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MOA volume 60 issue 1 Cover and Back matter MOA第60卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000118
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引用次数: 0
Undoing Coups: the African Union and post-coup intervention in Madagascar by Antonia Witt London: Zed Books, 2020. Pp. 296. $95 (hbk). 《解散政变:非洲联盟和马达加斯加政变后的干预》,安东尼娅·威特著,伦敦:Zed Books, 2020年。296页。95美元(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000355
Jens Herpolsheimer
during the Benghazi agreement, only to turn around and blame the rebels for breaking the terms of the agreement, thus leaving France with no choice but to mount Operation Tacaud in . Powell’s argument is rich in anecdotes, such as the story of the French ambassador who kept an undated and signed letter from President Tombalbaye so that he could post it to his superiors in case Tombalbaye was under immediate threat and unable to request military assistance himself. Or how President Goukouni Weddeye had once stayed awake all night with his Kalashnikov, fearing that the French had staged a coup against him. The story turned out to be a false alarm sent by Chadian soldiers who had misapprehended French military movements at the capital’s airport on that night. However, for a book concerned with France’s intervention and its impact on state formation in Chad, it is surprising that Powell does not provide any account of the connection between the colonial and the post-colonial, even more so because of the decades under study. An exploration of decolonisation in Chad would have set the stage for readers unfamiliar with Chadian politics to first understand Chad’s dependence on external military support and, second, the preponderant role of France in its domestic politics.
在班加西协议期间,只是转身指责反对派违反协议条款,从而使法国别无选择,只能在发动Tacaud行动。鲍威尔的论点中充满了奇闻轶事,比如法国大使的故事,他保留了一封没有注明日期、有总统签名的信,以便在汤姆巴尔巴耶受到直接威胁而无法亲自请求军事援助时,把信寄给他的上级。还有一次,总统Goukouni Weddeye拿着他的卡拉什尼科夫冲锋枪彻夜未眠,担心法国人发动了针对他的政变。这个故事后来被证实是乍得士兵发出的假警报,他们误解了当晚在首都机场的法国军事行动。然而,对于一本关于法国的干预及其对乍得国家形成的影响的书来说,鲍威尔没有提供任何关于殖民时期和后殖民时期之间联系的描述,这是令人惊讶的,因为他研究了几十年。对乍得非殖民化的探索将为不熟悉乍得政治的读者提供一个平台,让他们首先了解乍得对外部军事支持的依赖,其次了解法国在其国内政治中的主导作用。
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引用次数: 4
‘Win-win’ contested: negotiating the privatisation of Africa's Freedom Railway with the ‘Chinese of today’ “双赢”争议:与“当今中国人”谈判非洲自由铁路私有化
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000446
Tim Zajontz
Abstract As infrastructure development has become a key ingredient in Africa–China relations, the role of African governments in co-determining the design, funding and governance of the continent's infrastructures has come under close scrutiny. This article sheds light on the rehabilitation of a symbol of Sino–African friendship: the Tanzania–Zambia Railway Authority (TAZARA). Employing Jessop's strategic-relational approach, it is shown that the strategies of the shareholding governments in the negotiations with a Chinese consortium were informed by strategic learning from previous railway privatisations, corresponding cost–benefit analyses and reflection about Chinese commercial interests. Zambia's indebtedness and Tanzania's autocratic developmental state under President Magufuli formed crucial elements of the structural context in which the fate of Africa's Freedom Railway was negotiated. The article transcends both crudely structuralist accounts of a supposedly all-powerful China and voluntarist conceptions of African agency that are void of structure. Assessing (African) agency requires analytical sensitivity towards the dialectical interaction between specific strategic capacities and strategically selective political–economic contexts.
随着基础设施发展成为中非关系的关键组成部分,非洲各国政府在共同决定非洲大陆基础设施的设计、融资和治理方面的作用受到了密切关注。这篇文章揭示了中非友谊的象征:坦赞铁路管理局(坦赞铁路)的修复。运用杰索普的战略关系分析方法,研究表明,铁路私有化的战略学习、相应的成本效益分析和对中国商业利益的反思,为持股政府与中国财团谈判的战略提供了依据。赞比亚的债务和坦桑尼亚在马古富力总统领导下的专制发展国家构成了非洲自由铁路命运谈判的结构背景的关键因素。这篇文章既超越了粗浅的结构主义对所谓全能中国的描述,也超越了缺乏结构的非洲能动性的唯意志论概念。评估(非洲)机构需要对具体战略能力和战略选择的政治经济背景之间的辩证相互作用具有分析敏感性。
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引用次数: 4
MOA volume 60 issue 1 Cover and Front matter MOA第60卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000106
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引用次数: 0
France's Wars in Chad: military intervention and decolonization in Africa by Nathaniel K. Powell Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. 336. $99.99 (hbk). 《法国在乍得的战争:非洲的军事干预和非殖民化》,纳撒尼尔·K·鲍威尔著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。第336页$99.99(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000343
Moudwe Daga
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引用次数: 0
‘A Game of Pain’: youth marginalisation and the gangs of Freetown “痛苦的游戏”:年轻人的边缘化和弗里敦的帮派
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000410
Kieran Mitton
Abstract Within two decades, Sierra Leone's ‘cliques’ have transformed from peripheral social clubs to warring Crips, Bloods, and Black street gangs at the heart of criminal and political violence. Nevertheless, they remain severely under-studied, with scholarship on Sierra Leonean youth marginality heavily focused on ex-combatants. Drawing on extended fieldwork with Freetown's cliques as they played the ‘game’ – the daily hustle to survive and resist the ‘system’ – this article offers two main contributions. First, it addresses the knowledge gap by charting the origins, evolution and contemporary organisation of these new urban players. Second, it argues that although this history reveals continuity in perennial forms of youth marginalisation, it also shows that the game itself has changed. Cycles of escalating violence and growth are hardwired into this new game. Exacerbated by a political system that sustains and exploits them, cliques present a far greater challenge to everyday peace than has hitherto been recognised.
摘要在20年内,塞拉利昂的“派系”已经从外围的社交俱乐部转变为处于犯罪和政治暴力核心的Crips、Bloods和黑人街头帮派。尽管如此,对这些问题的研究仍然严重不足,关于塞拉利昂青年边缘化问题的奖学金主要集中在前战斗人员身上。根据弗里敦派系在玩“游戏”时的长期实地调查,这篇文章提供了两个主要贡献。首先,它通过绘制这些新城市参与者的起源、演变和当代组织来解决知识差距问题。其次,它认为,尽管这段历史揭示了青年长期边缘化的连续性,但它也表明游戏本身已经发生了变化。不断升级的暴力和增长的循环已经融入了这个新游戏。由于维持和利用派系的政治制度,派系对日常和平构成了比迄今为止公认的更大的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
Kwame Nkrumah: visions of liberation by Jeffrey S. Ahlman Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2021. Pp. 240. $16.95 (pbk). 夸梅·恩克鲁玛:解放的愿景杰弗里·s·阿尔曼雅典,俄亥俄州:俄亥俄大学出版社,2021年。240页。16.95美元(pbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000380
M. Langan
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引用次数: 0
Building one's own house: power and escape for Ethiopian women through international migration 建造自己的房子:埃塞俄比亚妇女在国际移民中的权力与逃避
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000434
L. Carruth, Lahra Smith
Abstract This study uses ethnography along Ethiopian women's irregular migration routes through Djibouti to analyse the complex reasons women leave home to seek labour opportunities in the Gulf States. Theories and policies that either narrowly depict women's motivations as economic in nature or focus only on women's needs for security and protection, fail to account both for the politics of seeking employment abroad, and the ways migration provides women a potential refuge from various forms of violence at home. Using a feminist analysis, we argue that women do not migrate only for financial opportunities, but also to escape combinations of domestic, political and structural violence. As such, irregular migration both evinces a failure of asylum systems and humanitarian organisations to protect Ethiopians, and a failure of the state to provide Ethiopian women meaningful citizenship. Lacking both protection and meaningful citizenship, international migration represents women's journeys for opportunity and emancipation.
摘要:本研究利用民族志沿着埃塞俄比亚妇女通过吉布提的非正规移民路线,分析妇女离开家到海湾国家寻找就业机会的复杂原因。理论和政策要么狭隘地将妇女的动机描述为经济性质,要么只关注妇女对安全和保护的需要,既没有考虑到在国外寻求就业的政治因素,也没有考虑到移民为妇女提供逃避国内各种形式暴力的潜在途径。通过女权主义分析,我们认为女性移民不仅仅是为了获得经济机会,也是为了逃避家庭、政治和结构性暴力的组合。因此,非正规移民既表明庇护制度和人道主义组织未能保护埃塞俄比亚人,也表明国家未能为埃塞俄比亚妇女提供有意义的公民身份。由于缺乏保护和有意义的公民身份,国际移徙代表了妇女寻求机会和解放的旅程。
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引用次数: 1
Salafism and Political Order in Africa by Sebastian Elischer Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. 322. $89.99 (hbk) $29.99 (pbk). 《萨拉菲主义与非洲政治秩序》,塞巴斯蒂安·埃利舍著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。322页。89.99美元(hbk) 29.99美元(pbk)
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000367
J. Saalfeld
setting of multiple, inter-related regional and international actors, such as the Southern African Development Community, the International Organization of the Francophonie, the Indian Ocean Commission, different UN agencies and Western states. Over the course of eight chapters, Witt makes a dedicated effort to identify (African) ROs as ‘sites’ where knowledge regimes are produced and disseminated, and interventions as moments during which these knowledge regimes are enacted, but also contested, in processes of transnational ordermaking (discussed in Chapter ). Following these methodological and theoretical considerations, the book offers a very thorough and extremely well-narrated account of the historical emergence and contested making of what Witt calls the ‘African anti-coup norm’, identifying and analysing actors, changing discourses and concerns. It convincingly demonstrates a strategic de-politicisation, to the detriment of more substantial provisions regarding ‘human rights’, leading to a seemingly inevitable strengthening and legitimation of the AU, even if continuously contested by other regional and international actors (see Chapter ). Subsequent chapters offer a close reading of the historical, socioeconomic and political context of the complexMalagasy crisis (re)emerging in  (Chapter ), and present the intervention scenario (Chapter ) as well as the intervention logic (Chapter ). In these, although they are at times a bit lengthy and repetitive, Witt provides an empirically rich and analytically compelling account of the key actors, their different problem perceptions and solutions suggested, as well as the specific forms that they gave to their interventions and the complex often competitive interactions among them. Finally, she links these elaborations back to the book’s main argument, discussing actual ordering effects both on Madagascar and internationally more generally (Chapter ), and pointing to larger patterns of conflict intervention in Africa, beyond Madagascar, that have resulted in similar outcomes (Chapter ). On a critical note, some key terms, such as ‘space’, ‘practice’, as well as ‘order’ itself, would have been worth developing more conceptually and with more precision. Moreover, reference to different intervening actors, across Chapters ,  and , could have been more systematic, to make it easier to keep track of who did what, when and how this related to efforts employed by other actors. However, these are only minor issues in an otherwise entirely fascinating book that makes a valuable contribution to both African peace and security research and (global) IR.
建立多个相互关联的区域和国际行为体,如南部非洲发展共同体、法语国家国际组织、印度洋委员会、不同的联合国机构和西方国家。在八章的过程中,Witt致力于将(非洲)ro确定为产生和传播知识制度的“地点”,并将干预作为这些知识制度在跨国秩序制定过程中制定(但也有争议)的时刻(在章中讨论)。遵循这些方法论和理论考量,这本书对威特所谓的“非洲反政变规范”的历史出现和有争议的形成进行了非常彻底和非常详尽的叙述,识别和分析了行动者,改变了话语和关注。它令人信服地展示了一种战略性的去政治化,损害了更多关于“人权”的实质性条款,导致非盟看似不可避免的加强和合法化,即使其他地区和国际行动者不断提出异议(见章)。随后的章节详细解读了(章)重新出现的复杂的马达加斯加危机的历史、社会经济和政治背景,并提出了干预方案(章)以及干预逻辑(章)。在这些书中,虽然有时有些冗长和重复,但威特提供了丰富的经验和令人信服的分析,描述了关键角色,他们对不同问题的看法和提出的解决方案,以及他们给予干预的具体形式,以及他们之间复杂的、经常竞争的相互作用。最后,她将这些阐述与本书的主要论点联系起来,讨论了在马达加斯加和更广泛的国际范围内的实际秩序影响(章),并指出在马达加斯加以外的非洲,更大的冲突干预模式导致了类似的结果(章)。值得注意的是,一些关键术语,如“空间”、“实践”以及“秩序”本身,应该更概念化、更精确地发展。此外,在、和章中提到不同的干预行为者本可以更系统,以便更容易地跟踪谁做了什么,何时以及如何将其与其他行为者所采取的努力联系起来。然而,在这本对非洲和平与安全研究以及(全球)国际关系做出宝贵贡献的引人入胜的书中,这些只是次要问题。
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引用次数: 0
Political Leadership in Africa: leaders and development south of the Sahara by Giovanni Carbone & Alessandro Pellegata Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. 386. $99.99 (hbk). – ERRATUM 《非洲的政治领导:撒哈拉以南的领导人与发展》,乔瓦尼·卡波恩和亚历山德罗·佩列加塔著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2020年。386页。99.99美元(hbk)。——错误
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000015
U. Krishna
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Modern African Studies
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