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As the crow flies: tracking policy diffusion through stakeholder networks 直线飞行:通过利益相关者网络跟踪政策扩散
2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000302
Evan M. Mistur, Daniel C. Matisoff
Abstract Policy diffusion is an important element of the policy formation process. However, understanding of the micro-level interactions governing policy spread remains limited. Much of the literature focuses on macro-level proxies for intergovernmental connectivity. These proxies outline broad diffusion patterns without specifying the micro-level mechanisms that govern how individuals facilitate that diffusion. The role of stakeholders in diffusion in the policy subsystem is also poorly understood. We construct a panel dataset covering the spread of the US ecotourism programs from 1993 to 2016 to investigate how micro-level movement within stakeholder networks explains state-level policy diffusion over time. Using fixed-effects regression, we find that stakeholder movement significantly drives diffusion, acting as a mechanism of knowledge transfer. Our findings provide a more precise theoretical understanding of how policy knowledge diffuses at the micro level, empirically explain the role of policy stakeholders in diffusion, and highlight the value of citizen-science data for policy research.
政策扩散是政策形成过程的重要组成部分。然而,对控制政策扩散的微观层面相互作用的理解仍然有限。许多文献关注的是政府间连通性的宏观层面代理。这些代理概述了广泛的扩散模式,但没有具体说明控制个人如何促进扩散的微观机制。利益相关者在政策子系统中的扩散作用也没有得到很好的理解。我们构建了一个覆盖1993年至2016年美国生态旅游项目传播的面板数据集,以研究利益相关者网络内部微观层面的运动如何解释州级政策随时间的扩散。利用固定效应回归,我们发现利益相关者的运动显著地推动了知识扩散,并作为一种知识转移机制。我们的研究结果为政策知识在微观层面的扩散提供了更精确的理论理解,实证地解释了政策利益相关者在扩散中的作用,并突出了公民科学数据对政策研究的价值。
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引用次数: 0
The representative capacity of interest groups: explaining how issue features shape membership involvement when establishing policy positions 利益集团的代表能力:解释问题特征如何在制定政策立场时影响成员参与
2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000235
Adrià Albareda, Bert Fraussen
Abstract Interest groups are key intermediary actors that communicate societal interests and preferences to public officials. Given public officials’ reliance on interest groups’ input in public policy processes, it is essential to understand how groups establish policy positions and assess the democratic nature of this process. Focusing on the leadership perspective, this article examines how interest groups involve their membership base in the process of defining their policy positions. The article relies on qualitative data from interviews with the leaders of interest groups active at the EU level and the statutes of these organizations. The findings show that the nature of policy issues under discussion and unequal resources of members lead to biased membership involvement in policy position-taking. While leaders are aware of these dynamics, their efforts to mitigate unequal participation seem limited, which raises questions about the representative potential of interest groups and the legitimacy of their policy claims.
利益集团是向政府官员传达社会利益和偏好的关键中介行为体。鉴于公职人员在公共政策过程中依赖利益集团的投入,了解集团如何确立政策立场并评估这一过程的民主性质至关重要。从领导的角度出发,本文考察了利益集团如何在确定其政策立场的过程中涉及其成员基础。本文依赖于对活跃在欧盟层面的利益集团领导人的访谈以及这些组织的章程的定性数据。研究结果表明,所讨论的政策问题的性质和成员资源的不平等导致成员参与政策立场的偏见。虽然领导人意识到这些动态,但他们减轻不平等参与的努力似乎有限,这引发了对利益集团代表潜力及其政策主张合法性的质疑。
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引用次数: 0
Standardising policy in a nonstandard way: a public/private standardisation process in Norway 以非标准方式使政策标准化:挪威的公共/私人标准化过程
2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000223
Anne Heyerdahl
Abstract Standards developed by standard-setting organisations (SSOs) – sometimes labelled private rulemaking – are part of larger practices of governance in most societies yet are underinvestigated from a policy process perspective. Utilising and developing the multiple streams approach (MSA), this article investigates a policy process moving between government and the SSO Standards Norway (SN). The study finds standardisation by SSOs to be an ambiguous institutional arrangement. Strong institutional barriers in theory did not work as such in the case investigated. This article argues that the differentiation between responsibility for process (SN) and content (committee) makes the standardisation process vulnerable. The concept of “institutional deficit” is introduced to describe a potential mismatch between SSOs producing policy in a government-like institution, but where the SSOs are not capable of taking responsibility for policies in a government-like way. This article finds the adjusted MSA useful in this potentially least likely case.
由标准制定组织(SSOs)制定的标准——有时被称为私人规则制定——是大多数社会中更大的治理实践的一部分,但从政策过程的角度来看,这些标准还没有得到充分的研究。本文利用并开发了多流方法(MSA),研究了在政府和SSO Standards Norway (SN)之间移动的策略过程。研究发现,社会服务组织的标准化是一种模棱两可的制度安排。理论上强大的制度障碍在所调查的案件中并没有起到这样的作用。本文认为,过程责任(SN)和内容责任(委员会)的区别使得标准化过程变得脆弱。引入“制度赤字”的概念是为了描述在一个类似政府的机构中,社会组织制定政策,但社会组织没有能力以类似政府的方式承担政策责任的潜在不匹配。本文发现调整后的MSA在这种可能最不可能的情况下很有用。
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引用次数: 0
Effect of Benign Biopsy Findings on an Artificial Intelligence-Based Cancer Detector in Screening Mammography: Retrospective Case-Control Study. 良性活检结果对基于人工智能的乳腺 X 射线筛查癌症检测器的影响:回顾性病例对照研究
2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.2196/48123
Athanasios Zouzos, Aleksandra Milovanovic, Karin Dembrower, Fredrik Strand

Background: Artificial intelligence (AI)-based cancer detectors (CAD) for mammography are starting to be used for breast cancer screening in radiology departments. It is important to understand how AI CAD systems react to benign lesions, especially those that have been subjected to biopsy.

Objective: Our goal was to corroborate the hypothesis that women with previous benign biopsy and cytology assessments would subsequently present increased AI CAD abnormality scores even though they remained healthy.

Methods: This is a retrospective study applying a commercial AI CAD system (Insight MMG, version 1.1.4.3; Lunit Inc) to a cancer-enriched mammography screening data set of 10,889 women (median age 56, range 40-74 years). The AI CAD generated a continuous prediction score for tumor suspicion between 0.00 and 1.00, where 1.00 represented the highest level of suspicion. A binary read (flagged or not flagged) was defined on the basis of a predetermined cutoff threshold (0.40). The flagged median and proportion of AI scores were calculated for women who were healthy, those who had a benign biopsy finding, and those who were diagnosed with breast cancer. For women with a benign biopsy finding, the interval between mammography and the biopsy was used for stratification of AI scores. The effect of increasing age was examined using subgroup analysis and regression modeling.

Results: Of a total of 10,889 women, 234 had a benign biopsy finding before or after screening. The proportions of flagged healthy women were 3.5%, 11%, and 84% for healthy women without a benign biopsy finding, those with a benign biopsy finding, and women with breast cancer, respectively (P<.001). For the 8307 women with complete information, radiologist 1, radiologist 2, and the AI CAD system flagged 8.5%, 6.8%, and 8.5% of examinations of women who had a prior benign biopsy finding. The AI score correlated only with increasing age of the women in the cancer group (P=.01).

Conclusions: Compared to healthy women without a biopsy, the examined AI CAD system flagged a much larger proportion of women who had or would have a benign biopsy finding based on a radiologist's decision. However, the flagging rate was not higher than that for radiologists. Further research should be focused on training the AI CAD system taking prior biopsy information into account.

背景:基于人工智能(AI)的乳腺 X 射线摄影癌症检测器(CAD)已开始用于放射科的乳腺癌筛查。了解人工智能 CAD 系统对良性病变的反应,尤其是那些已经接受过活检的良性病变的反应非常重要:我们的目标是证实这样一个假设,即既往接受过良性活检和细胞学评估的女性,即使仍然健康,随后也会出现 AI CAD 异常评分增加的情况:这是一项回顾性研究,将商用人工智能计算机辅助诊断系统(Insight MMG,版本 1.1.4.3;Lunit Inc)应用于包含 10,889 名女性(中位年龄 56 岁,年龄范围 40-74 岁)的癌症乳腺 X 射线筛查数据集。人工智能计算机辅助诊断生成了一个连续的肿瘤疑似度预测分数,该分数介于 0.00 和 1.00 之间,其中 1.00 代表最高疑似度。二进制读数(标记或未标记)是根据预先确定的临界值(0.40)来定义的。计算了健康女性、良性活检结果女性和确诊为乳腺癌女性的标记中位数和 AI 评分比例。对于有良性活检结果的妇女,AI 评分的分层采用了乳房 X 光检查和活检之间的间隔时间。通过亚组分析和回归模型研究了年龄增长的影响:结果:在总共 10889 名妇女中,有 234 名妇女在筛查前后有良性活检结果。在没有良性活检结果的健康女性、有良性活检结果的健康女性和患有乳腺癌的女性中,被标记为健康女性的比例分别为 3.5%、11% 和 84%(PC 结论:与没有良性活检结果的健康女性相比,有良性活检结果的健康女性所占比例更高:与未进行活检的健康女性相比,经检查的人工智能 CAD 系统根据放射科医生的决定,标记出已经或将要进行良性活检的女性比例要高得多。不过,标记率并不比放射科医生高。进一步研究的重点应该是训练人工智能计算机辅助诊断系统,将之前的活检信息考虑在内。
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引用次数: 0
Does exposure to democracy decrease health inequality? 接触民主会减少健康不平等吗?
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-17 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000211
Joan Costa‐Font, N. Knust
Exposure to (a liberal) democracy can have an impact on both the political attention and visibility of the needs of marginalized populations, as well as the design of health policies that can influence the distribution of population health. This paper investigates the effect of exposure to democracy, that is, the number of years spent in a democracy as measured by democracy indexes, on various measures of inequality in self-reported health across European countries. We use an instrumental variable strategy to leverage the potential endogeneity of a country’s exposure to democracy, drawing on both bivariate (socioeconomic) and univariate health inequality measures. Our estimates provide evidence that an additional year in a democracy reduces both bivariate (income-related) health inequality and overall (univariate) health inequality. Our preferred specification suggests a two-point rank reduction in inequality with an additional year under a democracy. The effect is mainly driven by a reduction of “health poverty” alongside other effects.
接触(自由)民主可以对边缘化人口需求的政治关注和可见度产生影响,也可以对可以影响人口健康分布的卫生政策的设计产生影响。本文调查了欧洲各国接触民主的影响,即在民主指数衡量的民主中度过的年数,对自我报告健康不平等的各种衡量标准的影响。我们使用工具变量策略,利用双变量(社会经济)和单变量健康不平等措施,利用一个国家接触民主的潜在内生性。我们的估计提供了证据,证明在民主国家多呆一年可以减少双变量(与收入相关的)健康不平等和整体(单变量)健康不平等。我们的首选规范是,在民主制度下,不平等程度每增加一年,排名就会下降两个百分点。这种效果主要是由于“健康贫困”的减少以及其他效果。
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引用次数: 0
PUP volume 43 issue 3 Cover and Back matter PUP第43卷第3期封面和封底
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000259
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引用次数: 0
Toward a theory of minority-party influence in the U.S. Congress: whip counts, amendment votes, and minority leverage in the house 走向美国国会中少数党影响力的理论:党鞭计数、修正案投票和众议院中少数党的影响力
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x2300020x
J. Jenkins, Nathan W. Monroe, Tessa Provins
The literature on congressional decision-making has largely ignored the influence of the minority party in the legislative process. This follows from the widely held belief that the majority party dominates the agenda-setting process. Though the minority party rarely achieves major policy success in Congress, we argue that the minority has significantly more influence over the legislative agenda than is commonly believed. We posit that, under some conditions, the minority has enough bargaining leverage to get floor votes on their proposals, in the form of both amendments and bills. We test our theoretical expectations with a novel design utilizing whip count data from the House and show that when a whip count on a bill occurs, the likelihood of a minority amendment disappointment and a majority amendment roll increases, respectively. This suggests that the more leverage the minority party has, the more we see their legislative proposals on the floor.
关于国会决策的文献在很大程度上忽视了少数党在立法过程中的影响。这源于人们普遍认为多数党在议程制定过程中占主导地位。尽管少数党很少在国会取得重大政策成功,但我们认为,少数党对立法议程的影响力比人们普遍认为的要大得多。我们假设,在某些条件下,少数人有足够的谈判筹码,可以通过修正案和法案的形式对他们的提案进行最低投票。我们利用众议院的鞭刑数数据,用一种新颖的设计来测试我们的理论预期,并表明当对法案进行鞭刑数时,少数修正案失望和多数修正案滚动的可能性分别增加。这表明,少数党的影响力越大,我们就越能看到他们的立法提案。
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引用次数: 0
PUP volume 43 issue 3 Cover and Front matter PUP第43卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000247
Valentina Mele
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引用次数: 0
Policy entrepreneurs and problem definition: the case of European student mobility 政策企业家和问题定义:以欧洲学生流动为例
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000181
Marina Cino Pagliarello, Michelle Cini
In the literature on the role of agency in the policy process, relatively little attention has been devoted to how agents define policy problems. This article helps to address this gap by asking when and how policy entrepreneurs are successful in defining problems. The article rests on a framework that shows how policy entrepreneurs holding specific ideas and given a propitious socioeconomic context are able to define problems, translate those problems into new frames, and draw on those frames, while using their personal skills and political and institutional resources, to help build supportive coalitions in favor of policy change. Illustrated by a puzzling case in the field of European mobility policy, the article offers a new perspective on the role of ideas at the problem definition stage of the policy process, while providing a richer understanding of the policy entrepreneur as a driver of policy change.
在关于代理在政策过程中的作用的文献中,相对较少关注代理如何定义政策问题。本文通过询问政策企业家何时以及如何成功地定义问题来帮助解决这一差距。这篇文章建立在一个框架之上,该框架表明,持有特定想法并在有利的社会经济背景下,政策企业家如何能够定义问题,将这些问题转化为新的框架,并利用这些框架,同时利用他们的个人技能、政治和体制资源,帮助建立支持政策变革的联盟。本文以欧洲流动政策领域的一个令人困惑的案例为例,对思想在政策过程的问题定义阶段的作用提供了一个新的视角,同时对政策企业家作为政策变化的驱动力提供了更丰富的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Policy paradigm modes: explaining USA antitrust law changes in the 1970s 政策范式模式:解释20世纪70年代美国反垄断法的变化
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-02 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000193
Melike Arslan
This article advances the theory of policy paradigms by investigating when paradigms are rigid, constraining alternative perspectives and policy options, and when instead they are more flexible, allowing actors to overcome paradigmatic restrictions and differences. Departing from the existing theories on policy paradigms, I conceptualize paradigm rigidity and flexibility as characteristics that develop endogenously within the policy-making process, shaped by the types of policy changes that are proposed and discussed and by the types of framing strategies policy actors employ to support their proposals. Policy paradigms can therefore have both rigid and flexible modes within the same policy area and in the same period. Conceiving paradigms in modes helps us better understand how policies change when there are competing paradigms and exogenous crises. I illustrate this empirically with an analysis of the debates surrounding four antitrust (competition) policy change proposals in the USA during the 1970s.
本文通过研究什么情况下政策范式是刚性的,限制了不同的观点和政策选择,以及什么情况下政策范式是更灵活的,允许行动者克服范式的限制和差异,从而推进了政策范式理论。从现有的政策范式理论出发,我将范式刚性和灵活性概念化为在政策制定过程中内生发展的特征,这些特征由提出和讨论的政策变化类型以及政策参与者为支持其建议而采用的框架战略类型所塑造。因此,在同一政策领域和同一时期内,政策范式可以同时具有刚性和柔性模式。在模式中构思范式有助于我们更好地理解当存在竞争范式和外生危机时政策是如何变化的。我通过对20世纪70年代美国围绕四项反垄断(竞争)政策改革提案的辩论的分析,实证地说明了这一点。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Public Policy
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