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Social exchange or reinforcement of women’s educational advantage? The influence of educational assortative mating on occupational assortative mating for couples in Spain 社会交换还是强化女性的教育优势?西班牙夫妇教育同配对职业同配的影响
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-12-29 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231217985
Fermín López-Rodríguez, Rodolfo Gutiérrez
The reversal of the gender gap in education has transformed traditional patterns of assortative mating, increasing the number of hypogamous couples. This change has been particularly intense in the case of Spain, a country of great interest due to the ambivalence of strong support for egalitarian attitudes and high proportion of traditional couples. Using quarterly microdata from the Spanish Labour Force Survey, applying generalised ordered-logit models, this research reveals that educational hypogamy increases the probability of occupational hypogamy. This association is consistent with the use of different occupational classifications and levels of disaggregation. But there are some factors that limit the transmission of women’s educational advantages to their occupational levels, mainly gender differences in access to the labour market and an uneven distribution of professional achievements by sex. The findings obtained underline the relevance of using different measures as well as different theoretical approaches to explain seemingly contradictory couple equilibria.
教育领域性别差距的逆转改变了传统的同类交配模式,增加了低配对夫妇的数量。这种变化在西班牙尤为明显,因为该国既有对平等主义态度的强烈支持,又有较高比例的传统夫妇,这种矛盾的关系引起了人们的极大兴趣。本研究利用西班牙劳动力调查的季度微观数据,运用广义有序对数模型,揭示了教育低配会增加职业低配的概率。这种关联与使用不同的职业分类和分类水平是一致的。但也有一些因素限制了妇女的教育优势向其职业水平的传递,主要是进入劳动力市场的性别差异和职业成就的性别分布不均。研究结果表明,采用不同的衡量标准和不同的理论方法来解释看似矛盾的夫妻平衡关系是有意义的。
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引用次数: 0
Pro-social attitudes towards ethno-religious out-groups during the COVID-19 pandemic: A survey experiment in five countries 在 COVID-19 大流行期间对民族宗教外群体的亲社会态度:在五个国家进行的调查实验
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231214168
Sarah Carol, Lea David, Siniša Malešević, G. Uzelac
To what extent were individuals willing to help others during the pandemic? This article examines pro-social attitudes among 7000 residents in England, Ireland, Germany, Serbia, and Sweden by showing a fictitious scenario of an older neighbour who needs his groceries to be picked up from a nearby supermarket. The online survey experiment follows a 3 × 2 × 2 factorial design varying the ethno-religious origin of neighbours signalled by the name (Alexander vs Mohammed), the length of their residence (<1 year, 10 years, entire life), and if groceries, or groceries and beer need to be collected. We find that those of minority origin and those who have spent less than a year in a country are disadvantaged. Overall, religiosity is associated with a lower willingness to help a neighbour.
在大流行病期间,个人在多大程度上愿意帮助他人?本文通过虚构一位年长的邻居需要从附近的超市领取杂货的情景,考察了英格兰、爱尔兰、德国、塞尔维亚和瑞典 7000 名居民的亲社会态度。在线调查实验采用了 3 × 2 × 2 的因子设计,通过姓名(亚历山大与穆罕默德)、居住时间(小于 1 年、10 年、终生)以及是否需要领取食品杂货或食品杂货和啤酒来改变邻居的民族宗教出身。我们发现,少数民族血统的人和在一个国家居住不到一年的人处于不利地位。总体而言,宗教信仰与帮助邻居的意愿较低有关。
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引用次数: 0
Lacerated minds, stolen dreams: Experiences of Bangladeshi women migrants in Saudi Arabia 撕裂的心灵,被偷走的梦想:孟加拉国妇女移民在沙特阿拉伯的经历
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231207035
Tanzina Choudhury, Mohammad Morad, Francesco Dellapuppa
Migration movements from Bangladesh are primarily male-dominated and national policies, as well as the cultural construction in Bangladeshi society are not deemed women-friendly. However, between 1991 and 2021, a total of 921,732 Bangladeshi women have migrated to the so-called ‘Middle Eastern’ countries, especially in Saudi Arabia, to work as domestic workers (maids, babysitters, nurses, caregivers, etc.) and support their families left behind. These female migrant workers experience harsh working conditions and suffer violence and abuse, in Saudi Arabia, by employers and job agencies, including physical and psychological torture, beating, and sexual violence. Based on in-depth interviews with migrant female workers, who were employed in the domestic sector in Saudi Arabia, this article concludes on their labour and social experiences in the country of destination; highlighting the challenges they face there, the violation of human and social rights they suffer, as well as the coping strategies they adopt.
孟加拉国的移民运动主要是男性主导的,国家政策以及孟加拉国社会的文化建设都不被认为是对女性友好的。然而,在1991年至2021年期间,共有921,732名孟加拉国妇女移民到所谓的“中东”国家,特别是在沙特阿拉伯,担任家政工人(女佣、保姆、护士、照顾者等),并支持留守的家人。在沙特阿拉伯,这些女性移徙工人工作条件恶劣,遭受雇主和职业介绍所的暴力和虐待,包括身心折磨、殴打和性暴力。基于对在沙特阿拉伯家庭部门工作的移徙女工的深入访谈,本文总结了她们在目的地国的劳动和社会经历;强调他们在那里面临的挑战,他们遭受的侵犯人权和社会权利的行为,以及他们采取的应对策略。
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引用次数: 0
Food security in times of war: Double discourse and violent conflicts. The case of Russia, 2014–2022 战争时期的粮食安全:双重话语与暴力冲突。以俄罗斯为例,2014-2022年
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231203196
Caroline Dufy
The food security doctrine was adopted by the Russian Federation in 2010. Developed under the leadership of President Dmitry Medvedev, it established food security as a central component of national security. The concept emerged as an issue of global public debate in response to the 2006–2008 hunger crisis in the Global South. In Russia though, the initial interpretation of the concept, which emphasised the accessibility of food resources, was transformed into a slogan advocating domestic agri-food production. The article examines the Russian case from 2014 to 2022. It analyses how the narrative on food security constructs common goods such as ‘domestic territory’ or ‘food sovereignty’ and its subsequent implications for the prioritisation of certain values (e.g. production, sovereignty), social groups (e.g. producers over consumers), and roles in economic life (e.g. trade). Finally, this article will incorporate an updated analysis of official discourses on food security produced by the government following the invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
2010年,俄罗斯联邦通过了粮食安全原则。在俄罗斯总统德米特里•梅德韦杰夫(Dmitry Medvedev)的领导下,该法案确立了粮食安全作为国家安全核心组成部分的地位。2006-2008年全球南方饥饿危机爆发后,这一概念成为全球公开辩论的议题。然而,在俄罗斯,最初对这一概念的解释是强调粮食资源的可获得性,这一概念被转变为倡导国内农业食品生产的口号。本文考察了2014年至2022年的俄罗斯案例。它分析了关于粮食安全的叙述是如何构建诸如“国内领土”或“粮食主权”等共同利益的,以及它对某些价值(如生产、主权)、社会群体(如生产者高于消费者)和经济生活中的角色(如贸易)的优先次序的后续影响。最后,本文将纳入对2022年入侵乌克兰后政府关于粮食安全的官方言论的最新分析。
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引用次数: 0
Cost of living: Expert concepts and everyday efforts in unstable landscapes 生活成本:专家概念和不稳定景观中的日常努力
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231208693
Federico Neiburg, Isabelle Guérin, Susana Narotzky
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引用次数: 0
The power of price subsidies in Morocco 摩洛哥价格补贴的力量
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231205497
Boris Samuel, Beatrice Ferlaino
The Moroccan system of ‘compensation’ subsidises products that are deemed to be important for household purchasing power: butane gas, flour, bread, sugar, and fuel (until 2015). This article offers a historical sociology of this system, which was inaugurated during the colonial period in 1941 and which survived criticism from neoclassical economists working in international financial institutions. It demonstrates that the system’s resilience and the transformations it underwent can be analysed by treating it as a means of exercising power. Subsidies make it possible to involve private actors in governing social issues. It also helps to regulate economic and political rivalries and alliances through market interactions and competitive relationships, including around the King’s Palace. The administrative mechanisms used to calculate the subsidies and the retail prices also shape the relationships between operators in the various sectors, while allowing opaque and rentier management. In addition, despite being the subject of social demand, the compensation system has been criticised by technocrats and protest movements, particularly after the ‘Arab Spring’ revolutions in 2011. The article is based on an analysis of the practical procedures of compensation in the contemporary period, in particular concerning flour and bread, and to a lesser extent butane, as well as on an analysis of the debates and struggles that subsidies has given rise to within Moroccan society, its State administration, and its political parties.
摩洛哥的“补偿”制度补贴那些被认为对家庭购买力很重要的产品:丁烷气、面粉、面包、糖和燃料(直到2015年)。这篇文章提供了这一制度的历史社会学,它在1941年的殖民时期开始,并经受住了在国际金融机构工作的新古典经济学家的批评。它表明,系统的弹性和它所经历的转变可以通过将其视为行使权力的手段来分析。补贴使私营部门参与管理社会问题成为可能。它还有助于通过市场互动和竞争关系,包括在王宫周围,规范经济和政治上的竞争和联盟。用于计算补贴和零售价格的行政机制也塑造了各部门运营商之间的关系,同时允许不透明和食利者管理。此外,尽管是社会需求的主题,但赔偿制度一直受到技术官僚和抗议运动的批评,特别是在2011年“阿拉伯之春”革命之后。这篇文章是基于对当代实际补偿程序的分析,特别是对面粉和面包的补偿,以及在较小程度上对丁烷的补偿,以及对补贴在摩洛哥社会、国家行政部门和政党内部引起的辩论和斗争的分析。
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引用次数: 0
Dear food: Yuca’s relational role in sustaining precarious populations in Ecuador 亲爱的食物:尤卡在维持厄瓜多尔不稳定人口中的关系作用
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231202768
Cristina Cielo, Cristina Vera
In this article, we argue that communities’ relationship to food helps to shape their experiences of crises. The French term la vie chère – dear life – simultaneously invokes affective relations, collective valuations, and high prices, pointing to the importance of all these dimensions in understanding experiences and responses to rising costs of living. In this sense, the ways through which people apprehend and experience the cultivation and consumption of food influence their possibilities for material sustenance. The study compares the role of yuca, a regional word for cassava, in a coastal and in an Amazonian province of Ecuador, in order to shed light on trajectories of social reproduction in contexts of scarcity. Key to the divergent experiences of cassava in these two sites are histories of colonization and exploitation of land and people that shape social and human–nature relations, as well as expert studies that define and reinforce the tuber’s relational role in diverse ecologies.
在本文中,我们认为社区与食物的关系有助于塑造他们的危机经历。法语中的“亲爱的生活”一词同时唤起了情感关系、集体价值和高价格,指出了所有这些维度在理解经历和对生活成本上升的反应方面的重要性。从这个意义上说,人们理解和体验食物种植和消费的方式影响了他们获得物质维持的可能性。该研究比较了尤卡(yuca)在厄瓜多尔沿海省份和亚马逊流域省份的作用,目的是阐明在资源匮乏的情况下社会生产的轨迹。尤卡是一种木薯的地方词汇。木薯在这两个地点的不同经历的关键是形成社会和人与自然关系的土地和人的殖民和剥削历史,以及确定和加强块茎在不同生态中的关系作用的专家研究。
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引用次数: 0
Tracking the cost of living, for whom and at what price? A political economy of price indicators in Madagascar 追踪生活成本,为谁,以什么价格?马达加斯加物价指标的政治经济学
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231202412
Florent Bédécarrats, Flore Dazet, Isabelle Guérin, Mireille Razafindrakoto, François Roubaud
This article studies the production and meaning of price indicators in Madagascar, a post-colonial context characterized by a weak state, the prominence of international aid, and repeated food crises. We observe a profusion of indicators, data, and analyses related to prices. Such profusion illustrates not only different meanings of the cost of living but also fragmented economies and a fragmented mode of government in which nongovernmental organizations and international organizations play a leading role. Whatever their efforts, these initiatives struggle to capture the specific features of the cost of living in a context where the subsistence economy remains hardly convertible into numbers. Our analysis confirms the close links between statistical production and modes of government. The Malagasy Consumer Price Index coexists with many disparate initiatives aimed to cope with inequalities and emergencies, reflecting a country in the throes of repeated political, economic, and social crises.
本文研究了马达加斯加价格指标的产生和意义,这是一个后殖民时期的背景,其特点是国家弱小,国际援助突出,粮食危机不断。我们观察了大量与价格相关的指标、数据和分析。这种现象不仅说明了生活成本的不同含义,也说明了经济的碎片化和政府模式的碎片化,非政府组织和国际组织在其中发挥主导作用。无论如何努力,这些倡议都难以捕捉到生活费用的具体特征,因为维持生计的经济仍然很难用数字来表示。我们的分析证实了统计结果与政府模式之间的密切联系。马达加斯加的消费者价格指数与许多旨在应对不平等和紧急情况的不同举措并存,反映了一个不断遭受政治、经济和社会危机的国家。
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引用次数: 0
Coping with inflation: Social perceptions and ordinary measures of price increases in contemporary Argentina 应对通货膨胀:当代阿根廷物价上涨的社会观念和普通衡量标准
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231200892
María Clara Hernández, Mariana Luzzi
Since the COVID-19 pandemic, in a significant part of the world, the cost of living has once again become a central issue in the agenda of both governments and populations. However, in some countries, inflation has been a distinctive feature of the economy for more than a decade, which the pandemic has only exacerbated. Argentina is one of these countries. Based on a 4-year qualitative investigation carried out among low- and middle-income households in a mid-sized city in Buenos Aires province and complemented by observations made among senior households in the same province during the pandemic, this article seeks two purposes: on one hand, to analyze how price rise appears in people’s concerns when we focus on domestic economies and, on the other, to account for the ways of measuring inflation and evaluating its impacts on such economies. The document intends to contribute to the construction of a perspective on inflation that is attentive to how people act and think about the economy in their everyday lives.
自2019冠状病毒病大流行以来,在世界很大一部分地区,生活成本再次成为政府和民众议程中的核心问题。然而,在一些国家,十多年来通货膨胀一直是经济的一个显著特征,大流行病只是加剧了这种特征。阿根廷就是其中之一。基于对布宜诺斯艾利斯省一个中等城市的低收入和中等收入家庭进行的为期4年的定性调查,并结合疫情期间对该省老年家庭的观察,本文寻求两个目的:一方面,分析当我们关注国内经济时,价格上涨是如何在人们的担忧中出现的;另一方面,解释衡量通货膨胀和评估其对此类经济影响的方法。该文件旨在帮助建立一种关注人们在日常生活中如何行动和思考经济的通胀视角。
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引用次数: 0
Toward a dialogical sociology: Presidential address – XX ISA World Congress of Sociology 2023 迈向对话社会学:2023年世界社会学大会主席讲话
3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1177/02685809231199678
Sari Hanafi
In the first quarter of the twenty-first century, the entangled pathologies of late modernity are increasingly revealing themselves in a simultaneous: (1) emergence of authoritarianism in the South and Right populism in the North that is gaining momentum year after year; (2) rising trends of inequality, precarity, and exclusion; and (3) hierarchical social polarizations are emerging in more and more societies. How do, and how should, the social sciences, and particularly sociology, react to these pathologies of late modernity? I would argue that the bulk of the responses of the social sciences and/or sociology to these pathologies are defined as being classically liberal but politically illiberal – I call this peculiar combination ‘Symbolic Liberalism’. To address the inherent problems with Symbolic Liberalism and as an alternative to it, I propose Dialogical Sociology as a form of balance between collective and individual political liberal project.
在21世纪的前25年,晚期现代性的纠缠病态越来越多地同时显露出来:(1)南方威权主义的出现和北方右翼民粹主义的日益高涨;(2)不平等、不稳定和排斥趋势加剧;(3)社会等级分化在越来越多的社会中出现。社会科学,尤其是社会学,应该如何应对这些晚期现代性的病态?我认为,社会科学和/或社会学对这些病态的大部分反应被定义为经典的自由主义,但政治上的非自由主义——我把这种特殊的组合称为“象征自由主义”。为了解决象征自由主义的内在问题,并作为它的替代品,我提出对话社会学作为一种平衡集体和个人政治自由主义项目的形式。
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引用次数: 0
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International Sociology
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