title":"Turnabout or continuity? The German Zeitenwende and the reaction of the V4 countries to it","authors":"Vladimír Handl, Tomáš Nigrin, Martin Mejstřík","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2190110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2190110","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During Angela Merkel’s term as Chancellor, Germany did not play a leading role in the realm of security and defense; moreover, estrangement with the German government’s allies based on its attitude towards Putin’s Russia slowly grew. Since Russia’s war against Ukraine began, the situation has changed dramatically. This article will show the different reactions of the Visegrád 4 (V4) countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary) to the Zeitenwende [turning point] in Germany, focusing on Germany´s relationship with Russia, its energy security policy, defense, and support for Ukraine. The question is whether Germany is shaping the Zeitenwende into a 180° turnaround in policy or a 360° pirouette resulting in continuity of its former policies and further mutual loss of trust. Germany is unlikely to become a pre-eminent military leader but can make positive contributions if it implements the Zeitenwende and regains the trust of its eastern partners.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46349460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2190108
M. Carbone
ABSTRACT This article argues that to better understand the evolution of EU-Africa relations it is necessary to decentre the EU’s external action and concurrently recentre Africa’s international agency, while also interrogating the rise of new powers in Africa. Decentring Europe and recentring Africa means challenging the assumptions that Africa needs Europe more than Europe needs Africa and that African states should align with the EU in international settings in defence of the existing global order. By provincializing the EU and engaging extensively with African voices, this article uses the Russo-Ukrainian conflict to unpack key divides between the EU and Africa on whether and how to isolate Russia, explore its consequences for food security in Africa, and expose some contradictions in the EU’s energy policy. It concludes that reconstruction in EU-Africa relations means that the EU should make grounded efforts to treat Africa as a true partner, not an afterthought.
{"title":"When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers: the Russo-Ukrainian conflict and the decentring-recentring conundrum in EU-Africa relations","authors":"M. Carbone","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2190108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2190108","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article argues that to better understand the evolution of EU-Africa relations it is necessary to decentre the EU’s external action and concurrently recentre Africa’s international agency, while also interrogating the rise of new powers in Africa. Decentring Europe and recentring Africa means challenging the assumptions that Africa needs Europe more than Europe needs Africa and that African states should align with the EU in international settings in defence of the existing global order. By provincializing the EU and engaging extensively with African voices, this article uses the Russo-Ukrainian conflict to unpack key divides between the EU and Africa on whether and how to isolate Russia, explore its consequences for food security in Africa, and expose some contradictions in the EU’s energy policy. It concludes that reconstruction in EU-Africa relations means that the EU should make grounded efforts to treat Africa as a true partner, not an afterthought.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46166533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2190106
Veronica Anghel, Jelena Džankić
ABSTRACT The European Union (EU) revived the enlargement process in response to the Russia-Ukraine war. That reaction compares to how the EU utilized this process following the wars in the Balkans in the 1990s. In this paper, we argue that on neither occasion was the inclusion of more states within EU borders a preferred EU working agenda. Instead, the EU used enlargement as a stabilization and security-building mechanism without guaranteeing membership as the end state. This observation has implications for the future of the enlargement process. We argue that the outcome of the previous rounds of enlargement was reactive and context-driven. Absent those same contextual factors, and although the EU reacts to the Russia-Ukraine war in a familiar sequence of incomplete decision-making, the outcome of this wartime enlargement negotiation process points in a different direction.
{"title":"Wartime EU: consequences of the Russia – Ukraine war on the enlargement process","authors":"Veronica Anghel, Jelena Džankić","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2190106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2190106","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The European Union (EU) revived the enlargement process in response to the Russia-Ukraine war. That reaction compares to how the EU utilized this process following the wars in the Balkans in the 1990s. In this paper, we argue that on neither occasion was the inclusion of more states within EU borders a preferred EU working agenda. Instead, the EU used enlargement as a stabilization and security-building mechanism without guaranteeing membership as the end state. This observation has implications for the future of the enlargement process. We argue that the outcome of the previous rounds of enlargement was reactive and context-driven. Absent those same contextual factors, and although the EU reacts to the Russia-Ukraine war in a familiar sequence of incomplete decision-making, the outcome of this wartime enlargement negotiation process points in a different direction.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48135468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2183393
Mitchell A. Orenstein
ABSTRACT Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 shattered any remaining illusions that closer economic integration with Europe would lead Russia, over time, towards democracy at home and peaceful coexistence with its neighbors abroad. It reinvigorated the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and jolted the European Union (EU) into cutting off trade and energy ties with Russia, while welcoming a massive flow of refugees from war-torn Ukraine. It empowered Central and East European states in the EU, reignited enlargement debates, and shifted NATO and Europe’s borders to the north and east. Introducing a special issue, this article argues that the EU’s peace through integration strategy has always existed side by side with NATO’s peace through strength approach, in a broader European project with blurred boundaries. This war may force the EU to solidify its borders between an internal zone of integration and an external zone of strength projection and geopolitics.
{"title":"The European Union’s transformation after Russia’s attack on Ukraine","authors":"Mitchell A. Orenstein","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2183393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2183393","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 shattered any remaining illusions that closer economic integration with Europe would lead Russia, over time, towards democracy at home and peaceful coexistence with its neighbors abroad. It reinvigorated the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and jolted the European Union (EU) into cutting off trade and energy ties with Russia, while welcoming a massive flow of refugees from war-torn Ukraine. It empowered Central and East European states in the EU, reignited enlargement debates, and shifted NATO and Europe’s borders to the north and east. Introducing a special issue, this article argues that the EU’s peace through integration strategy has always existed side by side with NATO’s peace through strength approach, in a broader European project with blurred boundaries. This war may force the EU to solidify its borders between an internal zone of integration and an external zone of strength projection and geopolitics.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48953378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2201497
Alexandra. Hennessy
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the development of Sino-European relations following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. I argue that the behaviour of European and Chinese leaders is driven by the availability and attractiveness of outside options. While both sides want to reduce their dependence on the other, neither actor seeks a radical decoupling. Measures to diversify supply chains, the negotiation of new trade agreements around the world, and the ‘technology war’ have made Beijing’s outside options less favourable. Europeans are emboldened to articulate their interests more forcefully, particularly in the areas of human rights, scrutiny of foreign funding, and economic coercion. China, in turn, provides diplomatic cover for Russia but resists undermining Western sanctions.
{"title":"The impact of Russia’s war against Ukraine on Sino-European relations","authors":"Alexandra. Hennessy","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2201497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2201497","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper analyses the development of Sino-European relations following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. I argue that the behaviour of European and Chinese leaders is driven by the availability and attractiveness of outside options. While both sides want to reduce their dependence on the other, neither actor seeks a radical decoupling. Measures to diversify supply chains, the negotiation of new trade agreements around the world, and the ‘technology war’ have made Beijing’s outside options less favourable. Europeans are emboldened to articulate their interests more forcefully, particularly in the areas of human rights, scrutiny of foreign funding, and economic coercion. China, in turn, provides diplomatic cover for Russia but resists undermining Western sanctions.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48714782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2183397
Philipp Genschel, L. Leek, Jordy Weyns
ABSTRACT How does the Russian war in Ukraine affect European integration? Bellicist theories predict a push towards federation, marked by a centralization of fiscal, coercive and administrative core state powers at the EU level. But is it happening? We examine two main conditions of bellicist integration. The ‘functional’ condition refers to the efficiency gains of centralization: no federation without functional benefit. The ‘political’ condition refers to a threat-induced alignment of interests and identities that makes centralization politically viable: no federation without public support. We gauge both conditions during the early months of the war and explain why they have not pushed the EU towards centralized federation but, to the contrary, towards decentral alliance. We discuss issue-specific differences in defence, energy and fiscal policy and conclude with some general theoretical implications.
{"title":"War and integration. The Russian attack on Ukraine and the institutional development of the EU","authors":"Philipp Genschel, L. Leek, Jordy Weyns","doi":"10.1080/07036337.2023.2183397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2023.2183397","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does the Russian war in Ukraine affect European integration? Bellicist theories predict a push towards federation, marked by a centralization of fiscal, coercive and administrative core state powers at the EU level. But is it happening? We examine two main conditions of bellicist integration. The ‘functional’ condition refers to the efficiency gains of centralization: no federation without functional benefit. The ‘political’ condition refers to a threat-induced alignment of interests and identities that makes centralization politically viable: no federation without public support. We gauge both conditions during the early months of the war and explain why they have not pushed the EU towards centralized federation but, to the contrary, towards decentral alliance. We discuss issue-specific differences in defence, energy and fiscal policy and conclude with some general theoretical implications.","PeriodicalId":47516,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42574812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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