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‘Assuming our place in the concert of nations’: Burundi as imagined in Pierre Nkurunziza's political speeches “在国际舞台上占有一席之地”:皮埃尔·恩库伦齐扎政治演讲中想象的布隆迪
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000088
Andrea Filipi, Katrin Wittig
Abstract Pierre Nkurunziza died in 2020, just a few months short of completing his tenure as the first post-civil war President of Burundi. Critics have cast him as yet another rebel-turned-politician who came to office on a promise of a democratic transformation but became progressively authoritarian, particularly during his third, disputed term in office. As a political figure, however, Nkurunziza remains poorly understood. What kind of a worldview motivated his politics? Drawing on critical discourse analysis, we identify three recurring themes in Nkurunziza's key political speeches: anti-colonialism; unity and self-sufficiency; and discourse around ‘politics of a new beginning’. These themes were stable across time, indicating Nkurunziza's consistent worldview, but became more pronounced and radical as he faced growing challenges to his legitimacy from within and without. Far from being confined to rhetoric, the themes also manifested in concrete policy decisions, underscoring the urgent need to take ideology seriously in understanding the political trajectories of African leaders.
皮埃尔·恩库伦齐扎(Pierre Nkurunziza)于2020年去世,距离结束他作为布隆迪内战后第一位总统的任期只有几个月的时间。批评人士把他描绘成又一个由反对派转变为政治家的人,他上台时承诺进行民主转型,但却逐渐变得专制,尤其是在他第三个有争议的任期内。然而,作为一个政治人物,人们对恩库伦齐扎仍然知之甚少。什么样的世界观激发了他的政治?根据批判性话语分析,我们在恩库伦齐扎的主要政治演讲中确定了三个反复出现的主题:反殖民主义;团结自足;以及围绕“新开端的政治”的讨论。随着时间的推移,这些主题是稳定的,这表明恩库伦齐扎的世界观是一致的,但随着他面临越来越多的来自内部和外部的合法性挑战,这些主题变得更加明显和激进。这些主题远非局限于言辞,它们还体现在具体的政策决定中,强调在理解非洲领导人的政治轨迹时迫切需要认真对待意识形态。
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引用次数: 0
Developing the Rationale for Including Virtual Reality in Cognitive Rehabilitation and Exercise Training Approaches for Managing Cognitive Dysfunction in MS. 将虚拟现实技术纳入多发性硬化症认知功能障碍的认知康复和运动训练方法的理论依据。
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-03 eCollection Date: 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.3390/neurosci3020015
Carly L A Wender, John DeLuca, Brian M Sandroff

Cognitive impairment is a common and detrimental consequence of multiple sclerosis (MS) and current rehabilitation methods are insufficient. Cognitive rehabilitation (CR) and exercise training (ET) are the most promising behavioral approaches to mitigate cognitive deficits, but effects are small and do not effectively translate to improvements in everyday function. This article presents a conceptual framework supporting the use of virtual reality (VR) as an ideal, common adjuvant traditional CR and ET in MS. VR could strengthen the effects of CR and ET by increasing sensory input and promoting multisensory integration and processing during rehabilitation. For ET specifically, VR can also help incorporate components of CR into exercise sessions. In addition, VR can enhance the transfer of cognitive improvements to everyday functioning by providing a more ecologically valid training environment. There is a clear interest in adding VR to traditional rehabilitation techniques for neurological populations, a stronger body of evidence of this unique approach is needed in MS. Finally, to better understand how to best utilize VR in rehabilitation for cognitive deficits in MS, more systematic research is needed to better understand the mechanism(s) of action of VR with CR and ET.

认知障碍是多发性硬化症(MS)常见的有害后果,而目前的康复方法还不够完善。认知康复(CR)和运动训练(ET)是最有希望缓解认知障碍的行为方法,但效果较小,不能有效转化为日常功能的改善。本文提出了一个概念框架,支持使用虚拟现实(VR)作为多发性硬化症传统 CR 和 ET 的理想常用辅助手段。在康复过程中,虚拟现实可以增加感官输入,促进多感官整合和处理,从而加强 CR 和 ET 的效果。具体就 ET 而言,VR 还能帮助将 CR 的组成部分融入锻炼课程中。此外,VR 还能提供更符合生态学原理的训练环境,从而促进认知能力的改善向日常功能的转移。在神经系统人群的传统康复技术中加入虚拟现实技术显然很有意义,但这种独特方法在多发性硬化症中的应用还需要更有力的证据支持。最后,为了更好地了解如何在多发性硬化症认知障碍的康复治疗中更好地利用虚拟现实技术,需要进行更系统的研究,以更好地了解虚拟现实技术与 CR 和 ET 的作用机制。
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引用次数: 0
Keeping Ebola at bay: public authority and ceremonial competence in rural Sierra Leone 遏制埃博拉:塞拉利昂农村的公共权力和礼仪能力
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000422
F. Kamara, G. A. Mokuwa, P. Richards
Abstract Ebola Virus Disease struck Sierra Leone in May 2014. An international response was instrumental in ending the epidemic by December 2015 and has been extensively documented. Less attention has been paid to local responses. Here, we focus on a case in which there was no infection despite high infection in neighbouring areas. This brings into focus the role of customary public authority in implementing successful controls. We pay particular attention to the activities of a chiefdom Ebola Task force committee chaired by the Paramount Chief. Meetings were characterised by protocol and ceremony, but ‘face time’ served to reinforce, in ritual terms, important messages about quarantine and social distancing. The committee's pronouncements had illocutionary force. Local volunteers translated this ceremonial message into practical action to block imported cases. The analysis of ceremonial competence, we conclude, opens a window into how public authority addresses developmental shocks in Africa.
摘要埃博拉病毒病于2014年5月袭击塞拉利昂。国际应对措施有助于在2015年12月前结束这一流行病,并已被广泛记录在案。对地方反应的关注较少。在这里,我们关注的是一个病例,尽管邻近地区感染率很高,但没有感染。这突出了习惯公共当局在实施成功控制方面的作用。我们特别关注由最高酋长主持的酋长国埃博拉特别工作组委员会的活动。会议以礼仪和仪式为特色,但从仪式的角度来看,“面对面”有助于强化有关隔离和保持社交距离的重要信息。委员会的声明具有言外之力。当地志愿者将这一仪式性信息转化为阻止输入病例的实际行动。我们得出结论,对礼仪能力的分析为了解公共当局如何应对非洲的发展冲击打开了一扇窗户。
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引用次数: 2
MOA volume 60 issue 1 Cover and Back matter MOA第60卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000118
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引用次数: 0
Undoing Coups: the African Union and post-coup intervention in Madagascar by Antonia Witt London: Zed Books, 2020. Pp. 296. $95 (hbk). 《解散政变:非洲联盟和马达加斯加政变后的干预》,安东尼娅·威特著,伦敦:Zed Books, 2020年。296页。95美元(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000355
Jens Herpolsheimer
during the Benghazi agreement, only to turn around and blame the rebels for breaking the terms of the agreement, thus leaving France with no choice but to mount Operation Tacaud in . Powell’s argument is rich in anecdotes, such as the story of the French ambassador who kept an undated and signed letter from President Tombalbaye so that he could post it to his superiors in case Tombalbaye was under immediate threat and unable to request military assistance himself. Or how President Goukouni Weddeye had once stayed awake all night with his Kalashnikov, fearing that the French had staged a coup against him. The story turned out to be a false alarm sent by Chadian soldiers who had misapprehended French military movements at the capital’s airport on that night. However, for a book concerned with France’s intervention and its impact on state formation in Chad, it is surprising that Powell does not provide any account of the connection between the colonial and the post-colonial, even more so because of the decades under study. An exploration of decolonisation in Chad would have set the stage for readers unfamiliar with Chadian politics to first understand Chad’s dependence on external military support and, second, the preponderant role of France in its domestic politics.
在班加西协议期间,只是转身指责反对派违反协议条款,从而使法国别无选择,只能在发动Tacaud行动。鲍威尔的论点中充满了奇闻轶事,比如法国大使的故事,他保留了一封没有注明日期、有总统签名的信,以便在汤姆巴尔巴耶受到直接威胁而无法亲自请求军事援助时,把信寄给他的上级。还有一次,总统Goukouni Weddeye拿着他的卡拉什尼科夫冲锋枪彻夜未眠,担心法国人发动了针对他的政变。这个故事后来被证实是乍得士兵发出的假警报,他们误解了当晚在首都机场的法国军事行动。然而,对于一本关于法国的干预及其对乍得国家形成的影响的书来说,鲍威尔没有提供任何关于殖民时期和后殖民时期之间联系的描述,这是令人惊讶的,因为他研究了几十年。对乍得非殖民化的探索将为不熟悉乍得政治的读者提供一个平台,让他们首先了解乍得对外部军事支持的依赖,其次了解法国在其国内政治中的主导作用。
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引用次数: 4
‘Win-win’ contested: negotiating the privatisation of Africa's Freedom Railway with the ‘Chinese of today’ “双赢”争议:与“当今中国人”谈判非洲自由铁路私有化
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000446
Tim Zajontz
Abstract As infrastructure development has become a key ingredient in Africa–China relations, the role of African governments in co-determining the design, funding and governance of the continent's infrastructures has come under close scrutiny. This article sheds light on the rehabilitation of a symbol of Sino–African friendship: the Tanzania–Zambia Railway Authority (TAZARA). Employing Jessop's strategic-relational approach, it is shown that the strategies of the shareholding governments in the negotiations with a Chinese consortium were informed by strategic learning from previous railway privatisations, corresponding cost–benefit analyses and reflection about Chinese commercial interests. Zambia's indebtedness and Tanzania's autocratic developmental state under President Magufuli formed crucial elements of the structural context in which the fate of Africa's Freedom Railway was negotiated. The article transcends both crudely structuralist accounts of a supposedly all-powerful China and voluntarist conceptions of African agency that are void of structure. Assessing (African) agency requires analytical sensitivity towards the dialectical interaction between specific strategic capacities and strategically selective political–economic contexts.
随着基础设施发展成为中非关系的关键组成部分,非洲各国政府在共同决定非洲大陆基础设施的设计、融资和治理方面的作用受到了密切关注。这篇文章揭示了中非友谊的象征:坦赞铁路管理局(坦赞铁路)的修复。运用杰索普的战略关系分析方法,研究表明,铁路私有化的战略学习、相应的成本效益分析和对中国商业利益的反思,为持股政府与中国财团谈判的战略提供了依据。赞比亚的债务和坦桑尼亚在马古富力总统领导下的专制发展国家构成了非洲自由铁路命运谈判的结构背景的关键因素。这篇文章既超越了粗浅的结构主义对所谓全能中国的描述,也超越了缺乏结构的非洲能动性的唯意志论概念。评估(非洲)机构需要对具体战略能力和战略选择的政治经济背景之间的辩证相互作用具有分析敏感性。
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引用次数: 4
MOA volume 60 issue 1 Cover and Front matter MOA第60卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000106
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引用次数: 0
‘A Game of Pain’: youth marginalisation and the gangs of Freetown “痛苦的游戏”:年轻人的边缘化和弗里敦的帮派
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000410
Kieran Mitton
Abstract Within two decades, Sierra Leone's ‘cliques’ have transformed from peripheral social clubs to warring Crips, Bloods, and Black street gangs at the heart of criminal and political violence. Nevertheless, they remain severely under-studied, with scholarship on Sierra Leonean youth marginality heavily focused on ex-combatants. Drawing on extended fieldwork with Freetown's cliques as they played the ‘game’ – the daily hustle to survive and resist the ‘system’ – this article offers two main contributions. First, it addresses the knowledge gap by charting the origins, evolution and contemporary organisation of these new urban players. Second, it argues that although this history reveals continuity in perennial forms of youth marginalisation, it also shows that the game itself has changed. Cycles of escalating violence and growth are hardwired into this new game. Exacerbated by a political system that sustains and exploits them, cliques present a far greater challenge to everyday peace than has hitherto been recognised.
摘要在20年内,塞拉利昂的“派系”已经从外围的社交俱乐部转变为处于犯罪和政治暴力核心的Crips、Bloods和黑人街头帮派。尽管如此,对这些问题的研究仍然严重不足,关于塞拉利昂青年边缘化问题的奖学金主要集中在前战斗人员身上。根据弗里敦派系在玩“游戏”时的长期实地调查,这篇文章提供了两个主要贡献。首先,它通过绘制这些新城市参与者的起源、演变和当代组织来解决知识差距问题。其次,它认为,尽管这段历史揭示了青年长期边缘化的连续性,但它也表明游戏本身已经发生了变化。不断升级的暴力和增长的循环已经融入了这个新游戏。由于维持和利用派系的政治制度,派系对日常和平构成了比迄今为止公认的更大的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
France's Wars in Chad: military intervention and decolonization in Africa by Nathaniel K. Powell Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. 336. $99.99 (hbk). 《法国在乍得的战争:非洲的军事干预和非殖民化》,纳撒尼尔·K·鲍威尔著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。第336页$99.99(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000343
Moudwe Daga
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引用次数: 0
Building one's own house: power and escape for Ethiopian women through international migration 建造自己的房子:埃塞俄比亚妇女在国际移民中的权力与逃避
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000434
L. Carruth, Lahra Smith
Abstract This study uses ethnography along Ethiopian women's irregular migration routes through Djibouti to analyse the complex reasons women leave home to seek labour opportunities in the Gulf States. Theories and policies that either narrowly depict women's motivations as economic in nature or focus only on women's needs for security and protection, fail to account both for the politics of seeking employment abroad, and the ways migration provides women a potential refuge from various forms of violence at home. Using a feminist analysis, we argue that women do not migrate only for financial opportunities, but also to escape combinations of domestic, political and structural violence. As such, irregular migration both evinces a failure of asylum systems and humanitarian organisations to protect Ethiopians, and a failure of the state to provide Ethiopian women meaningful citizenship. Lacking both protection and meaningful citizenship, international migration represents women's journeys for opportunity and emancipation.
摘要:本研究利用民族志沿着埃塞俄比亚妇女通过吉布提的非正规移民路线,分析妇女离开家到海湾国家寻找就业机会的复杂原因。理论和政策要么狭隘地将妇女的动机描述为经济性质,要么只关注妇女对安全和保护的需要,既没有考虑到在国外寻求就业的政治因素,也没有考虑到移民为妇女提供逃避国内各种形式暴力的潜在途径。通过女权主义分析,我们认为女性移民不仅仅是为了获得经济机会,也是为了逃避家庭、政治和结构性暴力的组合。因此,非正规移民既表明庇护制度和人道主义组织未能保护埃塞俄比亚人,也表明国家未能为埃塞俄比亚妇女提供有意义的公民身份。由于缺乏保护和有意义的公民身份,国际移徙代表了妇女寻求机会和解放的旅程。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Modern African Studies
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