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Market development, state formation, and the historical abolition of the debtors’ prison 市场的发展,国家的形成,以及债务人监狱的历史性废除
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211034920
Alexander F. Roehrkasse
In the late 18th century, lenders’ right to imprison borrowers for defaulting on debts was taken for granted. By the mid-19th century, this power was widely and permanently revoked. Using a variety of archival evidence, this study explains the historical demise of the debtors’ prison in New York State, the first Western jurisdiction to permanently abolish imprisonment for debt. Tracing seven decades of contestation over moral aspects of credit exchange and incarceration, it shows that the development of capitalist markets, including their cultural and technological consequences, was necessary but not sufficient to render the debtor's prison obsolete. Rather, the development of a liberal polity and a penal state institutionalized new moral views about the use of force in economic exchange, consolidating the legitimacy of bodily detention around the punishment of crimes rather than the coercion of private agreements. The analysis has implications for theories of states, markets, and violence, as well as for recent trends in penal debt, debt resistance, and prison abolition.
在18世纪晚期,贷款人有权监禁拖欠债务的借款人,这被认为是理所当然的。到19世纪中叶,这种权力被广泛而永久地撤销了。利用各种档案证据,本研究解释了纽约州债务人监狱的历史消亡,纽约州是西方第一个永久废除债务监禁的司法管辖区。追溯了70年来关于信用交换和监禁的道德方面的争论,它表明,资本主义市场的发展,包括其文化和技术后果,是必要的,但不足以使债务人的监狱过时。相反,自由政体和刑罚国家的发展使关于在经济交换中使用武力的新道德观点制度化,巩固了围绕惩罚犯罪而不是强迫私人协议的身体拘留的合法性。这一分析对国家、市场和暴力的理论,以及刑事债务、债务抵抗和废除监狱的最新趋势都有影响。
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引用次数: 1
Corrigendum to The politics of prison air: breath, smell, and wind in Myanmar prisons 监狱空气政治:缅甸监狱的呼吸、气味和风
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211035945
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引用次数: 0
The Taint of The Other: Prison Work as ‘Dirty Work’ In Australia 他人的污点:监狱工作在澳大利亚被称为“肮脏的工作”
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-28 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211047534
A. Eriksson
This article explores how prison staff in Australia view their work and how their work is viewed by others, by applying a theoretical framework of ‘dirty work’. ‘Dirty work’ is a social construction that refers to tasks that are ‘physically, socially or morally tainted’ ( Ashforth and Kreiner, 1999; Hughes, 1958) and this article will apply this concept to prison staff in Australia for the first time. The discussion is based on qualitative research in seven different Australian prisons, ranging from high to low security. The article illustrates how staff responds to working in a ‘dirty’ profession by reframing, refocusing, and recalibrating their daily work tasks; how the staff uniform can be utilised as a status shield and protector from taint; and how the stigma of ‘dirtiness’ tends to foster strong occupational and workgroup cultures which in turn makes cultural change of a profession difficult. The consequences of the dirty work stigma for staff and prisoners are discussed, with a focus on informal interactions, case work and dynamic security.
本文通过应用“肮脏工作”的理论框架,探讨了澳大利亚监狱工作人员如何看待他们的工作以及他人如何看待他们的工作。“脏工作”是一种社会建构,指的是“身体上、社会上或道德上受到污染”的任务(Ashforth和Kreiner, 1999;Hughes, 1958),本文将首次将这一概念应用于澳大利亚的监狱工作人员。这一讨论是基于对澳大利亚七个不同监狱的定性研究,这些监狱的安全程度从高到低不等。这篇文章阐述了员工如何通过重构、重新聚焦和重新调整他们的日常工作任务来应对在一个“肮脏”的职业中工作;如何利用员工制服作为身份盾牌和保护免受污染;“肮脏”的污名如何倾向于培养强大的职业和工作组文化,而这反过来又使职业的文化变革变得困难。讨论了工作人员和囚犯污名化的后果,重点是非正式互动、案例工作和动态安全。
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引用次数: 7
Introduction: Legacies of Empire 简介:帝国的遗产
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211040652
Lynsey Black, L. Seal, Florence V. Seemungal, Bharat Malkani, R. Ball
This special issue of Punishment & Society examines the global legacy of empire and colonialism through its effects on the penal regimes and practices of former colonies. The seven articles herein explore the historical patterns of colonial penal journeys as well as their contemporary manifestations. The contributions capture the necessary interdisciplinary scope of such investigations, bringing together diverse perspectives from which to interrogate punishment and the legacies of empire. The production of ‘knowledge’ in the Global North has been critiqued as the production of a largely Anglophone and Eurocentric knowledge, one presumed to have a universal application (Connell, 2007). This special issue seeks to ‘decentre’ the Global North through the inclusion of the historical and contemporary legacies of the expression of penality in different postcolonial settings. Colonisation bequeaths
《惩罚与社会》特刊通过其对前殖民地刑罚制度和实践的影响,探讨了帝国和殖民主义的全球遗产。本文的七篇文章探讨了殖民地刑罚之旅的历史模式及其当代表现。这些贡献涵盖了此类调查的必要跨学科范围,汇集了各种不同的视角,从中审问惩罚和帝国的遗产。全球北方的“知识”生产被批评为主要以英语和欧洲为中心的知识的生产,这种知识被认为具有普遍应用(Connell,2007)。这期特刊试图通过在不同的后殖民环境中纳入惩罚表达的历史和当代遗产来“分散”全球北方。殖民地遗赠
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引用次数: 4
“Broken windows” discipline and racial disparities in school punishment “破窗”纪律与学校惩罚中的种族差异
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211042199
M. E. Stitt
A 1982 article in The Atlantic famously theorized that visible signs of disorder lead to higher rates of violent crime (Wilson and Kelling, 1982). In the decades since, police forces around the world have adopted a “broken windows” approach to social control, increasing enforcement against minor offenses like panhandling or public intoxication (Kohler-Hausmann, 2018). Increased enforcement has targeted poor and Black residents disproportionately, heightening both betweenand within-neighborhood racial inequalities in police encounters (Fagan and Davies, 2000; Kohler-Hausmann, 2018; New York Civil Liberties Union, 2018). But even as the broken windows approach has come to be recognized as a key driver of inequality in the penal system, it has been embraced by school reformers whose aim is to reduce inequality (Lemov, 2010). In an effort to improve outcomes for marginalized students, the founders of the “no excuses” model of education “adopted political scientist James Q. Wilson’s ‘broken windows’ theory and applied it to schools” (Thernstrom and Thernstrom, 2003: 67). Promoted by influential funders and training institutes, the no-excuses model plays a central role among education reform efforts in the United States (Golann and Torres, 2018). Despite the widespread adoption of the no-excuses approach, little is known about its implications for punishment and inequality in schools. Like arrests in the policing context, exclusionary punishments such as suspensions and expulsions have been shown to have long-lasting negative consequences for individuals subjected to them (Morris and Perry, 2016; Ramey, 2016; Bruch and Soss, 2018). The frequency and distribution of those formal sanctions across demographic groups can thus have important implications for social inequality. This study draws on an original dataset of 7726 U.S.
1982年《大西洋月刊》上的一篇文章提出了一个著名的理论,即明显的混乱迹象会导致更高的暴力犯罪率(Wilson and Kelling, 1982)。自那以后的几十年里,世界各地的警察部队采取了“破窗”的方法来控制社会,加大了对乞讨或公共场合醉酒等轻微犯罪的执法力度(Kohler-Hausmann, 2018)。执法力度的增加不成比例地针对穷人和黑人居民,加剧了警察遇到的社区之间和社区内部的种族不平等(Fagan和Davies, 2000;Kohler-Hausmann, 2018;纽约公民自由联盟,2018)。但是,即使破窗法已经被认为是刑事制度中不平等的关键驱动因素,它也被旨在减少不平等的学校改革者所接受(Lemov, 2010)。为了改善边缘化学生的成果,“无借口”教育模式的创始人“采用了政治学家詹姆斯·q·威尔逊(James Q. Wilson)的‘破窗’理论,并将其应用于学校”(Thernstrom and Thernstrom, 2003: 67)。在有影响力的资助者和培训机构的推动下,无借口模式在美国的教育改革努力中发挥着核心作用(Golann和Torres, 2018)。尽管“不找借口”的方法被广泛采用,但人们对它对学校惩罚和不平等的影响知之甚少。与警务环境中的逮捕一样,排他性惩罚,如停职和驱逐,已被证明对受到处罚的个人具有长期的负面影响(Morris和Perry, 2016;Ramey, 2016;Bruch和Soss, 2018)。因此,这些正式制裁在人口群体之间的频率和分布可能对社会不平等产生重要影响。这项研究利用了7726个美国的原始数据集
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引用次数: 0
Coloniality, just war & carceral injustice in Brazil 巴西的殖民主义、正义战争和政治不公
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-24 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211041849
S. Darke, O. Khan
The Portuguese empire brought inescapable violence to the indigenous communities of Brazil and to those it enslaved. Throughout the centuries of colonial subjugation, driven by the Iberian monarchical traditions of hierarchy, militarism and moral crusade, ‘just war’ narratives were employed to legitimate the use of violent legal and extra-legal measures against enslaved peoples and others deemed unruly or rebellious and a threat to colonial order. Two centuries after independence, Brazil remains at war with its ‘internal enemies’. Its justice practices continue to be characterised by colonial rationalisations. This paper illustrates the contemporary coloniality inherent in the carceral system from the moment of detention pre-trial through sentencing and imprisonment.
葡萄牙帝国给巴西土著社区及其奴役者带来了不可避免的暴力。在几个世纪的殖民征服过程中,在伊比利亚君主等级制度、军国主义和道德十字军东征传统的驱动下,“正义战争”叙事被用来合法使用暴力法律和法外措施来对付被奴役的人民和其他被视为不守规矩或反叛并威胁殖民秩序的人。独立两个世纪后,巴西仍在与“内部敌人”交战。其司法实践的特点仍然是殖民地的合理化。本文从审前羁押到量刑和监禁,阐述了死刑制度所固有的当代殖民性。
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引用次数: 7
The dual penal empire: Emergency powers and military courts in Palestine/Israel and beyond 双重刑罚帝国:巴勒斯坦/以色列及其他地区的紧急权力和军事法庭
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211040311
Smadar Ben-Natan
This article explores the duality of emergency powers and criminal law in old and new formations of empire. Set against the backdrop of the US “war on terror,” I link discussions around current articulations of empire and the treatment of “enemy combatants,” illuminating new connections between empire, emergency, and “enemy penology.” Focusing on Palestine/Israel, I explore the duality created by emergency powers and criminal law from the late British Empire to contemporary Israel/Palestine as an “imperial formation.” Through a genealogy of emergency legislation, military courts, and two case studies from the 1980s Israel, I show how emergency powers constitute a penal regime that complements ordinary criminal law through prosecutions of racialized enemy populations under a distinct exclusionary and punitive legality. Building on Markus Dubber's Dual Penal State, I demonstrate how the—openly illiberal—dual penal empire (i) suppresses political resistance (insurgency, rebellion, and terrorism) and (ii) institutionalizes enemy penology through emergency statutes and military courts. Thus, in imperial formations, such as Israel and the US—which deny their illiberal features—emergency powers are framed as preventive security and denied as part of the penal system, while enemy penology operates in plain sight.
本文探讨了帝国新旧形态中紧急权力和刑法的双重性。以美国“反恐战争”为背景,我将围绕当前帝国和“敌方战斗人员”待遇的讨论联系起来,揭示了帝国、紧急情况和“敌方刑罚学”之间的新联系,我探索了从大英帝国晚期到当代以色列/巴勒斯坦作为“帝国形态”的紧急权力和刑法所造成的双重性。通过紧急立法、军事法庭的谱系和20世纪80年代以色列的两个案例研究,我展示了紧急权力是如何构成一种刑罚制度的,它通过在明显的排斥性和惩罚性合法性下起诉种族化的敌人人口来补充普通刑法。在Markus Dubber的《双重刑罚国家》的基础上,我展示了这个公开不自由的双重刑罚帝国是如何(I)镇压政治抵抗(叛乱、叛乱和恐怖主义)和(ii)通过紧急法令和军事法庭将敌人刑罚制度化的。因此,在以色列和美国等否认其非自由特征的帝国组织中,紧急权力被视为预防性安全,并被视为刑罚体系的一部分,而敌人刑罚学则在众目睽睽之下运作。
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引用次数: 7
The rise and ongoing legacy of localism as collective identity in Hong Kong: Resinicisation anxieties and punishment of political dissent in the post-colonial era 香港地方主义作为集体认同的兴起和持续的遗产:后殖民时代的中国化、焦虑和对政治异见者的惩罚
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-07 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211040308
Michael Adorjan, Paul Vinod Khiatani, W. Chui
China’s new National Security Law, enacted in Hong Kong on 30 June 2020, has amplified widespread concerns among the city’s population regarding the implications of this law. These concerns have at root anxieties related to Hong Kong’s resinicisation, referring to anxieties over Hong Kong's political and economic dependence on mainland China, including loyalty and patriotism towards the motherland. This paper explores these developments in relation to the ongoing legacy of localism, argued to be instilled as a colonial project to help secure the populations’ identification with Hong Kong. Seen as ‘criminals’ from the perspective of mainland Chinese authorities, many of those involved in today's protests (many of whom include young people) see themselves as engaging in legitimate forms of civil disobedience. First explicating the context of Hong Kong's colonial history in order to help make sense of present-day turmoil, we turn to recent trends in arrests related to the protests, as well as evidence of rapidly declining trust in the Hong Kong Police Force, seen by some as increasingly beholden to the interests of mainland China. Implications for these trends going forward are considered, with a discussion of the need for greater attention to colonial histories and post-colonial ramifications.
中国新的《国家安全法》于2020年6月30日在香港颁布,加剧了该市民众对该法影响的广泛担忧。这些担忧的根源与香港重新定居有关,指的是对香港在政治和经济上依赖中国大陆的担忧,包括对祖国的忠诚和爱国主义。本文将这些发展与地方主义的持续遗产联系起来进行探讨,认为地方主义是作为一个殖民项目来灌输的,以帮助确保民众对香港的认同。从中国大陆当局的角度来看,许多参与今天抗议活动的人(其中许多人包括年轻人)被视为“罪犯”,他们认为自己参与了合法形式的公民抗命。首先,为了帮助理解当今的动荡,我们解释了香港殖民历史的背景,我们转向了与抗议活动有关的逮捕的最新趋势,以及对香港警察部队的信任迅速下降的证据,一些人认为他们越来越受制于中国大陆的利益。考虑了这些趋势对未来的影响,并讨论了需要更多地关注殖民历史和后殖民后果。
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引用次数: 7
Book Review: A Criminology of Moral Order by Hans Boutellier 汉斯·布特勒的《书评:道德秩序的犯罪学》
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211041233
T. Daems
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引用次数: 0
Lila Kazemian, Positive Growth and Redemption in Prison: Finding Light Behind Bars and Beyond Lila Kazemian,监狱中的积极成长和救赎:在监狱内外寻找光明
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211030856
S. Wright
women over Black women and men. There are other moments where Stuart could have discussed Black racial constructions, but this a minor quibble. In short, this book is on the cutting edge of ethnography. It focuses on the digitalization of everyday life, an important focus since young people rely more on social media to interact and make meaning. Stuart does a fantastic job of showing how young, impoverished Black men rely on violent social media images to seek fame and fortune, and how digitalization can enhance their status, but also endanger their lives. Thus, scholars of youth, gangs, crime, cultural production, and social media will benefit greatly from this book. Also, criminal justice practitioners and politicians can learn a lot and create policy that reflect the real experiences of impoverished young, Black men.
女性胜过黑人女性和男性。斯图尔特本可以在其他时刻讨论黑人种族结构,但这只是一个小问题。简而言之,这本书是民族志的前沿。它侧重于日常生活的数字化,这是一个重要的焦点,因为年轻人更多地依赖社交媒体进行互动和创造意义。斯图尔特出色地展示了贫穷的年轻黑人如何依靠暴力的社交媒体图像来寻求名利,以及数字化如何提高他们的地位,但也危及他们的生命。因此,研究青年、帮派、犯罪、文化生产和社交媒体的学者将从这本书中受益匪浅。此外,刑事司法从业人员和政治家可以学到很多东西,并制定反映贫困黑人年轻人真实经历的政策。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Punishment & Society-International Journal of Penology
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