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Government spending preferences over the life cycle 生命周期内的政府支出偏好
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0143814X23000065
Florence Vallée-Dubois
Abstract Do seniors have different public spending preferences than younger people? The literature on this topic has been limited so far to a few policies or to short periods of time, which makes it difficult to provide a comprehensive answer to this question. Using data from Canadian surveys conducted between 1987 and 2019 and covering fifteen policies, this paper shows that seniors, as compared to younger adults, are slightly more favourable to the status quo when it comes to government spending. Results also show that support for education spending decreases extensively over the life cycle, while support for environment spending decreases until middle age, then stabilizes. In contrast, support for transportation spending is more widespread in older age, while support for elderly services takes an inverted U-shape over the life cycle. These findings broaden our understanding of the influence of age on government spending preferences and allow us to reflect on the consequences of a growing senior electorate on government budgets.
摘要老年人的公共支出偏好与年轻人不同吗?到目前为止,关于这一主题的文献仅限于少数政策或短时间内,这使得很难对这个问题提供全面的答案。本文使用加拿大1987年至2019年间进行的涵盖15项政策的调查数据显示,在政府支出方面,与年轻人相比,老年人对现状略为有利。研究结果还表明,对教育支出的支持在整个生命周期内大幅下降,而对环境支出的支持则一直下降到中年,然后趋于稳定。相比之下,对交通支出的支持在老年人中更为普遍,而对老年服务的支持在整个生命周期中呈倒U型。这些发现拓宽了我们对年龄对政府支出偏好影响的理解,并使我们能够反思日益增长的老年选民对政府预算的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Punctuated equilibrium and progressive friction in socialist autocracy, democracy and hybrid regimes – ERRATUM 社会主义专制、民主和混合政权中的间断平衡和渐进摩擦
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x22000071
Miklós Sebők, Á. Balázs, Csaba Molnár
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引用次数: 1
Critical junctures as complex processes: examining mechanisms of policy change and path dependence in the Canadian pandemic response to homelessness 作为复杂过程的关键时刻:研究加拿大应对无家可归问题的政策变化和路径依赖机制
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0143814X23000053
Anna Kopec
Abstract Policy change is not an instantaneous or linear process. In fact, change includes several mechanisms working in tandem and even against one another. This article examines the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on homelessness policy in Canada. In a sector that is already plagued with emergency responses – rather than long-term solutions – the pandemic has initiated a critical juncture where policy change is possible, but not guaranteed. Although the existing failures to alleviate homelessness in Canada make policy failings even more obvious, aspects of the pre-existing Canadian response to homelessness negate change. The pandemic, however, has led to temporary solutions and created a setting where long-term change is possible. Using over 150 primary sources, this article analyses mechanisms of change and path dependence in the pandemic response to homelessness. The presence of such mechanisms is tested in three major Canadian cities.
摘要政策变化不是一个即时或线性的过程。事实上,变革包括几个协同工作甚至相互对抗的机制。本文探讨了新冠肺炎疫情对加拿大无家可归政策的影响。在一个已经饱受应急响应而非长期解决方案困扰的行业,疫情已经启动了一个关键时刻,政策变化是可能的,但不能保证。尽管加拿大在缓解无家可归问题上的现有失败使政策失误更加明显,但加拿大先前对无家可归问题的反应否定了变革。然而,疫情带来了临时解决方案,并创造了一个可能进行长期变革的环境。本文利用150多个主要来源,分析了应对无家可归疫情的变化和路径依赖机制。这种机制在加拿大三个主要城市进行了测试。
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引用次数: 0
Public policy and elections in authoritarian regimes: evidence from the policy on native languages in Russia 独裁政权下的公共政策与选举:来自俄罗斯母语政策的证据
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0143814X23000077
Allison C. White, I. Saikkonen
Abstract How might public policy changes affect electoral support for authoritarian regimes? Missing from the existing scholarship, which focuses mostly on regimes generating political budget cycles and manipulating electoral rules, is an exploration of how non-fiscal and non-electoral policies may impact incumbent support. We examine this issue with electoral and census data from one of the world’s most prominent authoritarian regimes – Russia – to evaluate the regime’s 2017 change to the policy governing native language instruction, which curtailed minority students’ ability to learn their native languages and faced opposition in some ethnic regions. Examining panel data on presidential elections using fixed effects models, our results reveal that the regime’s support decreased in titular minority areas in 2018. The results also indicate that some of these patterns emerged in previous national legislative elections and thus cannot be solely attributed to the policy change.
公共政策的变化如何影响选民对独裁政权的支持?现有的学术研究主要关注产生政治预算周期和操纵选举规则的政权,而缺少对非财政和非选举政策如何影响现任支持率的探索。我们用世界上最著名的专制政权之一俄罗斯的选举和人口普查数据来研究这个问题,以评估该政权2017年对母语教学政策的改变,该政策限制了少数民族学生学习母语的能力,并在一些少数民族地区遭到反对。使用固定效应模型检查总统选举的小组数据,我们的结果显示,2018年,名义上的少数民族地区对该政权的支持有所下降。结果还表明,其中一些模式出现在以前的全国立法选举中,因此不能完全归因于政策变化。
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引用次数: 0
Determinants of top personal income tax rates in 19 OECD countries, 1981–2018 1981-2018年19个经合组织国家最高个人所得税税率的决定因素
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0143814X23000028
Bastiaan van Ganzen
Abstract This article aims to map the political economy of top personal income tax rate setting. A much-discussed driving factor of top rate setting is the corporate tax rate: governments may prefer to limit the differential between both rates in order to prevent tax-friendly saving of labour incomes inside corporations. Recent studies have highlighted several other driving factors, including budgetary pressure, partisan politics, and societal fairness norms. I compare these and other potential determinants in the long run (1981–2018) by studying tax reforms of 226 cabinets in 19 advanced Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries using regression models. I find little evidence for the effects of economic, political, and institutional factors; instead, the main determinant of the top rate is the corporate tax rate. As corporate tax rates are still declining under competitive pressure, the recently set minimum rate of 15% will not stop tax competition from constraining progressive income taxation.
摘要本文旨在映射最高个人所得税税率设定的政治经济学。最高税率设定的一个备受讨论的驱动因素是公司税率:政府可能更愿意限制两种税率之间的差异,以防止公司内部劳动力收入的税收优惠储蓄。最近的研究强调了其他几个驱动因素,包括预算压力、党派政治和社会公平规范。我通过使用回归模型研究19个先进的经济合作与发展组织(OECD)国家226个内阁的税收改革,比较了这些和其他长期(1981–2018)的潜在决定因素。我发现很少有证据表明经济、政治和体制因素的影响;相反,最高税率的主要决定因素是公司税率。由于企业税率在竞争压力下仍在下降,最近设定的15%的最低税率不会阻止税收竞争限制累进所得税。
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引用次数: 0
PUP volume 43 issue 1 Cover and Back matter PUP第43卷第1期封面和封底
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x23000041
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引用次数: 0
PUP volume 43 issue 1 Cover and Front matter PUP第43卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0143814x2300003x
Valentina Mele
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引用次数: 0
Fluctuations of immigration salience: testing alternative explanations of policy salience among US Latinos 移民显著性的波动:在美国拉丁裔中测试政策显著性的替代解释
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0143814X23000016
Barbara Gomez-Aguinaga, Jason L. Morín, Gabriel R. Sanchez
Abstract What makes immigration a salient issue among Latinos? We focus on immigration – one of the most pressing issues facing the United States (US) – and evaluate the factors that motivate immigration salience among Latinos over several election cycles. Although immigration policy has been linked with the Latino electorate over the period of our study due to high foreign-born rates and mixed-status families within this community, immigration policy has actually not been the dominant issue for the majority of Latino voters over this time period. Using survey responses from the 2008, 2012 and 2016 elections, we test multiple theories of issue salience by exploring social, political and individual determinants of policy salience among Latino voters. We find that in addition to nativity, consumption of ethnic media and group identity are associated with reporting immigration as a salient issue. These findings provide a valuable addition to literature of public opinion on immigration and the origins of policy issue salience among ethno-racial minorities in the US.
摘要是什么让移民成为拉丁裔人的一个突出问题?我们关注移民问题——美国面临的最紧迫的问题之一——并评估在几个选举周期内促使拉丁裔移民突出的因素。尽管在我们的研究期间,由于该社区的外国出生率高和混合身份家庭,移民政策与拉丁裔选民联系在一起,但在这段时间内,移民政策实际上并不是大多数拉丁裔投票者的主要问题。利用2008年、2012年和2016年选举的调查结果,我们通过探索拉丁裔选民政策显著性的社会、政治和个人决定因素,检验了问题显著性的多种理论。我们发现,除了本土性,消费民族媒体和群体认同也与报道移民问题有关。这些发现为有关移民的舆论文献以及美国少数民族政策问题突出的起源提供了宝贵的补充。
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引用次数: 0
Salience, preference, and asylum outcomes in Germany and the UK, 2002–2019 2002-2019年德国和英国的突出程度、偏好和庇护结果
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0143814X22000344
Alex Hartland
Abstract What explains different rates of positive asylum decisions in Western democracies? Legislators and bureaucrats respond to public preferences on immigration, though studies have not accounted for salience amplifying preferences. Using autoregressive models, I find relationships between salience, preferences, and asylum recognition rates in Germany and the UK, indicating that asylum administration responds to public opinion. High salience and more open immigration preferences are associated with increased asylum recognition rates in Germany, while lower rates in the UK follow high salience and restrictive preferences. Applications rejected under these adverse conditions precede increases in successful appeals, suggesting political pressure or their own preferences lead bureaucratic actors to reduce rates in the UK. These results do not support lobbying or a culture of disbelief as influences on immigration policies. Rather, they raise questions about Western democracies’ adherence to an international rules-based asylum system and highlight mechanisms by which policy responds to public opinion.
如何解释西方民主国家积极庇护决定的不同比率?立法者和官员对公众对移民的偏好做出了回应,尽管研究并没有解释显著性放大偏好的原因。使用自回归模型,我发现了德国和英国的显著性、偏好和庇护识别率之间的关系,表明庇护管理对公众舆论作出反应。在德国,高度突出和更开放的移民偏好与庇护认可率的提高有关,而在英国,较低的庇护认可率与高度突出和限制性偏好有关。在这些不利条件下,被拒的申请在成功上诉之前有所增加,这表明政治压力或他们自己的偏好导致英国的官僚行为体降低了利率。这些结果并不支持游说或怀疑文化对移民政策的影响。相反,它们对西方民主国家是否遵守以国际规则为基础的庇护制度提出了质疑,并强调了政策回应公众舆论的机制。
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引用次数: 0
Institutional earmarks: the earmark moratorium and federal highway spending 机构专项拨款:暂停专项拨款和联邦公路支出
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-13 DOI: 10.1017/S0143814X2200037X
Peter T. McLaughlin
Abstract In 2010, the United States Congress placed a moratorium on earmarks – congressionally mandated spending projects. But did the earmark moratorium actually rid public policy of earmarks? I use earmark data and 2010–2020 state-level highway funding metrics to examine the relationship between previously expired transportation earmarks and federal highway funding during the earmark moratorium. Earmarks in the 2005 surface transportation law (SAFETEA-LU) continued to benefit certain states in 2020, even though the projects technically expired in 2009. This is because the funding “formulas” established by all post-2009 surface transportation laws were fully determined by the highway allocation percentage each state received in the preceding year, inclusive of earmarks. Further, I find the relationship between SAFETEA-LU earmarks and state funding disparities strengthened from 2010 to 2020, meaning the expired earmarks increased in policy significance during the moratorium. Highly earmarked states became even more advantaged after the earmarks were institutionalised into the highway funding formula.
摘要2010年,美国国会暂停了国会授权的专项拨款项目。但是,暂停专项拨款真的让公共政策摆脱了专项拨款吗?我使用专项拨款数据和2010-2020年州级公路资金指标来研究之前到期的交通专项拨款与暂停专项拨款期间联邦公路资金之间的关系。2005年地面运输法(SAFETEA-LU)中的拨款在2020年继续使某些州受益,尽管这些项目在技术上已于2009年到期。这是因为2009年后所有地面运输法制定的资金“公式”完全由各州在前一年获得的公路拨款百分比决定,包括专项拨款。此外,我发现,从2010年到2020年,SAFETA-LU专项拨款与国家资金差距之间的关系得到了加强,这意味着在暂停期间,过期的专项拨款在政策意义上有所增加。在专项拨款制度化为高速公路资金公式后,高度指定的州变得更加有利。
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Journal of Public Policy
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